The  True  Abraham  Lincoln 


SECOND    EDITION 


Copyright,  1891,  by  M.  P.  Rice 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN 
From  an  original,  unretouched  negative  made  in  1864 


•  The  True 
Abraham  Lincoln, 


By 

William  Eleroy  Curtis 

Author  of  -The  True  Thomas  Jefferson,"   -The  Turk  and 

his  Lost  Provinces,"   "The  United  States  and 

Foreign  Powers,"  etc. 


With    Twenty-four  Illustrations 


Philadelphia  &  London 

J.  B.  Lippincott  Company 
1903 


COPYRIGHT,  190* 
BY  J.   B.  LIPPINCOTT  COMPANY 

Published  April,  1903 


-2,4-2 


E/ectrotyped  and  Printed  by 
J.  B.  Lippincott  Company,  Philadelphia,  U.  5.  A. 


He  knew  to  bide  his  time, 

And  can  his  fame  abide, 
Still  patient  in  his  simple  faith  sublime, 

Till  the  wise  years  decide. 
Great  captains,  with  their  guns  and  drums, 

Disturb  our  judgment  for  the  hour, 
But  at  last  silence  comes  ; 

These  all  are  gone,  and,  standing  like  a  tower 
Our  children  shall  behold  his  fame, 
^  The  kindly,  earnest,  brave,  foreseeing  man, 
Sagacious,  patient,  dreading  praise,  not  blame, 
New  birth  of  our  new  soil,  the  first  American. 

— Lowell,  Commemoration  Ode 


Contents 

CHAPTER 

I.— THE  MAN  AND  HIS  KINDRED 

II.— THE  LEADER  OF  THE  SPRINGFIELD  BAR 56 

HI—A  GREAT  ORATOR  AND  HIS  SPEECHES ^ 

IV.— A  PRAIRIE  POLITICIAN 

129 

V.— A  PRESIDENT  AND  HIS  CABINET 

VI.-A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 22Q 

VIL-How  LINCOLN  APPEARED  IN  THE  WHITE  HOUSE 2?7 

.-THE  EMANCIPATION  OF  THE  SLAVES 3I4 

IX-— A  MASTER  IN  DIPLOMACY 

X.-LINCOLN'S  PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND  RELIGION  .     .  370 


vii 


List  of  Illustrations 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  .  PAG* 

....................  Frontispiece 

From  an  original,  unretouched  negative  made  in  1864   when 


THE  BIRTHPLACE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  . 

This  cabin  was  long  ago  torn  down,  but  the  logs  were  saved 
and  in  August,  x895,  it  was  rebuilt  on  the  original  site. 


'  KENTOCKY-  "'«»*   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 


From  a  photograph  taken  in  September,  1895. 

ROCK  SPRING  ON  THE  FARM  WHERE  LINCOLN  WAS  BORN  .  26 

From  a  photograph  taken  in  September,  1895.  The  spring 
is  in  a  hollow  at  the  foot  of  the  gentle  slope  on  which  the 
house  stands. 

FAC-SIMILE  OF  AN   INVITATION  TO  A   SPRINGFIELD  COTILLION 

PARTY ; 3s 

By  special  permission,  from  the  collection  of  C.  F.  Gunther, 
Esq.,  Chicago. 

MARY  TODD  LINCOLN,  WIFE  OF  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 44 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady  in  the  War  Department  Col 
lection. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  EARLY  IN  1861,  WHEN  HE  FIRST  BEGAN  TO 
WEAR  A  BEARD 60 

From  a  photograph  in  the  collection  of  H.  W.  Fay,  Esq., 
De  Kalb,  Illinois.  By  special  permission. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  IN  THE  SUMMER  OF  1860 75 

From  a  negative  taken  for  M.  C.  Tuttle,  of  St.  Paul,  Minne 
sota,  for  local  use  in  the  presidential  campaign. 


IX 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

PAGE 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  IN  1858 100 

From  a  photograph  owned  by  Hon.  William  J.  Franklin, 
Macomb,  Illinois,  taken  in  1866  from  an  ambrotype  made  in 
1858  at  Macomb.  By  special  permission. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  IN  1861 125 

Copied  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  Frank  A. 
Brown,  Esq.,  Minneapolis,  Minnesota. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN'S  HOUSE  AT  SPRINGFIELD,  ILLINOIS 156 

The  tree  in  front  of  the  house  was  planted  by  Lincoln. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  IN  1861 169 

From  a  photograph  by  Klauber,  of  Louisville,  Kentucky, 
taken  especially  for  Mrs.  Lucy  G.  Speed,  in  acknowledg 
ment  of  an  Oxford  Bible  received  from  her  twenty  years 
before.  Reproduced  by  special  permission  of  James  B. 
Speed,  Esq.,  of  Louisville,  Kentucky. 

MONTGOMERY  BLAIR,  POSTMASTER-GENERAL    187 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady. 

GIDEON  WELLES,  SECRETARY  OF  THE  NAVY 196 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady. 

WILLIAM  H.  SEWARD,  SECRETARY  OF  STATE 201 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady. 

GENERAL  GEORGE  B.  MCCLELLAN  AT  THE  HEAD-QUARTERS  OF 
GENERAL  MORELL'S  BRIGADE,  MINOR'S  HILL,  VIRGINIA  . . .   206 

From  a  contemporary  photograph  by  M.  B.  Brady. 

EDWIN  M.  STANTON,  SECRETARY  OF  WAR 224 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady. 

GENERAL  ULYSSES  S.  GRANT 254 

From  an  original,  unretouched  negative  made  in  1864,  when 
he  was  commissioned  Lieutenant-General  and  commander 
of  all  the  armies  of  the  republic. 

GRAND  REVIEW  OF  THE  ARMY  OF  THE  POTOMAC  BY  PRESIDENT 
LINCOLN  AT  FALMOUTH,  VIRGINIA,  IN  APRIL,  1865 271 

From  a  drawing  by  W.  R.  Leigh. 
X 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 

PRESIDENT  LINCOLN  AND  ius  SON  -TAD" 


JOHN  WILKES  BOOTH  ...... 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady. 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  IN  1864  ... 

From  a  photograph  in  the  War  Department  Co'neaion 


of 


SALMON  P.  CHASE,  SECRETARY  „,  THE  TKEA.U.V  . 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady. 


A  Lincoln  Calendar 

Born  February  12,  1809 

Removed  to  Indiana 

Nancy  Hanks  Lincoln  died 

Thomas  Lincoln  married  Sally  Bush  John 
ston  jSig 

First  trip  to  New  Orleans 1828 

Removed  to  Illinois March,  1830 

Went  to  New  Salem March,  1831 

Second  trip  to  New  Orleans April,  1831 

Enters  Offutt's  store August,  1831 

Candidate  for  Legislature March,  1832 

Black  Hawk  War April,  1832 

Defeated  for  Legislature August,    1832 

Buys  store  with  Berry 1832 

Appointed  Postmaster May,  1833 

Appointed  Surveyor November,  1833 

Elected  to  Legislature August,  1834 

Removed  to  Springfield April,  1837 

Re-elected  to  Legislature 1836-1838-1840 

First  meets  Douglas  in  debate December,  1839 

Duel  with  Shields 1842 

Married    November  4,  1842 

Partnership  with  Logan l84^ 

Defeat  for  Congressional  nomination 1844 


A   LINCOLN  CALENDAR 

Elected  to  Congress 1846 

Candidate  for  United  States  Senator 1855 

Assists  organization  of  Republican  party  February  22,  1856 

Delegate  to  Philadelphia  Convention June  17,   1856 

Challenges  Douglas  to  joint  debate July  17,  1858 

Second  defeat  for  Senator January,  1859 

Cooper  Institute  speech February  27,  1860 

Nominated  for  President May  16,  1860 

Elected  President November  6,  1860 

Leaves  Springfield  for  Washington February  n,  1861 

Arrival  at  Washington February  23,  1861 

Inaugurated  President March  4,  1861 

Renominated  for  President June  8,  1864 

Re-elected  President November  8,  1864 

Second  inauguration March  4,  1865 

Assassinated April  14,  1865 


xiv 


The  True 
Abraham   Lincoln 

i 

THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

THIS  is  not  a  conventional  biography.  It  is  a  collec 
tion  of  sketches  in  which  an  attempt  is  made  to  portray 
the  character  of  Abraham  Lincoln  as  the  highest  type 
of  the  American  from  several  interesting  points  of  view. 
He  has  doubtless  been  the  subject  of  more  literary  com 
position  than  any  other  man  of  modern  times,  although 
there  was  nothing  eccentric  or  abnormal  about  him ; 
there  were  no  mysteries  in  his  career  to  excite  curi 
osity;  no  controversies  concerning  his  conduct,  morals, 
or  motives ;  no  doubt  as  to  his  purposes ;  and  no  dif 
ference  of  opinion  as  to  his  unselfish  patriotism  or  the 
success  of  his  administration  of  the  government  in  the 
most  trying  period  of  its  existence.  Perhaps  there  is 
no  other  man  of  prominence  in  American  history,  or 
in  the  history  of  the  human  family,  whose  reputation 
is  more  firmly  and  clearly  established.  There  is  certainly 
none  more  beloved  and  revered,  whose  character  is  so 
well  understood  and  so  universally  admired,  and  whose 
political,  moral,  and  intellectual  integrity  is  so  fully 
admitted  by  his  opponents  as  well  as  his  supporters. 

Of  such  a  man,  wrote  a  well-known  writer,  the  last 
word  can  never  be  said.  Each  succeeding  generation 
may  profit  by  the  contemplation  of  his  strength  and 
triumphs.  His  rise  from  obscurity  to  fame  and  power 

13 


k1  X:THEi  fTRUfe -ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

was  almost  as  sudden  and  startling  as  that  of  Napo 
leon,  for  it  may  truthfully  be  said  that  when  Mr.  Lin 
coln  was  nominated  for  the  Presidency  he  was  an  un 
known  man.  He  had  occupied  no  important  position ; 
he  had  rendered  no  great  public  service ;  his  reputation 
was  that  of  a  debater  and  politician,  and  did  not  be 
come  national  until  he  delivered  a  remarkable  speech  at 
Cooper  Union,  New  York.  His  election  was  not  due 
to  personal  popularity,  nor  to  the  strength  of  the  party 
he  represented,  nor  to  the  justice  of  his  cause;  but 
to  factional  strife  and  jealousies  among  his  opponents. 
When  the  American  people  were  approaching  the  great 
est  crisis  in  their  history,  it  was  the  hand  of  Providence 
that  turned  the  eyes  of  the  loyal  people  of  the  North 
to  this  plain  man  of  the  prairies,  and  his  rugged  figure 
rose  before  them  as  if  he  were  created  for  their  leader. 
Napoleon  became  dizzy;  yielded  to  the  temptations 
of  power,  betrayed  his  people,  grasped  at  empire,  and 
fell;  but  the  higher  Lincoln  rose  the  more  modest  be 
came  his  manners,  the  more  serene  his  temper,  the  more 
conspicuous  his  unselfishness,  the  purer  and  more  pa 
triotic  his  motives.  With  masterful  tact  and  force  he 
assumed  responsibilities  that  made  men  shudder.  The 
captain  of  a  company  of  uncouth  volunteers  began  to 
organize  vast  armies,  undertook  the  direction  of  mili 
tary  campaigns  and  of  a  momentous  civil  war,  and  con 
ducted  the  diplomatic  relations  of  a  nation  with  skill 
and  statesmanship  that  astonished  his  ministers  and 
his  generals.  He,  an  humble  country  lawyer  and  local 
politician,  suddenly  took  his  place  with  the  world's 
greatest  statesmen,  planned  and  managed  the  legislation 
of  Congress,  proposed  financial  measures  that  involved 
the  wealth  of  the  nation,  and  alone,  in  the  midst  of  the 
confusion  of  war  and  the  clamor  of  greedy  politicians 
and  the  dissensions  of  his  advisers,  solved  problems 
that  staggered  the  wisest  minds  of  the  nation.  The 
popular  story-teller  of  the  cross-roads,  the  crack  debater 

14 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

of  the  New  Salem  Literary  Club,  became  an  orator  of 
immortal  fame.  The  rail-splitter  of  the  Sangamon  be 
came  the  most  honored  and  respected  man  of  his  genera- 
Such  men  are  not  accidents.  The  strength  of  a  struc 
ture  depends  upon  the  material  used  and  the  treatment 
it  has  received.  Poor  material  may  be  improved  and 
good  material  is  often  spoiled  in  the  making;  but  only 
when  the  pure  metal  has  passed  through  the  fire  and 
the  forge  is  it  fit  to  sustain  a  severe  strain.  Thus  Abra 
ham  Lincoln,  unconscious  of  his  destiny,  by  the  struggles 
and  privations  of  his  early  life  was  qualified  for  the  task 
to  which  Infinite  Wisdom  had  assigned  him. 

Abraham  Lincoln's  father  was  descended  from  Sam 
uel  Lincoln,  who  emigrated  from  the  west  of  England 
a  few  years  after  the  landing  of  the  Pilgrims  and  settled 
at  the  village  of  Hingham,  on  the  south  shore  of  Massa 
chusetts  Bay,  between  Boston  and  Plymouth.  Eight 
men  bearing  that  name  came  over  on  the  same  ship  and 
are  supposed  to  have  been  related.  An  army  of  their 
descendants  is  scattered  over  the  Union.  One  of  them, 
Samuel  Lincoln,  left  a  large  family  which  has  produced 
several  prominent  figures  besides  a  President  of  the 
United  States.  One  of  his  grandsons  in  the  third  gen 
eration,  Levi  Lincoln,  was  recognized  for  a  generation 
as  the  leader  of  the  New  England  bar.  He  was  Secre 
tary  of  State  and  Attorney-General  in  the  Cabinet  of 
President  Jefferson,  a  member  of  the  Legislature  of 
Massachusetts,  and  one  of  the  ablest  and  most  influ 
ential  men  of  his  day. 

The  fourth  son  of  Samuel  Lincoln,  Mordecai,  I,  ac 
quired  wealth  as  a  manufacturer.  His  eldest  son,  who 
inherited  his  name,  moved  to  Berks  County,  Pennsyl 
vania,  and  had  a  son  named  John,  who  took  up  a  tract 
of  land  in  Virginia  about  the  year  1760,  where,  like  the 
rest  of  his  name,  he  raised  a  large  family.  John  Lin 
coln,  II,  his  second  son,  became  prominent  in  public 

15 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

affairs,  and  was  a  member  of  the  Convention  that  framed 
the  first  Constitution  of  the  State  of  Pennsylvania. 

On  July  10,  1760,  Abraham,  I,  the  third  of  the  five 
sons  of  John  Lincoln,  II,  married  Anna  Boone,  a  cousin 
of  Daniel  Boone,  the  most  famous  of  American  pioneers, 
and  his  father  gave  him  a  farm  in  the  Shenandoah  Val 
ley.  By  frequent  intermarriages  between  the  Boones 
and  the  Lincolns  they  were  closely  allied.  By  the  will 
of  Mordecai  Lincoln,  II,  his  "  loving  friend  and  neigh 
bor  George  Boone"  was  made  executor  of  his  estate  and 
Squire  Boone,  father  of  the  celebrated  Daniel,  was  ap 
pointed  to  make  an  inventory  of  the  property.  Hana- 
niah  Lincoln  was  a  partner  of  Daniel  Boone  in  the  pur 
chase  of  a  tract  of  land  on  the  Missouri  River  in  1798, 
and  it  was  there  that  the  great  woodsman  died. 

The  name  Abraham  was  a  favorite  among  the  Lin 
coln  family.  It  occurs  frequently  in  their  genealogy. 
A  young  man  named  Abraham  Lincoln  distinguished 
himself  for  courage  and  brutality  on  the  Confederate 
side  during  the  Civil  War.  He  killed  a  Dunkard 
preacher  whom  he  suspected  of  furnishing  information 
to  the  Union  army.  The  Union  President  received 
several  letters  of  offensive  tone  from  his  kinsman  in 
the  South  during  the  earlier  part  of  his  administration. 

The  farm  of  Abraham  Lincoln,  I,  in  the  Shenandoah 
Valley,  was  on  the  great  national  highway  along  which 
the  course  of  empire  took  its  westward  way,  and,  in 
fected  by  continual  contact  with  the  emigrants  and  en 
couraged  by  the  greatest  of  American  pioneers,  he  sold 
the  property  his  father  had  given  him,  packed  his  wife 
and  five  children  into  a  Conestoga  wagon,  and  followed 
the  great  migration  until  it  led  him  to  what  is  now 
Hughes  Station,  Jefferson  County,  Kentucky,  where  he 
entered  a  large  tract  of  land  and  paid  for  it  one  hundred 
and  sixty  pounds  "in  current  money."  The  original 
warrant,  dated  March  4,  1780,  is  still  in  existence.  By 
the  blunder  of  a  clerk  in  the  Land  Office  the  name  was 

16 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

misspelled  Linkhorn,  and  Abraham,  I,  was  too  careless 
or  busy  to  correct  it,  for  it  appears  that  way  in  all  the 
subsequent  records.  Hananiah  Lincoln,  the  partner  of 
Daniel  Boone,  furnished  the  surveyor's  certificate. 

Four  years  later,  in  the  spring  of  1784,  occurred  the 
first  tragedy  in  the  annals  of  the  Lincoln  family.  Abra 
ham,  I,  with  his  three  sons,  were  at  work  clearing 
ground  upon  his  farm  when  they  were  attacked  by  a 
wandering  squad  of  Indians.  The  first  shot  from  the 
brush  killed  the  father.  Mordecai,  III,  the  eldest  son, 
started  to  the  house  for  his  rifle;  Josiah  ran  to  the 
neighbors  for  assistance,  leaving  Thomas,  a  child  of  six, 
alone  with  his  father.  After  Mordecai  had  recovered 
his  rifle  he  saw  an  Indian  in  war-paint  appear  upon  the 
scene,  examine  the  dead  body  of  his  father,  and  stoop 
to  raise  the  lad  from  the  ground.  Taking  deliberate 
aim  at  a  white  ornament  that  hung  from  the  neck  of  the 
savage,  he  brought  him  down  and  his  little  brother 
escaped  to  the  cabin.  The  Indians  began  to  appear  in 
the  thicket,  but  Mordecai,  shooting  through  the  loop 
holes  of  the  cabin,  held  them  off  until  Josiah  returned 
with  reinforcements. 

From  circumstantial  evidence  we  must  infer  that  Anna 
Lincoln  was  a  poor  manager,  or  perhaps  she  suffered 
from  some  misfortune.  All  we  know  is  that  she  aban 
doned  the  farm  in  Jefferson  County  and  moved  south 
into  the  neighboring  county  of  Washington,  where  she 
disappears  from  human  knowledge.  Her  eldest  son, 
Mordecai,  III,  appears  to  have  inherited  his  father's 
money,  as  the  rules  of  primogeniture  prevailed  in  those 
days.  He  was  sheriff  of  Washington  County,  a  member 
of  the  Kentucky  Legislature,  and  tradition  gives  him 
the  reputation  of  an  honorable  and  influential  citizen. 
Late  in  life  he  removed  to  Hancock  County,  Illinois, 
where  he  died  and  is  buried.  Josiah,  the  second  son, 
crossed  the  Ohio  River  and  took  up  a  homestead  in 
what  is  now  called  Harrison  County,  Indiana.  Mary, 


17 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  eldest  daughter,  married  Ralph  Crume,  and  Nancy, 
the  fourth  child,  married  William  Brumfield.  Their  de 
scendants  are  still  found  in  Hardin,  Washington,  and 
other  counties  in  that  neighborhood. 

Explanations  are  wanting  for  the  circumstance  that 
Thomas,  the  youngest  son  and  brother  of  this  pros 
perous  family,  whose  father  was  slain  before  his  eyes 
when  he  was  only  six  years  old,  was  turned  adrift,  with 
out  home  or  care,  for  at  ten  years  of  age  we  find  him 
"  a  wandering,  laboring  boy"  who  was  left  uneducated 
and  supported  himself  by  farm  work  and  other  menial 
employment,  and  learned  the  trades  of  carpenter  and 
cabinet-maker.  But  he  must  have  had  good  stuff  in 
him,  for  when  he  was  twenty-five  years  old  he  had  saved 
enough  from  his  wages  to  buy  a  farm  in  Hardin  County. 
Local  tradition,  which,  however,  cannot  always  be 
trusted,  represents  him  to  have  been  "  an  easy  going 
man,  and  slow  to  anger,  but  when  'roused  a  formidable 
adversary."  He  was  above  the  medium  height,  had  a 
powerful  frame,  and,  like  his  immortal  son,  had  a  wide 
local  reputation  as  a  wrestler. 

While  learning  his  trade  in  the  carpenter  shop  of 
Joseph  Hanks,  Thomas  Lincoln  married  Nancy  Hanks, 
his  own  cousin,  and  the  niece  of  his  employer.  He  prob 
ably  met  her  at  the  house  of  Richard  Berry,  with  whom 
she  lived,  and  must  have  seen  a  good  deal  of  her  at 
the  home  of  her  uncle.  At  all  events,  the  cousins  became 
engaged;  their  nuptial  bond  was  signed  according  to 
the  law  on  June  10,  1806,  and  two  days  later  they  were 
married  by  the  Rev.  Jesse  Head,  at  the  home  of  Richard 
Berry,  near  Beechland,  Washington  County,  Kentucky. 
Nancy  Hanks  was  descended  from  William  Hanks, 
who  came  to  this  country  in  1699  and  settled  at  Ply 
mouth,  Massachusetts.  Four  of  his  five  sons  moved  to 
Amelia  County,  Virginia,  where  they  had  a  large  tract 
of  land.  One  of  their  descendants,  Joseph  Hanks,  mar 
ried  Nancy  Shipley,  and  in  1789  moved  to  Kentucky 

18 


THE   MAN   AND  HIS   KINDRED 

with  a  large  party  of  his  relatives.  In  1793  he  died, 
leaving  eight  children,  who  were  scattered  among  their 
relatives,  and  Nancy,  the  youngest,  when  nine  years  old, 
found  a  home  with  her  aunt,  Lucy  Shipley,  the  wife  of 
Richard  Berry.  She  is  represented  to  have  been  a 
sweet-tempered  and  handsome  woman,  of  intellect,  ap 
pearance,  and  character  superior  to  her  position;  and 
could  even  read  and  write,  which  was  a  remarkable 
accomplishment  among  the  women  of  that  day.  She 
taught  her  husband  to  write  his  name.  But  she  had  no 
means  whatever,  being  entirely  dependent  upon  her 
uncle,  and  it  is  probable  that  she  was  willing  to  marry 
even  so  humble  a  husband  as  Thomas  Lincoln,  for  the 
sake  of  securing  independence  and  a  home. 

Thomas  Lincoln  took  his  wife  to  a  little  log  cabin 
in  a  hamlet  called  Elizabethtown,  probably  because  he 
thought  that  it  would  be  more  congenial  for  her  than 
his  lonely  farm  in  Hardin  County,  which  was  fourteen 
miles  away;  and  perhaps  he  thought  that  he  could  earn 
a  better  living  by  carpenter  work  than  by  farming  J 
their  first  child,  Sarah,  was  born  about  a  year  aft 

^Thomas  Lincoln  either  failed  to  earn  sufficient  money 
to  meet  his  household  expenses  or  grew  tired  of  his 
carpenter  work,  for,  two  years  later,  he  left  Ehzabetl 
town  and  moved  his  family  to  his    arm  near  Hodg 
ville,  on  the  Big  South  Fork  of  Nolen  Creek     It  *as  a 
miserable   place,   of   thin,   unproductive   soil   and 
partly  cleared.    Its  only  attraction  was  a  fine  sp  n 
water,  shaded  by  a  little  grove,  which  caused  it  to 
called  «  Rock  Spring  Farm."     The  cabin  was 
rudest  sort,  with  a  single  room,  a  single  window,  a  1 
fireplace,  and  a  huge  outside  chimney. 


19 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

nished  a  brief  autobiography  to  Mr.  Hicks,  an  artist  who 
was  painting  his  portrait,  in  which  he  said  — 

"I  was  born  February  12,  1809,  in  then  Hardin 
County,  Kentucky,  at  a  point  within  the  now  County 
of  Larue,  a  mile  or  a  mile  and  a  half  from  where  Hod- 
gen's  mill  now  is.  My  parents  being  dead,  and  my  own 
memory  not  serving,  I  know  no  means  of  identifying  the 
precise  locality.  It  was  on  Nolen  Creek. 

"A.  LINCOLN. 

"June  14,  1860." 

The  precise  spot  has  since  been  clearly  identified,  and 
the  cabin  was  still  standing  after  his  death. 

In  1813  the  family  removed  to  a  more  comfortable 
home  on  Knob  Creek,  six  miles  from  Hodgensville, 
where  Thomas  Lincoln  bought  a  better  farm  of  two 
hundred  and  thirty-eight  acres  for  one  hundred  and 
eighteen  pounds  and  gave  his  note  in  payment.  This 
was  Abraham  Lincoln's  second  home,  and  there  he  lived 
for  four  years. 

We  know  little  about  his  childhood,  except  that  it 
was  of  continual  privation  in  a  cheerless  home,  for 
Thomas  Lincoln  evidently  found  it  difficult  to  supply 
his  family  with  food  and  clothing.  Mr.  Lincoln  seldom 
talked  freely  of  those  days,  even  to  his  most  intimate 
friends,  although  from  remarks  which  he  dropped  from 
time  to  time  they  judged  that  the  impressions  of  his  first 
years  were  indelible  upon  his  temperament  and  con 
tributed  to  his  melancholy.  On  one  occasion,  being 
asked  if  he  remembered  anything  about  the  War  of 
1812,  he  said  that  when  a  child,  returning  from  fishing 
one  day,  he  met  a  soldier  in  the  road  and,  having  been 
admonished  by  his  mother  that  everybody  should  be 
good  to  the  soldiers,  he  gave  him  his  fish. 

Thomas  and  Nancy  Lincoln  had  three  children.  Sarah, 
the  eldest,  at  the  age  of  fourteen  married  Aaron 

20 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

Griggsby  and  died  in  childbirth  a  year  later.  Thomas, 
the  third  child,  died  when  only  three  days  old. 

When  Abraham  was  about  seven  years  old  his  father 
became  restless  and  went  across  the  river  into  Indiana 
to  look  for  a  new  home.  It  has  been  represented  by 
some  of  Lincoln's  biographers  that  the  motive  of  his 
removal  was  his  dislike  of  slavery;  that  he  wished  to 
remove  his  son  from  its  influence ;  but  Lincoln  attributed 
the  determination  to  other  reasons,  particularly  his 
father's  difficulty  in  securing  a  valid  title  to  his  land.  It 
is  quite  as  probable  that,  like  other  men  of  his  tempera 
ment,  he  thought  he  could  do  better  in  a  new  place; 
like  other  rolling  stones,  that  he  could  gather  more  moss 
in  a  new  soil.  He  found  a  purchaser  for  his  farm  who 
gave  him  in  payment  twenty  dollars  in  money  and  ten 
barrels  of  whiskey,  which  Thomas  Lincoln  loaded  upon 
a  flat-boat,  with  his  household  furniture,  floating  it  down 
Knob  Creek  to  Rolling  Fork,  to  Salt  River,  to  the  Ohio 
River,  and  down  the  Ohio  to  Thompson's  Ferry  in 
Perry  County,  Indiana.  The  boat  upset  on  the  way 
and  part  of  the  whiskey  and  some  of  his  carpenter  tools 
were  lost.  He  plunged  into  the  forest,  found  a  location 
that  suited  him  about  sixteen  miles  from  the  river,  called 
Pigeon  Creek,  where  he  left  his  property  with  a  settler, 
and,  as  his  boat  could  not  float  upstream,  he  sold  it  and 
walked  back  to  Hodgensville  to  get  his  wife  and  two 
children.  He  secured  a  wagon  and  two  horses,  in  which 
he  carried  his  family  and  whatever  of  his  household 
effects  were  then  remaining. 

Arriving  at  his  location,  which  was  a  piece  of  timber 
land  a  mile  and  a  half  east  of  what  is  now  Gentryville, 
Spencer  County,  he  built  a  log  cabin  fourteen  feet  square, 
open  to  the  weather  on  one  side,  and  without  windows 
or  chimney.  This  was  Abraham  Lincoln's  third  home, 
and  the  family  lived  in  that  rude,  primitive  way  for 
more  than  a  year,  managing  to  raise  a  patch  of  corn  and 
a  few  vegetables  during  the  following  summer,  which, 

21 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

with  corn  meal  ground  at  a  hand  grist-mill  seven  miles 
away,  were  their  chief  food.  Game,  however,  was  abun 
dant.  The  streams  were  full  of  fish  and  wild  fruits  could 
be  gathered  in  the  forest.  The  future  President  of  the 
United  States  slept  upon  a  heap  of  dry  leaves  in  a  nar 
row  loft  at  one  end  of  the  cabin,  to  which  he  climbed 
by  means  of  pegs  driven  into  the  wall.  A  year  after 
his  arrival  Thomas  Lincoln  entered  the  quarter  section 
of  land  he  occupied  and  made  his  first  payment  under 
what  was  familiarly  known  as  the  "  two-dollar-aii-acre 
law,"  but  it  was  eleven  years  before  he  could  pay  enough 
to  obtain  a  patent  for  half  of  it.  He  then  erected  a 
permanent  home  of  logs  which  was  comparatively  com 
fortable  and  was  perhaps  as  good  as  those  occupied  by 
most  of  his  neighbors. 

In  the  fall  of  1818  the  little  community  of  pioneers 
was  almost  exterminated  by  an  epidemic  known  as  "  milk 
sickness,"  and  among  the  victims  was  Nancy  Hanks 
Lincoln,  who  was  buried  with  her  neighbors  in  a  little 
clearing  in  the  forest  in  a  coffin  made  of  green  lumber, 
cut  with  a  whip-saw  by  her  husband.  There  were  no 
ceremonies  at  her  burial,  but  several  months  later  Abra 
ham,  then  ten  years  old,  wrote  to  Parson  David  Elkin, 
the  itinerant  Free-will  Baptist  preacher  at  Hodgensville, 
of  his  mother's  death,  and  begged  him  to  come  to  Indiana 
and  preach  her  funeral  sermon.  Nancy  Lincoln  must 
have  been  highly  esteemed  or  this  poor  parson  would 
not  have  come  a  hundred  miles  through  the  wilderness 
in  answer  to  this  summons  from  her  child,  for  several 
months  later  he  appeared  according  to  appointment,  and 
all  the  settlers  for  many  miles  around  assembled  to  hear 
him.  It  was  the  most  important  event  that  had  ever 
occurred  in  the  community  and  was  remembered  longer 
than  any  other. 

The  death  of  Mrs.  Lincoln  left  the  child  Sarah,  then 
only  eleven  years  old,  to  care  for  the  household,  and, 
with  the  assistance  of  her  brother,  she  struggled  through 

22 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

the  next  year  until  the  autumn  of  1819,  when  their 
father  returned  to  Hodgensville  and  married  Sally  Bush 
Johnston,  a  widow  with  three  children  (John,  Sarah, 
and  Matilda),  whom  he  had  courted  before  he  married 
Nancy  Hanks.  She  seems  to  have  been  a  woman  of 
uncommon  energy  and  nobility  of  character,  and  in 
after-life  her  step-son  paid  her  a  worthy  tribute  when 
he  said  that  the  strongest  influence  which  stimulated  and 
guided  him  in  his  ambition  came  from  her  and  from  his 
own  mother.  Under  her  management  conditions  im 
proved.  She  brought  a  little  property  and  some  house 
hold  goods  into  the  family  as  well  as  three  children, 
stimulated  her  husband  to  industry,  and  taught  his  chil 
dren  habits  of  order,  cleanliness,  and  thrift.  There  was 
never  any  friction  between  her  and  her  step-children, 
and  her  own  brood,  John,  Sarah,  and  Matilda,  were  re 
ceived  cordially  and  treated  with  affection.  Nor  in  their 
after-lives  was  any  distinction  made  by  either  of  the 
parents.  The  step-mother  recognized  in  Abraham  a 
boy  of  unusual  talent,  and  encouraged  and  assisted  him 
by  every  means  within  her  power. 

Abraham's  life  was  spent  at  hard  labor.  He  was  a  boy 
of  unusual  stature  and,  from  the  time  he  was  ten  years 
old,  did  a  man's  work.  He  learned  all  the  tricks  in  the 
trades  that  a  pioneer's  son  must  know;  hired  out  upon 
the  neighboring  farms  when  there  was  nothing  for  him 
to  do  at  home,  and  his  wages  (twenty-five  cents  a  day) 
were  paid  to  his  father.  He  cared  little  for  amusement, 
and  hunting,  which  was  the  chief  recreation  of  young 
men  of  his  age,  had  no  attractions  for  him.  In  his  brief 
autobiography,  which  was  prepared  for  the  newspapers 
the  day  after  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency,  he 
says, — 

"  A  flock  of  wild  turkeys  approached  the  new  log 
cabin,  and  Abraham,  with  a  rifle  gun,  standing  inside, 
shot  through  the  cracks  and  killed  one  of  them.  He 
has  never  since  pulled  a  trigger  on  any  larger  game." 

23 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

He  joined  in  the  rude  amusements  and  sports  of  the 
community  like  other  boys  and  enjoyed  them.  His  quick 
intelligence,  ready  sympathy,  wit,  humor,  and  generous 
disposition  made  him  a  great  favorite.  He  was  the  best 
talker  and  story-teller  in  the  neighborhood.  His  tall 
stature  and  unusual  strength  made  him  a  leader  in  ath 
letic  sports,  and  his  studious  habits  and  retentive  memory 
gave  him  an  advantage  among  his  comrades,  a  few  of 
whom  had  a  little,  but  the  most  of  them  no  education. 
His  less  gifted  comrades  recognized  his  ability  and  su 
periority;  they  learned  to  accept  his  opinions  and  to 
respect  his  judgment.  He  became  an  instructor  as  well 
as  a  leader,  and  the  local  traditions  represent  him  as  a 
sort  of  intellectual  phenomenon,  whose  wit,  anecdotes, 
doggerel  verses,  practical  jokes,  muscular  strength,  and 
skill  made  him  the  wonder  of  the  community  and  are  a 
part  of  the  early  history  of  that  section. 

When  he  was  sixteen  he  operated  a  ferry-boat  at  the 
mouth  of  Anderson's  Creek,  transporting  passengers 
across  the  Ohio  River,  and  it  was  then  that  he  earned 
the  first  money  that  he  could  claim  as  his  own.  One 
evening  in  the  White  House,  while  he  was  President, 
he  told  the  story  to  several  members  of  his  Cabinet,  and 
Mr.  Secretary  Seward  gives  the  following  account  of  it : 

"  I  was  contemplating  my  new  flat-boat,  and  wonder 
ing  whether  I  could  make  it  stronger  or  improve  it  in 
any  particular,  when  two  men  came  down  to  the  shore 
in  carriages  with  trunks,  and  looking  at  the  different 
boats  singled  out  mine,  and  asked :  '  Who  owns  this  ?' 
I  answered,  somewhat  modestly,  '  I  do/  '  Will  you/ 
said  one  of  them,  '  take  us  and  our  trunks  out  to  the 
steamer?'  '  Certainly/  said  I.  I  was  glad  to  have  the 
chance  of  earning  something.  I  supposed  that  each  of 
them  would  give  me  two  or  three  bits.  The  trunks  were 
put  on  my  flat-boat,  and  the  passengers  seated  them 
selves  on  the  trunks,  and  I  sculled  them  out  to  the 
steamer. 

24 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

"  They  got  on  board,  and  I  lifted  up  their  heavy  trunks 
and  put  them  on  deck.  The  steamer  was  about  to  put 
on  steam  again,  when  I  called  out  that  they  had  for 
gotten  to  pay  me.  Each  of  them  took  from  his  pocket 
a  silver  half-dollar  and  threw  it  on  the  floor  of  my  boat. 
I  could  scarcely  believe  my  eyes  as  I  picked  up  the 
money.  Gentlemen,  you  may  think  it  was  a  very  little 
thing,  and  in  these  days  it  seems  to  me  a  trifle;  but  it 
was  the  most  important  incident  in  my  life.  I  could 
scarcely  credit  that  I,  a  poor  boy,  had  earned  a  dollar 
in  less  than  a  day — that  by  honest  work  I  had  earned 
a  dollar.  The  world  seemed  fairer  and  wider  before  me. 
I  was  a  more  hopeful  and  confident  being  from  that 
time." 

When  he  was  nineteen  Mr.  Gentry,  the  most  promi 
nent  man  in  the  neighborhood,  from  whom  the  town 
of  Gentryville  was  named,  and  who  kept  the  "  store," 
embarked  in  a  new  enterprise,  and  sent  Abraham 
with  his  son  Allen  upon  a  flat-boat  to  New  Orleans 
with  a  load  of  bacon,  corn  meal,  and  other  provisions, 
paying  him  eight  dollars  a  month  and  his  passage 
home  on  a  steamboat.  Thus  the  future  President 
obtained  his  first  glimpse  of  the  world  outside  the 
Indiana  forest,  and  the  impressions  left  upon  his 
mind  by  this  experience  were  never  effaced.  It  was 
the  beginning  of  a  new  life  for  him  and  the  awakening 
of  new  ambitions. 

"  He  was  a  hired  man  merely,"  wrote  Lincoln  of 
himself  nearly  thirty  years  afterwards,  "and  he  and 
a  son  of  the  owner,  without  any  other  assistance,  made 
the  trip.  The  nature  of  part  of  the  '  cargo  load/  as  it 
was  called,  made  it  necessary  for  them  to  linger  and 
trade  along  the  sugar-coast,  and  one  night  they  were 
attacked  by  seven  negroes  with  intent  to  kill  and  rob 
them.  They  were  hurt  some  in  the  melee,  but  suc 
ceeded  in  driving  the  negroes  from  the  boat,  and  then 
'  cut  cable,'  '  weighed  anchor,'  and  left." 

25 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

The  prairies  of  Illinois  were  becoming  a  great  temp 
tation  to  pioneers  in  those  days,  and  the  restless  dispo 
sition  of  Thomas  Lincoln  could  not  be  restrained;  so 
he  and  several  of  his  relatives  joined  the  migration, 
making  a  party  of  thirteen.  Lincoln  himself  tells  the 
story  in  these  words: 

"  March  1st,  1830,  Abraham  having  just  completed 
his  twenty-first  year,  his  father  and  family,  with  the 
families  of  the  two  daughters  and  sons-in-law  of  his 
step-mother,  left  the  old  homestead  in  Indiana  and 
came  to  Illinois.  Their  mode  of  conveyance  was  wagons 
drawn  by  ox-teams,  and  Abraham  drove  one  of  the 
teams.  They  reached  the  county  of  Macon,  and  stopped 
there  some  time  within  the  same  month  of  March.  His 
father  and  family  settled  a  new  place  on  the  north  side 
of  the  Sangamon  River,  at  the  junction  of  the  timber 
land  and  prairie,  about  ten  miles  westerly  from  Decatur. 
Here  they  built  a  log  cabin,  into  which  they  removed, 
and  made  sufficient  of  rails  to  fence  ten  acres  of  ground, 
fenced  and  broke  the  ground,  and  raised  a  crop  of  sown 
corn  upon  it  in  the  same  year." 

The  sons-in-law  of  his  step-mother  referred  to  were 
Dennis  Hanks  and  Levi  Hall,  who  had  married  Sarah 
and  Matilda,  Lincoln's  step-sisters.  Hanks  was  a  son  of 
the  Joseph  Hanks  with  whom  Thomas  Lincoln  learned 
the  carpenter's  trade  in  Kentucky.  Another  son,  John 
Hanks,  was  a  member  of  the  family,  and  it  was  he  who 
appeared  at  the  State  convention  at  Decatur,  May  9, 
1860,  bearing  two  weather-worn  fence-rails  decorated 
with  streamers  and  a  banner  inscribed  to  the  effect  that 
they  were  from  the  identical  lot  of  three  thousand  rails 
which  Lincoln  had  cut  on  the  Sangamon  River  in  1830. 
This  dramatic  scene  was  devised  by  Richard  J.  Oglesby, 
afterwards  Governor  and  United  States  Senator,  and 
one  of  Lincoln's  most  ardent  admirers  and  faithful  sup 
porters.  Little  did  Lincoln  dream  when  he  was  splitting 
rails  in  the  walnut  woods  with  John  Hanks  that  he  and 

26 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

his  companion  would  appear  in  a  drama  of  national 
interest  with  samples  of  their  handiwork  to  electrify  the 
country  with  enthusiasm  and  confer  upon  the  long- 
legged  farmer  boy  the  sobriquet  of  "  The  Illinois  Rail- 
Splitter." 

Delegates  had  been  elected  to  the  second  National 
Republican  Convention  to  be  held  at  Chicago  a  week 
later,  when  Mr.  Oglesby  arose  and  announced  in  a 
serious  and  mysterious  manner  that  an  old  citizen  of 
Macon  County  had  something  to  present  to  the  Conven 
tion.  Then,  with  great  dramatic  effect,  John  Hanks 
entered,  bearing  the  relics  which  were  to  become  the 
symbols  of  the  National  Convention.  The  assembly  was 
transformed  into  a  tumult,  and  Lincoln  was  brought  to 
the  platform,  where,  when  order  could  be  restored,  he 
said, — 

"  Gentlemen :  I  suppose  you  want  to  know  something 
about  those  things.  Well,  the  truth  is,  John  Hanks  and 
I  did  make  rails  in  the  Sangamon  bottom.  I  don't  know 
whether  we  made  those  rails  or  not;  fact  is,  I  don't 
think  they  are  a  credit  to  the  maker  [and  his  awkward 
frame  shook  with  suppressed  laughter]  ;  but  I  know 
this,  I  made  rails  then  and  I  think  I  could  make  better 
ones  than  these  now." 

The  rails  were  taken  to  the  National  Convention  at 
Chicago  and  had  a  prominent  place  at  the  Illinois  head 
quarters,  where,  trimmed  with  flowers  and  lighted  by 
tapers  by  enthusiastic  ladies,  they  were  the  subject  of 
much  private  and  newspaper  attention.  Later  in  the 
campaign  they  were  sent  from  place  to  place  in  the  coun 
try  and  other  rails  from  the  old  farm  were  also  used 
as  campaign  emblems.  A  Philadelphia  speculator  sent 
to  Illinois  and  purchased  a  car-load  of  them. 

Through  the  remainder  of  the  year  and  the  following 
winter  (1830-31)  young  Lincoln  was  employed  about 
his  father's  new  home  and  at  intervals  assisted  the 
neighbors  in  farm  work  in  company  with  John  Hanks. 

27 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

When  he  reached  his  twenty-first  year  he  started  out  for 
himself  according  to  the  custom  of  the  country.  He  was 
the  most  promising  young  man  in  that  neighborhood. 
He  had  a  better  education  than  any  of  the  community, 
his  intellectual  and  conversational  powers  were  beyond 
all  rivalry,  and  his  physical  strength  and  endurance  were 
remarkable  even  among  the  giants  of  those  days.  He 
stood  six  feet  four  inches  in  his  stockings,  and  could 
outlift,  outwork,  outrun,  and  outwrestle  every  man  of 
his  acquaintance.  And  his  pride  in  his  physical  accom 
plishments  was  greater  than  in  his  intellectual  attain 
ments.  For  a  man  of  his  natural  modesty  he  was  very 
vain  of  his  stature  and  strength,  and  was  accustomed  to 
display  and  boast  of  them  even  after  he  became  Presi 
dent.  He  retained  his  muscular  strength  to  the  end  of 
his  life,  although  he  then  took  very  little  physical  exer 
cise.  The  muscles  of  his  body  were  like  iron.  General 
Veile  says  that  he  could  take  a  heavy  axe  and,  grasping 
it  with  his  thumb  and  forefinger  at  the  extreme  end  of 
the  handle,  hold  it  out  on  a  horizontal  line  from  his  body. 
"  When  I  was  eighteen  years  of  age  I  could  do  this," 
he  said  with  pride,  "  and  I  have  never  seen  the  day  since 
when  I  could  not  do  it."  The  attaches  of  the  office  of 
the  Secretary  of  War  relate  curious  stories  of  his  fre 
quent  displays  of  muscular  strength  when  he  visited  the 
War  Department  to  read  the  despatches  from  his  gen 
erals.  He  frequently  astonished  visitors  at  the  Execu 
tive  Mansion  by  asking  them  to  measure  height  with 
him,  and  one  day  shocked  Senator  Sumner  by  suggest 
ing  that  they  stand  back  to  back  to  see  which  was  the 
taller.  A  delegation  of  clergymen  appeared  at  the  White 
House  one  morning  bursting  with  righteous  indignation 
because  slavery  was  still  tolerated  in  the  rebellious  States 
and  bearing  a  series  of  fervid  resolutions  demanding 
immediate  abolition.  One  of  the  number  was  a  very  tall 
man,  and  the  President  could  scarcely  wait  until  he  had 
completed  his  carefully  prepared  oration  presenting  the 

28 


THE   MAN  AND  HIS   KINDRED 

^Tea^-^ 

Mr.  Blank,  how  tall  are  you 


inches>"  responded  th 

"  Then  I  outmeasure  you  by  an  inch,"  said  Mr  Li, 


'  and 


A  similar  scene  occurred  on  another  occasion  wher 
however   the  visitor  happened  to  be  a  trifle    a°L  Than 
he  presldent.    One  of  his  friends  who  was  present  savs 
that  the  latter  showed  more  irritation  than  h    had    ve 
seen  him  exhibit  before;   nor  did  he  forget  it,  but  [he 

1 


r™  to        ^ter  and 

remarked  that  he  considered  himself  the  tallest  man  in 
Washington,  although  he  didn't  pretend  to  be  as  hand- 
some  as  General  Scott. 

When  the  notification  committee  came  from  the  Chi 
cago  Convention  to  his  home  at  Springfield,  they  were 
presented  one  after  another  to  their  candidate,  and  as 
JT?  ?•  D'  MorSan>  of  New  York,  reached  him,'  he 
asked  his  height  and  weight.  Mr.  Morgan  gave  the 
information  with  some  amusement,  whereupon  Lincoln 
remarked,  — 

"  You  are  the  heavier,  but  I  am  the  taller." 
In  1859,  when  he  went  to  Milwaukee  to  deliver  an 
address  at  a  State  fair,  a  cannon-ball  tosser  in  a  side 
show  interested  him  more  than  anything  else  on  the 
grounds.  Lincoln  insisted  upon  testing  the  weights 
he  handled,  and  was  quite  chagrined  because  he 
was  not  able  to  throw  them  about  as  easily  as  the 
professional.  As  they  parted  he  remarked  in  his  droll 
way,— 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  You  can  outlift  me,  but  I  could  lick  salt  off  the  top 
of  *rour  hat." 

Thomas  Lincoln  did  not  remain  long  at  his  home  on 
the  bluffs  overlooking  the  Sangamon  River.  He  was 
always  afflicted  with  the  fever  of  unrest.  Like  so  many 
of  his  class,  he  continued  to  advance  westward,  keeping 
on  the  skirmish  line  of  the  frontier.  He  removed  three 
times  after  he  came  to  Illinois  in  search  s  of  better  luck, 
and  never  found  it.  He  owned  three  farms,  but  never 
paid  for  any  of  them,  and  was  always  growing  poorer 
and  signing  larger  mortgages.  Finally,  when  he  had 
reached  the  end  of  his  credit,  Lincoln  bought  him  a  tract 
of  forty  acres  near  Farmington,  Coles  County,  where 
he  lived  until  January  17,  1851,  long  enough  to  enjoy 
the  satisfaction  of  seeing  his  son  one  of  the  foremost 
men  in  the  State.  He  was  buried  near  the  little  hamlet. 
His  wife  survived  both  him  and  her  famous  step-son, 
and  was  tenderly  cared  for  as  long  as  the  latter  lived. 
Before  starting  for  his  inauguration  he  paid  her  a  visit, 
in  February,  1861,  when  they  spent  the  day  in  affection 
ate  companionship.  She  had  a  presentiment  that  she 
should  never  see  him  again  and  told  him  so,  but  neither 
dreamed  that  he  would  die  first.  She  lived  until  April, 
1869,  a  pious,  gentle,  intelligent,  and  well-loved  woman, 
and  was  buried  beside  her  husband.  Robert  T.  Lincoln 
has  erected  a  monument  over  their  graves. 

John  Johnston,  Lincoln's  step-brother,  was  an  honest, 
but  uneasy  and  shiftless  man,  and  gave  him  a  great  deal 
of  trouble.  He  lived  with  his  mother  and  step-father 
most  of  his  life,  but  never  contributed  much  to  their  sup* 
port,  and  was  always  in  debt,  although  Lincoln  several 
times  give  him  means  to  make  a  fresh  start.  Lincoln's 
letters  to  his  step-brother,  several  of  which  have  been 
preserved,  throw  considerable  light  upon  his  character. 

In  1851,  after  Thomas  Lincoln's  death,  Johnston  pro 
posed  to  leave  his  mother  and  go  to  Missouri,  where  he 
thought  he  could  do  better  than  in  Illinois,  and  asked 

30 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

permission  to  sell  the  farm  which  Lincoln  had  bought 
to  secure  his  step-mother  a  home  for  life. 

"  You  propose  to  sell  it  for  three  hundred  dollars," 
wrote  Lincoln  in  his  indignation,  "take  one  hundred 
dollars  away  with  you,  and  leave  her  two  hundred  dol 
lars  at  eight  per  cent.,  making  her  the  enormous  sum  of 
sixteen  dollars  a  year.  Now,  if  you  are  satisfied  with 
seeing  her  in  that  way  I  am  not." 

Then  Johnston  proposed  that  Lincoln  should  lend  him 
eighty  dollars  to  pay  his  expenses  to  Missouri. 

;<  You  say  you  would  give  your  place  in  heaven  for 
seventy  or  eighty  dollars,"  Lincoln  wrote  his  step 
brother.  '  Then  you  value  your  place  in  heaven  very 
cheap,  for  I  am  sure  you  can,  with  the  offer  I  make,  get 
seventy  or  eighty  dollars  for  four  or  five  months'  work. 
What  I  propose  is  that  you  shall  go  to  work  '  tooth  and 
nail'  for  somebody  who  will  give  you  money  for  it. 
...  I  now  promise  you,  that  for  every  dollar  you  will, 
between  this  and  the  first  of  May,  get  for  your  own 
labor,  either  in  money  or  as  your  own  indebtedness,  I 
will  then  give  you  one  other  dollar.  ...  In  this  I  do 
not  mean  that  you  shall  go  off  to  St.  Louis,  or  the  lead 
mines  in  California,  but  I  mean  for  you  to  go  at  it  for 
the  best  wages  you  can  get  close  at  home  in  Coles 
County.  Now,  if  you  will  do  this,  you  will  soon  be  out 
of  debt,  and,  what  is  better,  you  will  have  a  habit  that 
will  keep  you  from  getting  in  debt  again.  But,  if  I 
should  now  clear  you  out  of  debt,  next  year  you  would 
be  just  as  deep  as  ever." 

A  few  months  later  Lincoln  wrote  Johnston  again  in 
regard  to  his  contemplated  move  to  Missouri : 

"  What  can  you  do  in  Missouri  better  than  here?  Is 
the  land  any  richer?  Can  you  there,  any  more  than 
here,  raise  corn  and  wheat  and  oats  without  work?  Will 
anybody  there,  any  more  than  here,  do  your  work  for 
you?  If  you  intend  to  go  to  work,  there  is  no  better 
place  than  right  where  you  are ;  if  you  do  not  intend  to 

31 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

go  to  work,  you  cannot  get  along  anywhere.  Squirming 
and  crawling  about  from  place  to  place  can  do  you  no 
good.  You  have  raised  no  crop  this  year;  and  what 
you  really  want  is  to  sell  the  land,  get  the  money,  and 
spend  it.  Part  with  the  land  you  have,  and,  my  life  upon 
it,  you  will  never  after  own  a  spot  big  enough  to  bury 
you  in.  Half  you  will  get  for  the  land  you  will  spend 
in  moving  to  Missouri,  and  the  other  half  you  will  eat, 
drink,  and  wear  out,  and  no  foot  of  land  will  be  bought. 
Now,  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  have  no  hand  in  such  a  piece 
of  foolery." 

Shortly  after  leaving  his  father's  primitive  home  in 
the  spring  of  1831,  Lincoln  obtained  employment  with 
Denton  Offutt,  a  trader  and  speculator,  wrho,  having 
heard  that  he  had  already  made  a  voyage  on  a  flat-boat 
from  Indiana  to  New  Orleans,  engaged  him  for  a  similar 
expedition,  in  company  with  John  D.  Johnston,  his  step 
brother,  and  John  Hanks,  his  cousin,  for  twelve  dollars 
a  month  each  with  their  return  expenses.  It  took  some 
time  to  build  the  boat,  and  at  the  very  beginning  of  the 
voyage  it  stuck  midway  across  a  dam  at  the  village  of 
New  Salem.  The  bow  was  high  in  the  air,  the  stern 
was  low  in  the  water,  and  shipwreck  seemed  absolutely 
certain  when  Lincoln's  ingenuity  rescued  the  craft. 
Having  unloaded  the  cargo,  he  bored  a  hole  in  the  bot 
tom  at  the  end  extending  over  the  dam ;  then  he  tilted 
up  the  boat  and  let  the  water  run  out.  That  being  done, 
the  boat  was  easily  shoved  over  the  dam  and  reloaded. 
This  novel  exhibition  of  marine  engineering  so  im 
pressed  the  inhabitants  of  the  neighborhood  that  Abra 
ham  Lincoln's  genius  was  discussed  at  every  fireside  for 
months  thereafter,  and  he  gained  a  reputation  at  New 
Salem  that  proved  to  be  of  great  value.  He  was  so 
much  interested  in  what  he  had  done  that  twenty  years 
later  he  developed  the  idea  and  applied  for  a  patent  for 
a  curious  contrivance  for  lifting  flat-boats  over  shoals. 

The  journey  to  New  Orleans  was  a  valuable  expe- 
32 


THE   MAN  AND   HIS   KINDRED 

rience.  Lincoln's  first  actual  contact  with  the  system  of 
slavery  made  him  an  abolitionist  for  life,  and  the  impres 
sions  he  received  were  retained  throughout  his  entire 
career.  He  returned  to  St.  Louis  by  steamer,  walked 
across  the  country  to  New  Salem,  and  became  a  clerk  in 
the  store  of  Denton  Offutt,  measuring  calico,  weighing 
out  sugar  and  nails,  tending  a  grist-mill,  and  making 
himself  useful  to  his  employer  and  popular  with  the 
people. 

The  following  year  he  engaged  in  a  mercantile  adven 
ture  on  his  own  account  at  New  Salem  which  failed 
disastrously,  and  found  himself  loaded  with  obligations 
which,  in  humorous  satire  upon  his  own  folly,  he  called 
"  the  national  debt."  His  creditors  accepted  his  notes 
in  settlement,  and  during  the  next  seventeen  years  he 
paid  them  in  instalments  unto  the  uttermost  farthing, 
although  the  terrible  responsibility  darkened  all  the  days 
of  his  life. 

"  That  debt,"  he  once  said  to  a  friend,  "  was  the  great 
est  obstacle  I  have  ever  met  in  my  life;  I  had  no  way 
of  speculating,  and  could  not  earn  money  except  by 
labor,  and  to  earn  by  labor  eleven  hundred  dollars  besides 
my  living  seemed  the  work  of  a  lifetime.  There  was, 
however,  but  one  way.  I  went  to  the  creditors,  and  told 
them  that  if  they  would  let  me  alone  I  would  give  them 
all  I  could  earn  over  my  living,  as  fast  as  I  could 
earn  it." 

As  late  as  1849,  when  a  member  of  Congress,  so  we 
are  informed  by  Mr.  Herndon,  he  sent  home  money 
saved  from  his  salary  to  be  applied  on  these  obligations. 
Only  a  single  creditor  refused  to  accept  his  promises. 
A  man  named  Van  Bergen,  who  bought  one  of  his  notes 
on  speculation,  brought  suit,  obtained  judgment  against 
him,  and  levied  upon  the  horse,  saddle,  and  instruments 
used  by  him  daily  in  surveying,  and  with  which,^  to  use 
his  own  words,  he  "  kept  body  and  soul  together." 

James  Short,  a  well-to-do  farmer  living  a  few  miles 
3  33 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

north  of  New  Salem,  heard  of  the  trouble  which  had 
befallen  his  young  friend,  and,  without  advising  Lin 
coln,  attended  the  sale,  bought  in  the  horse  and  survey 
ing  instruments  for  one  hundred  and  twenty  dollars,  and 
turned  them  over  to  their  former  owner.  After  Lincoln 
left  New  Salem  James  Short  removed  to  the  far  West, 
and  one  day  thirty  years  later  he  received  a  letter  from 
Washington,  containing  the  surprising  but  gratifying 
announcement  that  he  had  been  commissioned  as  Indian 
agent. 

It  was  this  honorable  discharge  of  the  obligations  in 
which  he  became  involved  through  the  rascality  of 
another  man  that  gave  Lincoln  the  sobriquet  of  "  Hon 
est  Old  Abe,"  which  one  of  his  biographers  has  said 
"  proved  of  greater  service  to  himself  and  his  country 
than  if  he  had  gained  the  wealth  of  Croesus." 

It  was  while  he  was  struggling  along,  trying  to  do 
business  with  his  partner  Berry,  that  he  was  appointed 
postmaster  at  New  Salem,  which  office  he  continued  to 
hold  until  it  was  discontinued  in  May,  1836.  His  duties 
as  postmaster,  as  well  as  his  compensation,  were  very 
light,  because  there  were  only  two  or  three  hundred 
patrons  of  the  office  and  their  correspondence  was  lim 
ited.  He  carried  their  letters  around  in  his  hat  and  read 
all  of  their  newspapers  before  he  delivered  them. 

A  widely  circulated  story  that  Lincoln  was  once  a 
saloon-keeper  was  based  upon  the  fact  that  the  firm  of 
Berry  &  Lincoln  obtained  a  license  to  sell  liquors,  which 
was  the  practice  of  all  country  storekeepers  in  those 
days ;  but,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  firm  never  had  money 
or  credit  sufficient  to  obtain  a  stock  of  that  class  of 
goods,  and  committed  the  offence  only  by  intention. 

In  the  great  debate  in  1858,  Douglas,  in  a  patronizing 
manner  and  a  spirit  of  badinage,  spoke  of  having  known 
Lincoln  when  he  was  a  "  flourishing  grocery-keeper"  at 
New  Salem.  Lincoln  retorted  that  he  had  never  been 
a  "flourishing"  grocery-keeper;  but  added  that,  if  he 

34 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

had  been,  it  was  certain  that  his  friend,  Judge  Douglas, 
would  have  been  his  best  customer. 

His  employment  as  surveyor  began  in  1834  and  con 
tinued  for  several  years  while  he  was  serving  in  the 
Legislature.  John  Calhoun,  the  County  Surveyor,  from 
whom  he  received  an  appointment  as  deputy,  was  a  man 
of  education  and  talent,  and  an  ambitious  Democratic 
politician  who  afterwards  played  a  prominent  part  in  the 
Kansas  conspiracy. 

Judge  Stephen  T.  Logan  saw  Lincoln  for  the  first 
time  in  1832.  He  thus  speaks  of  his  future  partner: 
"  He  was  a  very  tall,  gawky,  and  rough-looking  fellow 
then ;  his  pantaloons  didn't  meet  his  shoes  by  six  inches. 
But  after  he  began  speaking  I  became  very  much  inter 
ested  in  him.  He  made  a  very  sensible  speech.  His 
manner  was  very  much  the  same  as  in  after-life;  that 
is,  the  same  peculiar  characteristics  were  apparent  then, 
though  of  course  in  after-years  he  evinced  more  knowl 
edge  and  experience.  But  he  had  then  the  same  novelty 
and  the  same  peculiarity  in  presenting  his  ideas.  He 
had  the  same  individuality  that  he  kept  through  all  his 
life." 

Like  other  famous  men  of  strong  character  and  intel 
lectual  force,  Lincoln  was  very  sentimental,  and  had 
several  love-affairs  which  caused  him  quite  as  much 
anxiety  and  anguish  as  happiness.  The  scene  of  his 
first  romance  was  laid  in  Indiana  when  he  was  a  bare 
footed  boy,  and  was  afterwards  related  by  him  in  these 
words : 

"  When  I  was  a  little  codger,  one  day  a  wagon  with 
a  lady  and  two  girls  and  a  man  broke  down  near  us,  and 
while  they  were  fixing  up,  they  cooked  in  our  kitchen. 
The  woman  had  books  and  read  us  stories,  and  they  were 
the  first  I  had  ever  heard.  I  took  a  great  fancy  to  one 
of  the  girls ;  and  when  they  were  gone  I  thought  of  her 
a  great  deal,  and  one  day,  when  I  was  sitting  out  in  the 
sun  by  the  house,  I  wrote  out  a  story  in  my  mind.  I 

35 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

thought  I  took  my  father's  horse  and  followed  the 
wagon,  and  finally  I  found  it,  and  they  were  surprised 
to  see  me.  I  talked  with  the  girl  and  persuaded  her  to 
elope  with  me ;  and  that  night  I  put  her  on  my  horse, 
and  we  started  off  across  the  prairie.  After  several 
hours  we  came  to  a  camp;  and  when  we  rode  up  we 
found  it  was  the  one  we  had  left  a  few  hours  before,  and 
we  went  in.  The  next  night  we  tried  again,  and  the 
same  thing  happened — the  horse  came  back  to  the  same 
place;  and  then  we  concluded  that  we  ought  not  to 
elope.  I  stayed  until  I  had  persuaded  her  father  to  give 
her  to  me.  I  always  meant  to  write  that  story  out  and 
publish  it,  and  I  began  once,  but  I  concluded  that  it  was 
not  much  of  a  story.  But  I  think  that  was  the  beginning 
of  love  with  me." 

David  R.  Locke,  of  Toledo  (Petroleum  V.  Nasby), 
said,  "  I  was  in  Washington  once  more  in  1864,  when 
the  great  struggle  was  nearer  its  close.  My  business 
was  to  secure  a  pardon  for  a  young  man  from  Ohio 
who  had  deserted  under  rather  peculiar  circumstances. 
When  he  enlisted  he  was  under  engagement  to  a  young 
girl,  and  went  to  the  front  very  certain  of  her  faithful 
ness.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  the  young  girl,  being 
exceptionally  pretty,  had  another  lover.  Taking  advan 
tage  of  the  absence  of  the  favored  lover,  the  discarded 
one  renewed  his  suit  with  great  vehemence,  and  rumors 
reached  the  young  man  at  the  front  that  his  love  had 
gone  over  to  his  enemy,  and  that  he  was  in  danger  of 
losing  her  entirely.  He  immediately  applied  for  a  fur 
lough,  which  was  refused  him,  and,  half  mad  and  reck 
less  of  consequences,  deserted.  He  married  the  girl, 
but  was  immediately  arrested  as  a  deserter,  tried,  found 
guilty,  and  sentenced  to  be  shot.  I  stated  the  circum 
stances,  giving  the  young  fellow  a  good  character,  and 
the  President  at  once  signed  a  pardon,  saying,— 

'  I  want  to  punish  the  young  man ;  probably  in  less 
than  a  year  he  will  wish  I  had  withheld  the  pardon. 

36 


THE  MAN  AND  HIS  KINDRED 

We  can't  tell,  though.    I  suppose  when  I  was  a  young 
man  I  should  have  done  the  same  fool  thing." 

Among  his  acquaintances  at  New  Salem  while  he  was 
clerk,  postmaster,  and  surveyor  was  a  blue-eyed  girl 
named  Anne  Rutledge,  who,  according  to  the  local  tradi 
tions,  was  very  beautiful  and  attractive.  Her  father, 
James  Rutledge,  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  village 
and  kept  the  tavern  at  which  Lincoln  was  a  regular 
boarder.  He  came  of  a  distinguished  family  and  was 
especially  proud  of  the  fact  that  his  grandfather  was 
one  of  the  signers  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 
Before  Lincoln  met  his  daughter  she  had  become  en 
gaged  to  John  McNeill,  alias  McNamara,  one  of  the 
wealthiest  and  most  prosperous  of  the  young  men  in 
that  part  of  Illinois.  After  the  announcement  of  their 
engagement,  McNeill  went  East  to  arrange  certain  busi 
ness  affairs  before  settling  down  permanently  in  Illi 
nois.  At  first  he  wrote  frequently  to  his  sweetheart,  but 
the  intervals  between  letters  grew  longer  and  longer,  and 
finally  they  ceased  altogether. 

About  this  time  young  Lincoln  appeared  upon  the 
scene,  and,  of  course,  as  there  were  no  secrets  among 
neighbors  in  those  days,  he  was  informed  of  the  story. 
The  poor  girl's  sorrow  awakened  a  sympathy  which 
soon  ripened  into  love.  He  saw  her  constantly  at  her 
father's  tavern,  sat  by  her  side  at  breakfast,  dinner,  and 
supper,  and  usually  spent  his  evenings  with  her  upon 
the  tavern  steps  or  wandering  in  the  lanes  of  the  neigh 
borhood.  It  was  a  long  time  before  the  girl  would 
listen  to  his  suit;  but,  convinced  that  her  former  lover 
was  either  dead  or  had  deserted  her,  she  finally  yielded 
and  promised  to  become  Lincoln's  wife.  As  she  desired 
to  complete  her  education,  she  went  to  Jacksonville  to 
spend  the  winter  in  an  academy  while  he  went  to  Spring 
field  to  attend  the  session  of  the  Legislature  and  continue 
his  law  studies,  it  being  agreed  that  in  the  spring,  when 
he  had  been  admitted  to  the  bar,  they  should  be  married ; 

37 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

but  in  the  mean  time  the  girl  fell  ill  and  died.  The 
neighbors  said  that  her  disease  was  a  broken  heart,  but 
the  doctors  called  it  brain  fever.  Lincoln's  sorrow  was 
so  intense  that  his  friends  feared  suicide.  It  was  at 
this  time  that  the  profound  melancholy  which  he  is 
believed  to  have  inherited  from  his  mother  was  first 
developed.  He  never  fully  recovered  from  his  grief, 
and,  even  after  he  had  been  elected  President,  told  a 
friend,  "  I  really  loved  that  girl  and  often  think  of  her 
now,  and  I  have  loved  the  name  of  Rutledge  to  this 
day." 

He  finally  recovered  his  spirits  and  continued  his 
law  studies,  politics,  and  surveying.  He  removed  to 
Springfield  two  years  later,  became  a  partner  of  one  of 
the  leading  attorneys  of  the  State,  and  took  quite  an 
active  part  in  the  social  affairs  of  the  State  capital. 
Although  careless  of  forms  and  indifferent  to  the  con 
ventionalities  of  the  day,  he  was  recognized  as  a  rising 
man,  and  his  humor  and  conversational  powers  made 
him  a  great  favorite.  His  name  appears  frequently  in 
the  reports  of  social  events  at  that  time ;  he  was.  an 
habitual  speaker  at  public  banquets  and  one  of  the 
managers  of  a  cotillon  party  given  at  the  American 
House,  December  16,  1839. 

About  a  year  after  the  death  of  Anne  Rutledge  he 
became  involved  in  a  rather  ludicrous  complication  with 
Miss  Mary  Owens.  It  was  an  undignified  and  mor 
tifying  predicament,  but  the  way  he  carried  himself 
showed  his  high  sense  of  honor  and  obedience  to  his 
convictions  of  duty.  It  began  with  a  jest.  The  young 
lady  had  visited  Springfield,  where  she  had  received 
considerable  attention,  and  Mrs.  Able,  her  sister,  before 
starting  for  a  visit  to  Kentucky,  told  Lincoln  that  she 
would  bring  her  sister  back  with  her  if  he  would  agree 
to  marry  her.  The  bantering  offer  was  accepted,  and  a 
few  months  later  he  learned  with  consternation  that  the 
young  lady  expected  him  to  fulfil  the  agreement.  Lin- 

38 


^ 


eveiwn*  a£      c 
December  1 6th,  /839 


N.  M    aiocctv, 

V.  A.    N'eteMNANO 
R.   ACLCN. 
•4.    M.    WASM< 
r.    **.    TOiD. 
6.   A.    DOUCI.A55. 
W.  S.  7MCNTICC. 
M.'«<.  EDWARDS. 


Copyright,  1900,  by  McClure,  Phillips  &  Co. 

AN    INVITATION   TO   A   SPRINGFIELD   COTILLION    PARTY 

By  special  permission,  from  the  collection  of 

C.  F.  Gunther,  Esq.,  Chicago 


r.  3PCED. 
5MICLOS. 
D.    TAYLOR. 
H.    KCRRVMAM, 
C.   WHITtSlOC, 
.   CASTHAH. 
R.     UIL1.I.H. 

A.  LINCOLN, 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

coin  was  greatly  distressed,  but  his  sense  of  honor  would 
not  permit  him  to  deny  his  obligations.  To  Mrs.  O.  H. 
Browning,  whose  husband  was  afterwards  a  United 
States  Senator  and  a  member  of  the  Cabinet,  he  ex 
plained  his  predicament,  as  follows :  "  I  had  told  her  sis 
ter  that  I  would  take  her  for  better  or  for  worse,  and  I 
make  a  point  of  honor  and  conscience  in  all  things  to 
stick  to  my  word,  especially  if  others  had  been  induced 
to  act  on  it,  which  in  this  case  I  have  no  doubt  they 
had,  for  I  was  now  fairly  convinced  that  no  other  man 
on  earth  would  have  her,  and  hence  the  conclusion 
they  were  bent  on  holding  me  to  my  bargain.  At  once 
I  determined  to  consider  her  my  wife,  and  this  done, 
all  my  powers  of  discovery  were  put  to  work  in  search 
of  perfections  in  her  which  might  be  fairly  set  off 
against  her  defects." 

She  was  several  years  his  senior  and  not  personally 
attractive,  but  he  assumed  that  she  was  an  honorable 
woman  with  an  affectionate  regard  for  him,  and  wrote 
her  with  the  utmost  candor,  explaining  his  poverty  and 
the  sacrifices  that  she  would  have  to  make  in  marrying 
him.  "  I  am  afraid  you  would  not  be  satisfied,"  he 
wrote ;  "  you  would  have  to  be  poor  without  the  means 
of  hiding  your  poverty.  Do  you  believe  you  could  bear 
that  patiently?  Whatever  woman  may  cast  her  lot  with 
mine,  should  any  ever  do  so,  it  is  my  intention  to  do  all 
in  my  power  to  make  her  happy  and  contented ;  and 
there  is  nothing  I  could  imagine  that  would  make  me 
more  unhappy  than  to  fail  in  the  effort.  I  know  I 
should  be  much  happier  with  you  than  the  way  I  am, 
provided  I  saw  no  signs  of  discontent  in  you.  What 
you  have  said  to  me  may  have  been  in  the  way  of  a  jest, 
or  I  may  have  misunderstood  it.  If  so,  then  let  it  be 
forgotten;  if  otherwise,  I  much  wish  you  would  think- 
seriously  before  you  decide.  What  I  have  said  I  will 
most  positively  abide  by,  provided  you  wish  it.  My 
opinion  is  that  you  had  better  not  do  it.  You  have 

39 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

not  been  accustomed  to  hardship,  and  it  may  be  more 
severe  than  you  now  imagine.  I  know  you  are  capable 
of  thinking  correctly  on  any  subject,  and  if  you  deliber 
ate  maturely  upon  this  before  you  decide,  then  I  am 
willing  to  abide  your  decision." 

Miss  Owens  was  evidently  not  pleased  with  the  situa 
tion,  and  replied  with  equal  candor,  telling  Lincoln, 
among  other  unpleasant  things,  that  she  never  had  any 
intention  or  desire  to  marry  him,  for  he  was  "  deficient' 
in  those  little  links  which  go  to  make  up  a  woman's 
happiness."  He  rejoiced  at  his  release,  but  her  words 
stung,  and  he  wrote  Mrs.  Browning,  "  I  was  mortified 
in  a  hundred  different  ways.  My  vanity  was  deeply 
wounded  by  the  reflection  that  I  had  so  long  been  too 
stupid  to  discover  her  intentions,  and  at  the  same  time 
never  doubting  that  I  understood  them  perfectly;  and 
also  that  she,  whom  I  had  taught  myself  to  believe 
nobody  else  would  have,  had  actually  rejected  me  with 
all  my  fancied  greatness.  And,  to  cap  the  whole,  I 
then  for  the  first  time  began  to  suspect  that  I  was  a 
little  in  love  with  her.  But  let  it  go ;  I  will  try  and  out 
live  it.  Others  have  been  made  fools  of  by  girls,  but 
this  can  never  with  truth  be  said  of  me.  I  most  em 
phatically,  in  this  instance,  made  a  fool  of  myself.  I 
have  now  come  to  the  conclusion  never  again  to  think 
of  marrying,  and  for  this  reason,  I  never  can  be  satisfied 
with  any  one  who  would  be  blockhead  enough  to  have 
me." 

But  it  was  not  long  before  he  was  again  involved  in 
the  chains  of  Cupid.  Miss  Mary  Todd,  also  of  Ken 
tucky,  came  to  Springfield  to  visit  her  sister,  the  wife 
of  Ninian  W.  Edwards,  one  of  Lincoln's  colleagues  in 
the  Legislature.  She  received  much  attention  from  the 
most  prominent  young  men  in  Springfield,  including 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  James  Shields,  and  other  of  Lin 
coln's  political  associates  and  rivals;  but  it  was  soon 
apparent  that  she  preferred  him,  and  against  the  pro- 

40 


THE   MAN  AND   HIS  KINDRED 

tests  of  Mr.  and  Mrs.  Edwards,  who  were  familiar  with 
his  hopeless  pecuniary  circumstances,  they  became  en 
gaged. 

The  course  of  their  love  did  not  run  smooth.  Their 
tastes  were  different.  Miss  Todd  was  absorbed  in 
social  pleasures  and  demanded  admiration  and  devotion. 
Lincoln  was  absorbed  in  his  studies  and  political  affairs 
and  was  not  so  ardent  a  lover  as  she  desired.  Mis 
understandings  and  reproaches  were  frequent,  and  at 
last  Lincoln  became  so  thoroughly  convinced  that  they 
were  unsuited  to  each  other  that  he  asked  to  be  re 
leased  from  the  engagement.  The  young  woman  con 
sented  with  tears  of  anger  and  grief,  and  Lincoln,  having 
discovered,  when  it  was  too  late,  the  depth  of  her  love 
for  him,  accused  himself  of  a  breach  of  honor  so  bitterly 
that  it  preyed  upon  his  mind.  He  wrote  Joshua  F. 
Speed,  of  Kentucky,  who  was  the  most  intimate  friend 
he  had,  and  whose  brother  was  afterwards  a  member 
of  his  Cabinet,  "  I  must  regain  my  confidence  in  my 
own  ability  to  keep  my  resolves  when  they  are  made. 
In  that  ability  I  once  prided  myself  as  the  only  or  the 
chief  gem  of  my  character.  That  gem  I  have  lost. 
How  and  where  you  know  too  well.  I  have  not  yet 
regained  it,  and  until  I  do  I  cannot  trust  myself  in  any 
matter  of  much  importance." 

Everybody  in  Springfield  knew  of  the  broken  engage 
ment  and  that  it  was  the  cause  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  intense 
remorse  and  melancholy.  He  did  not  deny  or  attempt 
to  disguise  it.  He  wrote  Mr.  Stuart,  his  law  partner, 
three  weeks  after  the  fatal  first  of  January,  "  I  am 
now  the  most  miserable  man  living.  If  what  I  feel 
were  equally  distributed  to  the  whole  human  family, 
there  would  not  be  one  cheerful  face  on  earth.  Whether 
I  shall  ever  be  better,  I  cannot  tell ;  I  awfully  forebode 
that  I  shall  not.  To  remain  as  I  am  is  impossible;  I 
must  die  or  get  better."  To  other  of  his  intimates  he 
spoke  with  equal  freedom  of  the  sense  of  dishonor  and 

41 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

despair  that  possessed  him,  and  they  persuaded  him  to 
visit  his  friend  Speed,  who  carried  him  off  to  Kentucky 
and  kept  him  for  several  months.  The  visit  did  much 
to  brighten  his  spirits,  and  his  own  distress  was  for 
gotten  in  his  efforts  to  comfort  Speed,  who  in  the 
meantime  had  become  engaged,  was  afraid  that  he  did 
not  love  his  sweetheart  well  enough  to  marry  her,  and 
confided  his  doubts  to  Lincoln. 

In  the  mean  time  Miss  Todd  appears  to  have  regained 
her  self-possession  and  calmly  awaited  the  will  of  the 
fates  who  were  to  restore  relations  with  her  sensi 
tive  and  remorseful  lover.  The  incident  which  finally 
brought  them  together  was  a  comedy  of  national  in 
terest. 

Among  the  most  conspicuous  Democratic  politicians 
in  Illinois  at  that  time  was  James  Shields,  an  impulsive 
Irishman  of  diminutive  stature  who  was  afterwards  a 
general  in  two  wars  and  a  member  of  the  United  States 
Senate  from  two  States.  His  ardent  admiration  for 
the  ladies  and  his  personal  eccentricities  exposed  him  to 
ridicule,  about  which  he  was  very  sensitive,  and  when 
he  found  himself  the  subject  of  a  satirical  letter  and 
doggerel  poem  in  a  Springfield  newspaper  he  became 
enraged,  called  upon  the  editor,  and  demanded  the  name 
of  the  author.  The  satires  happened  to  have  been  the 
joint  composition  of  Miss  Todd  and  Julia  Jayne,  one  of 
her  girl  friends,  who  afterwards  became  the  wife  of 
Lyman  Trumbull.  In  his  dilemma  the  editor  asked  the 
advice  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  replied, — 

"  Tell  Shields  that  I  wrote  them." 

Whereupon  he  received  a  challenge  which  was 
promptly  accepted.  According  to  the  code,  Lincoln, 
being  the  party  challenged,  was  entitled  to  the  choice  of 
weapons,  and,  as  he  did  not  believe  in  duelling,  he  tried 
to  compel  Shields  to  withdraw  his  challenge  by  pro 
posing  the  most  absurd  conditions,  which,  however, 
Shields  accepted  without  appearing  to  perceive  the  pur- 

42 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

pose  of  his  antagonist.  Lincoln  was  a  very  tall  man 
with  unusually  long  arms.  Shields  was  very  short,— 
so  short  that  his  head  did  not  reach  to  Lincoln's  shoul 
der,— yet  the  conditions  were  that  they  should  go  down 
to  an  island  in  the  Mississippi  River  and  fight  with 
broadswords  across  a  plank  set  up  on  edge,  and  which 
ever  of  the  contestants  retreated  three  feet  back  of  the 
plank  lost  the  battle. 

The  parties  actually  went  across  the  country, — a  jour 
ney  of  three  days  on  horseback, — the  plank  was  set  on 
edge,  and  the  battle  was  about  to  begin  when  mutual 
friends  intervened  and  put  an  end  to  the  nonsense. 
One  of  the  spectators  described  the  scene  in  most  graphic 
language;  how  the  two  antagonists  were  seated  on 
logs  while  their  seconds  arranged  the  plank.  "  Lin 
coln's  face  was  grave  and  serious,"  he  said,  "  although 
he  must  have  been  shaking  with  suppressed  amusement. 
Presently  he  reached  over  and  picked  up  one  of  the 
swords,  which  he  drew  from  its  scabbard.  Then  he 
felt  along  the  edge  of  the  weapon  with  his  thumb  like  a 
barber  feels  of  the  edge  of  his  razor,  raised  himself  to 
his  full  height,  stretched  out  his  long  arm,  and  clipped 
off  a  twig  above  his  head  with  the  sword.  There  wasn't 
another  man  of  us  who  could  have  reached  anywhere 
near  that  twig,  and  the  absurdity  of  that  long-reaching 
fellow  righting  with  cavalry  sabres  with  Shields,  who 
could  walk  under  his  arm,  came  pretty  near  making  me 
howl  with  laughter.  After  Lincoln  had  cut  off  the 
twig,  he  returned  the  sword  solemnly  to  the  scabbard 
and  sat  down  again  on  the  log." 

Upon  the  return  of  the  duelling  party  to  Springfield, 
several  conflicting  explanations  were  made  by  friends, 
the  supporters  of  Lincoln  making  the  affair  as  ridiculous 
as  possible,  while  the  defenders  of  Shields  endeavored 
to  turn  it  to  his  credit.  It  was  Lincoln's  last  personal 
quarrel.  Happily,  more  ink  than  blood  was  shed,  but 
the  gossips  of  Springfield  were  furnished  the  most 

43 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

exciting  topic  of  the  generation,  and  Miss  Todd  and 
Mr.  Lincoln,  who  had  been  estranged  for  nearly  a  year, 
were  brought  together  with  mutual  gratification.  On 
November  4,  1842,  they  were  married  at  the  residence 
of  Mr.  Edwards,  the  brother-in-law  of  the  bride,  and 
Mr.  Lincoln's  melancholy  disappeared  or  was  dissipated 
by  the  sunshine  of  a  happy  home.  He  took  his  bride 
to  board  at  the  Globe  Tavern,  where,  he  wrote  his 
friend  Speed,  the  charges  were  four  dollars  a  week  for 
both,  and  returned  to  the  practical  routine  of  his  daily 
life  with  the  patience,  industry,  and  intelligence  which 
were  his  greatest  characteristics.  His  partnership  with 
Stuart  lasted  four  years  until  the  latter  was  elected  to 
Congress,  when  a  new  one  was  formed  with  Judge 
Stephen  T.  Logan,  who  had  studied  Lincoln's  character 
and  learned  his  ability  while  presiding  upon  the  circuit 
bench. 

Mr.  Lincoln's  talent  was  acknowledged  by  every  one 
who  knew  him.  He  was  rapidly  assuming  leadership  in 
politics  and  at  the  bar.  Compared  with  most  of  his 
neighbors  and  associates  he  was  a  man  of  learning,  and 
his  wisdom  and  sense  of  justice  made  him  an  umpire 
and  arbitrator  in  all  forms  of  contest  from  wrestling 
matches  to  dissensions  among  husbands  and  wives.  His 
gentle  sympathy,  sincerity,  candor,  and  fearless  honesty 
were  recognized  and  appreciated  by  the  entire  com 
munity.  No  man  in  Springfield  or  in  that  part  of  the 
State  where  he  was  best  known  ever  questioned  his 
word  or  his  integrity  of  character.  With  the  encourage 
ment  of  Judge  Logan,  he  undertook  a  deeper  and  more 
serious  study  of  the  law,  and  the  eminence  of  his  part 
ner  brought  to  the  firm  much  lucrative  business  which 
Lincoln  was  able  to  manage.  His  income  increased  in  a 
corresponding  manner,  and  he  was  able  to  indulge  his 
wife  and  family  in  greater  comforts  and  luxuries ;  but  at 
the  same  time  he  was  very  poor.  His  step-mother  and 
step-brother  were  burdens  upon  him ;  he  was  still  strug- 

44 


MARY    TODD    LINCOLN,    WIFE   OF   ABRAHAM    LINCOLN 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady  in  the  War  Department 

Collection 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

gling  to  pay  what  he  called  "  the  national  debt"  as 
rapidly  as  possible,  and  laid  aside  every  cent  he  could 
spare  from  his  household  expenses  for  that  purpose. 

But  he  was  never  a  money-maker.  That  talent  was 
sadly  lacking  in  him  as  in  other  great  men.  While  he 
was  in  New  York  to  make  his  Cooper  Institute  speech 
in  the  spring  of  1860,  he  met  an  old  acquaintance  from 
Illinois,  whom  he  addressed  with  an  inquiry  as  to  how 
he  had  fared  since  leaving  the  West.  "  I  have  made 
a  hundred  thousand  dollars  and  lost  all,"  was  his  reply. 
Then,  turning  questioner,  he  said,  "  How  is  it  with  you, 
Mr.  Lincoln?"  "Oh,  very  well,"  he  said;  "I  have  a 
cottage  at  Springfield  and  about  eight  thousand  dol 
lars  in  money.  If  they  make  me  Vice-President  with 
Seward,  as  some  say  they  will,  I  hope  I  shall  be  able  to 
increase  it  to  twenty  thousand ;  and  that  is  as  much  as 
any  man  ought  to  want." 

With  the  fee  received  from  one  of  his  earliest  im 
portant  cases  he  purchased  a  modest  frame  house  in  an 
unfashionable  part  of  Springfield,  which  was  afterwards 
enlarged,  and  was  his  only  home.  It  was  also  the  only 
piece  of  property  he  ever  owned,  with  the  exception  of 
two  tracts  of  wild  land  in  Iowa  which  he  received  from 
Congress  for  his  services  in  the  Black  Hawk  War.  In 
that  house  he  received  the  committee  that  came  to  notify 
him  of  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency,  and  its  mem 
bers  were  impressed  with  the  simplicity  of  his  life  and 
surroundings.  It  was  more  comfortable  than  commo 
dious,  and  not  unlike  the  residences  of  well-to-do  mem 
bers  of  his  profession  throughout  the  country.  He 
lived  well,  he  was  hospitable  to  his  friends,  and  Mrs. 
Lincoln  took  an  active  part  in  the  social  affairs  of  the 
community. 

One  who  often  visited  him,  referring  to 
fashioned  hospitality  of  Springfield,"  writes,  "  Amon 
others  I  recall  with  a  sad  pleasure  the  dinners  anc 
evening  parties  given  by  Mrs.  Lincoln.    In  her  moc 

45 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM    LINCOLN 

and  simple  home,  where  everything  was  so  orderly  and 
refined,  there  was  always  on  the  part  of  both  host  and 
hostess  a  cordial  and  hearty  Western  welcome  which 
put  every  guest  perfectly  at  ease.  Their  table  was 
famed  for  the  excellence  of  many  rare  Kentucky  dishes, 
and  for  venison,  wild  turkeys,  and  other  game,  then 
so  abundant.  Yet  it  was  her  genial  manner  and  ever- 
kind  welcome,  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  wit  and  humor,  anec 
dote  and  unrivalled  conversation,  which  formed  the 
chief  attraction." 

They  had  four  children :  Edward  Baker,  born  March 
10,  1846,  who  died  in  infancy ;  William  Wallace,  born 
December  21,  1850,  died  in  the  White  House  February 
20,  1862;  Thomas,  born  April  4,  1853,  died  in  Chicago 
July  15,  1871 ;  and  Robert  Todd,  the  only  survivor, 
born  August  i,  1843,  a  graduate  of  Harvard  Univer 
sity  and  a  lawyer  by  profession.  He  filled  with  distinc 
tion  the  office  of  Secretary  of  War  during  the  adminis 
trations  of  Presidents  Garfield  and  Arthur,  was  minister 
to  England  under  President  Harrison,  and  now  resides 
in  Chicago  as  President  of  the  Pullman  Sleeping  Car 
Company. 

Mr.  Lincoln  was  very  fond  of  his  children,  and  many 
anecdotes  are  related  of  his  adventures  with  them.  He 
frequently  took  his  boys  about  with  him,  finding  more 
satisfaction  in  their  companionship  than  among  his  old 
associates.  He  seldom  went  to  his  office  in  the  morning 
without  carrying  his  youngest  child  down  the  street  on 
his  shoulder,  while  the  older  ones  clung  to  his  hands  or 
coat-tails.  Every  child  in  Springfield  knew  and  loved 
him,  for  his  sympathy  seemed  to  comprehend  them  all. 
It  has  been  said  that  there  was  no  institution  in  Spring 
field  in  which  he  did  not  take  an  active  interest.  He 
made  a  daily  visit  to  a  drug  store  on  the  public  square 
which  was  the  rendezvous  of  politicians  and  lawyers, 
and  on  Sunday  morning  was  always  to  be  found  in  his 
pew  in  the  First  Presbyterian  Church.  He  was  one  of 

46 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

the  most  modest  yet  the  most  honored  member  of  the 
community,  and  his  affection  for  his  neighbors  could 
have  been  no  better  expressed  than  in  his  few  words  of 
farewell  when  he  left  Springfield  for  his  inauguration 
at  Washington : 

"  My  friends :  no  one  not  in  my  position  can  realize 
the  sadness  I  feel  at  this  parting.  To  this  people  I  owe 
all  that  I  am.  Here  I  have  lived  more  than  a  quarter 
of  a  century.  Here  my  children  were  born  and  here  one 
of  them  lies  buried.  I  know  not  how  soon  I  shall  see 
you  again.  I  go  to  assume  a  task  more  difficult  than 
that  which  has  devolved  upon  any  other  man  since  the 
days  of  Washington.  He  never  would  have  succeeded 
except  for  the  aid  of  Divine  Providence,  upon  which 
he  at  all  times  relied.  I  feel  that  I  cannot  succeed  with 
out  the  same  Divine  blessing  which  sustained  him ;  and 
on  the  same  Almighty  Being  I  place  my  reliance  for 
support.  And  I  hope  you,  my  friends,  will  all  pray  that 
I  may  receive  that  Divine  assistance,  without  which  I 
cannot  succeed,  but  with  which  success  is  certain. 
Again  I  bid  you  an  affectionate  farewell." 

Mrs.  Lincoln  died  at  the  residence  of  her  sister,  Mrs. 
Ninian  W.  Edwards,  in  Springfield,  July  16,  1882.  Dr. 
Thomas  W.  Dresser,  her  physician  during  her  last 
illness,  says  of  her,  "  In  the  late  years  of  her  life  mental 
peculiarities  were  developed  which  finally  culminated  in 
a  slight  apoplexy,  producing  paralysis  of  which  she 
died.  Among  the  peculiarities  alluded  to,  one  of  the 
most  singular  was  the  habit  she  had  during  the  last 
year  or  so  of  her  life  of  immuring  herself  in  a  perfectly 
dark  room  and,  for  light,  using  a  small  candle-light, 
even  when  the  sun  was  shining  bright  out  of  doors.  No 
urging  would  induce  her  to  go  out  into  the  fresh  air. 
Another  peculiarity  was  the  accumulation  of  large 
quantities  of  silks  and  dress  goods  in  trunks  and  by  the 
cart-load,  which  she  never  used  and  which  accumulated 
until  it  was  really  feared  that  the  floor  of  the  store- 

47 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

room  would  give  way.  She  was  bright  and  sparkling 
in  conversation,  and  her  memory  remained  singularly 
good  up  to  the  very  close  of  her  life.  Her  face  was 
animated  and  pleasing,  and  to  me  she  was  always  an 
interesting  woman;  and  while  the  whole  world  was 
finding  fault  with  her  temper  and  disposition,  it  was 
clear  to  me  that  the  trouble  was  really  a  cerebral  dis 
ease." 

In  appearance  Lincoln  was  a  very  plain  man.  Folks 
called  him  ugly,  but  his  ugliness  was  impressive.  He 
was  gaunt  and  awkward,  his  limbs  and  arms  were  very 
long,  his  hands  and  feet  were  large,  and  his  knuckles 
were  prominent.  His  neck  was  long,  the  skin  was 
coarse  and  wrinkled  and  the  sinews  showed  under  it. 
There  was  so  little  flesh  upon  his  face  that  his  features 
were  more  pronounced  than  they  otherwise  would  have 
been.  His  nose  and  chin  were  especially  prominent.  In 
all  his  movements  he  was  as  awkward  as  he  was  un 
couth  in  appearance,  but  it  was  an  awkwardness  that 
was  often  eloquent. 

General  Fry  left  this  pen  portrait :  "  Lincoln  was  tall 
and  thin;  his  long  bones  were  united  by  large  joints, 
and  he  had  a  long  neck  and  an  angular  face  and  head. 
Many  likenesses  represent  his  face  well  enough,  but  none 
that  I  have  ever  seen  do  justice  to  the  awkwardness  and 
ungainliness  of  his  figure.  His  feet,  hanging  loosely 
to  his  ankles,  were  prominent  objects;  but  his  hands 
were  more  conspicuous  even  than  his  feet, — due,  per 
haps,  to  the  fact  that  ceremony  at  times  compelled  him 
to  clothe  them  in  white  kid  gloves,  which  always  fitted 
loosely.  Both  in  the  height  of  conversation  and  in  the 
depth  of  reflection  his  hand  now  and  then  ran  over  or 
supported  his  head,  giving  his  hair  habitually  a  dis 
ordered  aspect." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  indifference  about  dress  did  not  im 
prove  his  appearance.  His  old-fashioned  "  stovepipe 
hat"  was  as  familiar  an  object  around  Washington  as  it 

48 


THE   MAN  AND   HIS   KINDRED 

was  in  Springfield,  and  his  family  and  associates  were 
unable  to  induce  him  to  purchase  a  new  one.  He  usually 
wore  a  suit  of  broadcloth  with  a  long  frock  coat,  the 
customary  garments  of  the  legal  profession  in  the  West 
and  South  in  those  days,  and,  instead  of  an  overcoat,  a 
gray  shawl  which  was  more  than  half  the  time  hanging 
carelessly  over  one  shoulder. 

He  enjoyed  jokes  at  the  expense  of  his  personal  ap 
pearance,  and  used  to  appropriate  to  himself  this  ancient 
incident  which  has  been  told  of  so  many  other  ugly  men. 
"  In  the  days  when  I  used  to  be  on  the  circuit,"  he 
often  said,  "  I  was  once  accosted  in  the  cars  by  a 
stranger,  who  said,  '  Excuse  me,  sir,  but  I  have  an  ar 
ticle  in  my  possession  which  belongs  to  you.'  '  How  is 
that?'  I  asked,  considerably  astonished.  The  stranger 
took  a  jack-knife  from  his  pocket.  '  This  knife,'  said  he, 
'  was  placed  in  my  hands  some  years  ago  with  the  in 
junction  that  I  was  to  keep  it  until  I  found  a  man  uglier 
than  myself.  I  have  carried  it  from  that  time  until  this. 
Allow  me  now  to  say,  sir,  that  I  think  you  are  fairly 
entitled  to  the  property/  ': 

Another  of  his  stories  about  himself  concerned  a  cei 
tain  honest  old  farmer  who,  visiting  the  capital  for  the 
first  time,  was  taken  by  the  member  from  his  "  deestnck 
to  some  large  gathering  at  which  he  was  told  he  coul 
see  the  President.    Unfortunately,  Mr.  Lincoln  did  : 
appear ;  and  the  Congressman,  being  a  bit  of  a  wag  and 
not  liking  to  have  his  constituent  disappointed,  poir 
out  a  gentleman  of  a  particularly  round  and  rubicunc 
countenance.     The  worthy  farmer,  greatly  astonisl 
exclaimed,   "Is  that  Old  Abe?     Well,   I   do  declare! 
He's  a  better-looking  man  than  I  expected  to  see     but 
it  does  seem  as  if  his  troubles  had  driven  him  to  drink. 

One  night  Lincoln  had  a  dream  which  he  used  to 
relate  with  great  gusto  to  his  friends  and  family, 
said  that  he  was  in  some  great  assembly  and  the  c 
opened  to  let  him  pass.    One  of  the  multitude  remarked, 
4  49 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  He  is  a  common-looking  fellow,"  whereupon  Lincoln 
turned  and  rebuked  him,  saying,  "  Friend,  the  Lord  pre 
fers  common-looking  people;  that  is  why  fle  made  so 
many  of  them." 

As  is  well  known,  Mr.  Lincoln's  nature  sought  relief 
in  trying  situations  by  recalling  incidents  or  anecdotes 
of  a  humorous  character.  It  was  his  safety-valve,  and 
when  his  memory  awakened  the  story  he  sought,  there 
would  be  a  sudden  and  radical  transformation  of  his 
features.  His  face  would  glow,  his  eyes  would  twinkle, 
and  his  lips  would  curl  and  quiver.  His  face  was  often 
an  impenetrable  mask,  and  people  who  watched  him 
when  a  perplexing  question  was  proposed,  or  when  he 
was  in  doubt  as  to  his  duty,  could  never  interpret  what 
was  going  on  in  his  mind.  He  never  declined  to  face 
any  person,  however  annoying  or  dangerous,  and  this 
faith  in  his  own  strength  sufficed  to  guide  him  through 
some  of  the  severest  trials  that  have  ever  fallen  to  the 
lot  of  a  public  man 

At  times  Mr.  Lincoln  stood  almost  transfigured,  and 
those  who  were  with  him  declare  that  his  face  would 
light  up  with  a  beauty  as  if  it  were  inspired.  When  in 
repose  it  wore  an  expression  of  infinite  sadness,  which 
was  due  to  his  natural  melancholy  temperament  as  well 
as  to  the  continual  strain  of  anxiety  and  his  familiarity 
with  the  horrors  inseparable  from  war.  There  was  no 
heart  so  tender  for  the  sufferings  and  sorrows  of  the 
soldiers  and  their  families  in  all  the  country,  and  he 
seemed  to  share  the  anguish  of  the  broken-hearted 
mothers  whose  sons  had  fallen  in  battle  or  were  starving 
in  prison  beyond  his  rescue.  When  death  entered  his 
own  household  his  sorrow  could  scarcely  be  measured ; 
his  sympathetic  soul  yielded  so  often  to  importunities 
that  his  generals  declared  that  he  was  destroying  the 
discipline  of  the  army.  His  own  career  had  been  an 
incessant  struggle,  a  ceaseless  endeavor,  and  his  tender 
ness  is  traceable  to  impressions  thus  formed.  No  man 

50 


THE   MAN   AND    HIS    KINDRED 

ever  occupied  a  similar  position  whose  experience  had 
been  so  closely  parallel  with  that  of  the  plain  people  he 
represented.  Nowhere  in  all  literature  can  be  found  a 
more  appropriate  or  touching  expression  of  sympathy 
than  his  letter  to  Mrs.  Bixby,  of  Boston,  who,  it  was 
then  supposed,  had  given  five  sons  to  her  country : 

"  DEAR  MADAM  : — I  have  been  shown,  in  the  files  of 
the  War  Department,  a  statement  of  the  Adjutant-Gen 
eral  of  Massachusetts,  that  you  are  the  mother  of  five 
sons  who  have  died  gloriously  on  the  field  of  battle.  I 
feel  how  weak  and  fruitless  must  be  any  words  of  mine 
which  should  attempt  to  beguile  you  from  a  loss  so  over 
whelming.  But  I  cannot  refrain  from  tendering  to  you 
the  consolation  that  may  be  found  in  the  thanks  of  the 
Republic  that  they  have  died  to  save.  I  pray  that  our 
Heavenly  Father  may  assuage  the  anguish  of  your  be 
reavement,  and  leave  you  only  the  cherished  memory  of 
the  loved  and  lost  and  the  solemn  pride  that  must  be 
yours  to  have  laid  so  costly  a  sacrifice  upon  the  altar  of 
freedom. 

"  Yours  very  sincerely  and  respectfully, 

"  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN/' 

Mr.  D.  R.  Locke  (Petroleum  V.  Nasby),  of  whose 
writings  he  was  so  fond,  said,  "  Those  who  accuse  Lin 
coln  of  frivolity  never  knew  him.    I  never  saw  a  more 
thoughtful  face,  I  never  saw  a  more  dignified  face    I 
never  saw  so  sad  a  face.    He  had  humor  of  which  li 
was  totally  unconscious,  but  it  was  not  frivolity.     He 
said  wonderfully  witty  things,  but  never  from  a  desi 
to  be  witty.    His  wit  was  entirely  illustrative.    He  used 
it  because,  and  only  because,  at  times  he  could  say  me 
in  this  way  and  better  illustrate  the  idea  with  which  he 
was  pregnant.     He  never  cared  how  he  made  a  poi 
so  that  he  made  it,  and  he  never  told  a  story  for  the  mere 
sake  of  telling  a  story.    When  he  did  it,  it  was  for  the 
purpose  of  illustrating  and  making  clear  a  point. 

51 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

was  essentially  epigrammatic  and  parabolic.  He  was  a 
master  of  satire,  which  at  times  was  as  blunt  as  a  meat- 
axe  and  at  others  as  keen  as  a  razor ;  but  it  was  always 
kindly  except  when  some  horrible  injustice  was  its  in 
spiration,  and  then  it  was  terrible.  Weakness  he  was 
never  ferocious  with,  but  intentional  wickedness  he  nevei 

spared."  , 

One  day  the  Hon.  Thaddeus  Stevens  called  at  the 
White  House  with  an  elderly  lady  in  great  trouble, 
whose  son  had  been  in  the  army,  but  for  some  offence 
had  been  court-martialled  and  sentenced  either  to  death 
or  imprisonment  at  hard  labor  for  a  long  term.  There 
were  extenuating  circumstances,  and  after  a  full  hearing 
the  President  said,  "  Mr.  Stevens,  do  you  think  this  is  a 
case  which  will  warrant  my  interference?"  "With  my 
knowledge  of  the  facts  and  parties,"  was  the  reply,  "  I 
should  have  no  hesitation  in  granting  a  pardon." 
"  Then,"  returned  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  I  will  pardon  him, 
and  he  proceeded  forthwith  to  execute  the  paper.  The 
gratitude  of  the  mother  was  too  deep  for  expression, 
save  by  tears,  and  not  a  word  was  said  until  half-way 
down  the  stairs,  when  she  suddenly  broke  forth,  in  an 
excited  manner, — 

"  I  knew  it  was  a  Copperhead  lie !" 
"  What  do  you  mean,  madam?"  asked  Mr.  Stevens.  ^ 
"  Why,  they  told  me  he  was  an  ugly  looking  man," 
she  replied  with  vehemence.     "  He  is  the  handsomest 
man  I  ever  saw  in  all  my  life." 

The  doorkeepers  at  the  White  House  had  standing 
orders  that,  no  matter  how  great  might  be  the  throng 
the  President  would  see  every  person  who  came  to  hin: 
with  a  petition  for  the  saving  of  life.  A  woman  carry 
ing  a  baby  came  three  days  in  succession.  Her  husbanc 
had  deserted  from  the  army,  and  had  been  caught  anc 
sentenced  to  be  shot.  While  going  through  the  ante 
room,  Mr.  Lincoln  heard  the  child  cry,  rang  a  bell,  and 
when  the  doorkeeper  came,  asked, — 

52 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

"  Daniel,  is  there  a  woman  with  a  baby  in  the  ante 
room  ?  Send  her  to  me  at  once." 

She  went  in,  told  her  story,  and  the  President  par 
doned  her  husband.  As  she  came  out  from  his  presence 
her  lips  were  moving  in  prayer  and  the  tears  were 
streaming  down  her  cheeks. 

"  Madam,  it  was  the  baby  that  did  it !"  said  the  mes 
senger. 

Mr.  A.  B.  Chandler,  who  had  charge  of  the  telegraph 
office  at  the  War  Department,  says  that  on  several  occa 
sions  Lincoln  came  to  the  office  near  midnight  with  a 
message  written  by  his  own  hand  in  order  that  there 
should  be  no  mistake  or  delay  in  sending  respite  to  a 
condemned  soldier.  "  I  think,"  said  Mr.  Chandler,  "  he 
never  failed  to  interpose  his  power  to  prevent  the  execu 
tion  of  a  soldier  for  sleeping  at  his  post,  or  any  other 
than  a  wilful  and  malicious  act ;  and  even  in  such  cases, 
when  brought  to  his  attention,  he  made  the  most  careful 
review  of  the  facts,  and  always  seemed  more  anxious  to 
find  the  offender  innocent  than  guilty ;  and  when  guilty 
he  was  disposed  to  take  into  consideration,  as  far  as 
possible,  any  extenuating  circumstances  in  favor  of  the 
wrong-doer. 

"  On  New  Year's  morning,  1864,"  continued  Mr. 
Chandler,  "  Mr.  Lincoln  was  about  opening  the  door  of 
the  military  telegraph  office.  A  woman  stood  in  the  hall, 
crying.  Mr.  Lincoln  had  observed  this,  and  as  soon  as 
he  was  seated  he  said  to  Major  Eckert,  *  What  is  the 
woman  crying  about  just  outside  your  door?  I  wish 
you  would  go  and  see,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  So  the  major 
went  out  and  learned  that  the  woman  had  come  to  Wash 
ington  expecting  to  be  able  to  go  to  the  army  and  see 
her  soldier  husband,  which  was  not  altogether  unusual 
for  ladies  to  do  while  the  army  was  in  the  winter-quar 
ters  ;  but  very  strict  orders  had  recently  been  issued  pro 
hibiting  women  from  visiting  the  army,  and  she  found 
herself  with  her  child,  in  Washington,  incurring  more 

53 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

expense  than  she  supposed  would  be  necessary,  with 
very  little  money,  and  in  great  grief.  This  being  ex 
plained  to  the  President,  he  said,  in  his  frank,  off-hand 
way,  'Come,  now,  let's  send  her  down:  what  do  you 
say?' 

"  The  major  explained  the  strict  orders  that  the  De 
partment  had  issued  lately,  the  propriety  of  which  Mr. 
Lincoln  recognized,  but  he  was  still  unwilling  to  yield 
his  purpose.  Finally  the  major  suggested  that  a  leave 
of  absence  to  come  to  Washington  might  be  given  the 
woman's  husband.  The  President  quickly  adopted  the 
suggestion,  and  directed  that  Colonel  Hardie,  an  assist 
ant  adjutant-general  on  duty  in  an  adjoining  room, 
should  make  an  official  order  permitting  the  man  to  come 
to  Washington." 

But  when  provoked,  or  when  his  sense  of  justice  was 
violated,  Lincoln  showed  a  terrible  temper.  It  is  related 
that  on  one  occasion  when  the  California  delegation  in 
Congress  called  upon  him  to  present  a  nominee  for  an 
office,  they  disputed  the  right  of  Senator  Baker,  of  Ore 
gon,  to  be  consulted  respecting  the  patronage  of  the 
Pacific  coast.  One  of  them  unwisely  attacked  the  private 
character  and  motives  of  the  Oregon  Senator,  forgetting 
that  he  had  been  one  of  Lincoln's  oldest  and  closest 
friends  in  Illinois.  The  President's  indignation  was 
aroused  instantly,  and  he  defended  Baker  and  denounced 
his  accusers  with  a  vehemence  that  is  described  as  terri 
ble.  The  California  delegation  never  questioned  the  in 
tegrity  of  his  friends  again. 

"  Of  all  public  men,"  said  John  B.  Alley,  "  none 
seemed  to  have  so  little  pride  of  opinion.  He  was  always 
learning,  and  did  not  adhere  to  views  which  he  found 
to  be  erroneous,  simply  because  he  had  once  formed  and 
held^  them.  I  remember  that  he  once  expressed  an 
opinion  to  me,  on  an  important  matter,  quite  different 
from  what  he  had  expressed  a  short  time  before,  and  I 
said,  '  Mr.  President,  you  have  changed  your  mind  en- 

54 


THE   MAN   AND   HIS   KINDRED 

tirely  within  a  short  time.'  He  replied,  '  Yes,  I  have ; 
and  I  don't  think  much  of  a  man  who  is  not  wiser  to-day 
than  he  was  yesterday.'  A  remark  full  of  wisdom  and 
sound  philosophy.  Mr.  Lincoln  was  so  sensible,  so 
broad-minded,  so  philosophical,  so  noble  in  his  nature, 
that  he  saw  only  increasing  wisdom  in  enlarged  expe 
rience  and  observation." 

Senator  Conners,  of  California,  said,  "  One  morning 
I  called  on  the  President  to  talk  with  him  on  some  public 
business,  and  as  soon  as  we  met  he  began  by  asking  if 
I  knew  Captain  Maltby,  now  living  in  California,  say 
ing,  *  He  is  visiting  here  and  his  wife  is  with  him.'  I 
replied  that  I  knew  of  him,  and  had  heard  he  was  in 
Washington.  He  said  that  when  he  first  came  to  Spring 
field,  where  he  was  unknown,  and  a  carpet-bag  contained 
all  he  owned  in  the  world,  and  he  was  needing  friends, 
Captain  Maltby  and  his  wife  took  him  into  their  modest 
dwelling ;  that  he  lived  with  them  while  he  '  put  out  his 
shingle'  and  sought  business. 

"  He  had  known  Maltby  during  the  period  of  the 
Black  Hawk  War.  No  one  was  ever  treated  more  kindly 
than  he  was  by  them.  He  had  risen  in  the  world  and 
they  were  poor,  and  Captain  Maltby  wanted  some  place 
which  would  give  him  a  living.  *  In  fact/  said  he, 
'  Maltby  wants  to  be  Superintendent  of  the  Mint  at  San 
Francisco,  but  he  is  hardly  equal  to  that.  I  want  to  find 
some  place  for  him,  and  into  which  he  will  fit,  and  I 
know  nothing  about  these  things.'  I  said,  '  There  is  a 
place— Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs  in  California— 
where  the  incumbent  should  be  superseded  for  cause, 
and  the  place  is  simply  a  great  farm,  where  the  govern 
ment  supplies  the  means  of  carrying  it  on ;  there  is  an 
abundance  of  Indian  labor,  and  making  it  produce  and 
accounting  for  the  products  are  the  duties  principally. 
He  replied,  '  Maltby  is  the  man  for  this  place,  and  he 
was  made  entirely  happy  by  being  able  to  serve  an 
and  good  man." 

55 


II 

THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  inherited  his  love  of  learning 
from  his  mother,  who  was  superior  in  intelligence  and 
refinement  to  the  women  of  her  class  and  time.  His 
ambition  to  become  a  lawyer  was  inspired  by  a  copy 
of  the  Revised  Statutes  of  Indiana  which  accidentally 
fell  into  his  hands  when  he  was  a  mere  boy  in  the 
swampy  forests  of  the  southern  section  of  that  State. 
In  the  brief  autobiography  already  referred  to,  which 
he  prepared  for  the  newspapers  to  gratify  public  curi 
osity  when  he  was  nominated  as  a  candidate  for  Presi 
dent,  he  says  that  he  "  went  to  school  by  littles ;  in  all, 
it  did  not  amount  to  more  than  a  year,"  and  he  after 
wards  told  a  friend  that  he  "  read  through  every  book 
he  ever  heard  of  in  that  country  for  a  circuit  of  fifty 
miles."  These  included  Weems's  "Life  of  Washing 
ton,"  Bunyan's  "  Pilgrim's  Progress,"  ^±sop's  "  Fables," 
"Robinson  Crusoe,"  a  History  of  the  United  States 
whose  author  is  not  named,  the  Bible,  and  the  Statutes 
of  Indiana. 

This  is  the  catalogue  he  gave  of  the  books  he  knew 
in  his  youth.  His  biographer  included  Plutarch's 
"  Lives,"  and  when  the  advanced  sheets  of  the  campaign 
sketch  reached  Lincoln  he  gave  a  curious  exhibition  of 
his  habitual  accuracy  by  calling  attention  to  the  fact  that 
this  was  not  exact  when  it  was  written,  "  for,  up  to 
that  moment  in  my  life,  I  had  never  seen  that  early 
contribution  to  human  history;  but  I  want  your  book, 
even  if  it  is  nothing  more  than  a  mere  campaign  sketch, 
to  be  faithful  to  the  facts,  and,  in  order  that  the  state 
ment  might  be  literally  true,  I  secured  the  book  (Plu- 

56 


THE   LEADER   OF  THE   SPRINGFIELD  BAR 

tarch's  'Lives')  a  few  weeks  ago  and  have  sent  for  you 
to  tell  you  that  I  have  just  read  it  through." 

It  is  quite  remarkable  that  a  country  lad,  almost  illit 
erate,  should  have  found  a  volume  of  statutes  interesting 
reading,  but  Lincoln  read  and  reread  it  until  he  had 
almost  committed  its  contents  to  memory,  and  in  after- 
years,  when  any  one  cited  an  Indiana  law,  he  could 
usually  repeat  the  exact  text  and  often  give  the  numbers 
of  the  page,  chapter,  and  paragraph.  The  book  belonged 
to  David  Turnham,  who  seems  to  have  been  a  constable 
or  magistrate  in  that  part  of  Indiana,  and  this  volume 
constituted  his  professional  library.  The  actual  copy 
is  now  preserved  in  the  library  of  the  New  York  Law 
Institute.  The  binding  is  worn  and  the  title-page  and 
a  few  leaves  at  the  end  are  missing.  Besides  the  statutes 
as  enacted  up  to  1824,  it  contains  the  Declaration  of 
Independence,  the  Constitutions  of  the  United  States 
and  the  State  of  Indiana,  and  the  Act  of  Virginia,  passed 
in  1783,  by  which  "  The  territory  North  Westward  of 
the  river  Ohio"  was  conveyed  to  the  United  States,  and 
the  ordinance  of  1787  for  governing  that  territory,  of 
which  Article  VI.  reads : 

"  There  shall  neither  be  slavery  nor  involuntary  servi 
tude  in  the  said  territory,  otherwise  than  in  the  punish 
ment  of  crime,  whereof  the  party  shall  be  duly  con 
victed;  provided  always,  that  any  person  escaping  into 
the  same,  from  whom  labor  or  service  is  lawfully  claimed, 
in  any  one  of  the  original  States,  such  fugitive  may  be 
lawfully  reclaimed,  and  conveyed  to  the  person  claiming 
his  or  her  labor  or  service  as  aforesaid." 

It  is  an  interesting  coincidence  that  Abraham  Lin 
coln  should  not  only  have  received  the  impressions 
which  guided  him  in  the  choice  of  his  career  from  this 
volume,  but  also  his  first  knowledge  of  the  legal  side  of 
slavery.  Before  he  finished  that  book  he  knew  the  prin 
ciples  upon  which  the  government  of  the  United  States 
was  founded  and  how  they  were  applied  in  the  States. 

57 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Its  contents  were  fastened  upon  his  memory  by  copying 
long  extracts  with  a  quill  of  a  turkey-buzzard  and  ink 
home-made  from  the  juice  of  the  brier  root.  When  he 
had  no  paper  he  wrote  upon  a  shingle,  and,  after  he  had 
committed  to  memory  the  paragraphs  so  preserved,  he 
would  shave  off  the  shingle  with  his  knife  and  write 
others.  When  he  was  in  the  field  ploughing  or  culti 
vating  he  took  a  book  with  him,  and  when  he  stopped  to 
rest  would  pull  it  from  his  pocket  and  read  until  it  was 
time  to  resume  work  again.  In  after-life,  even  when  he 
came  to  the  White  House,  he  used  to  speak  of  the  im 
pressions  made  upon  his  mind  by  the  "  Life  of  Wash 
ington,"  and  always  contended  that  it  was  better  for  the 
young  men  of  the  country  to  regard  Washington  in  the 
light  of  a  demigod,  as  Parson  Weems  describes  him, 
than  to  shake  their  faith  in  the  greatest  hero  of  American 
history  by  narrating  his  mistakes  and  follies  as  if  he  were 
a  common  man. 

He  never  lost  his  love  for  "  Pilgrim's  Progress"  or 
"  Robinson  Crusoe."  The  characters  in  both  were  real 
to  him,  and  to  the  end  of  his  days  he  could  repeat  yEsop's 
"  Fables"  verbatim. 

In  those  days  schools  were  very  scarce  and  poor ;  the 
teachers  were  usually  incompetent  itinerant  adventurers 
or  men  too  lazy  or  feeble  to  do  the  manual  labor  required 
of  frontiersmen.  They  were  paid  a  trifling  fee  for  each 
scholar  .and  "boarded  'round."  Nothing  was  expected 
of  them  in  the  way  of  education  beyond  a  knowledge 
of  the  three  R's,  and  Lincoln,  of  all  famous  self-made 
men,  owed  the  least  of  his  intellectual  strength  and 
knowledge  to  teachers  and  books  and  the  most  to  obser 
vation  and  human  contact.  When  he  was  upon  his  event 
ful  "  speaking  trip,"  as  he  called  it,  in  New  England,  in 
the  spring  of  1860,  a  clergyman  of  Hartford  was  so 
impressed  by  the  language  and  logic  of  his  address  that 
he  inquired  where  he  was  educated.  Mr.  Lincoln  re 
plied, — 

58 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

"  Well,  as  to  education,  the  newspapers  are  correct.  I 
never  went  to  school  more  than  six  months  in  my  life. 
I  can  say  this :  that  among  my  earliest  recollections  I 
remember  how,  when  a  mere  child,  I  used  to  get  irri 
tated  when  anybody  talked  to  me  in  a  way  that  I  could 
not  understand.  I  can  remember  going  to  my  little  bed 
room,  after  hearing  the  neighbors  talk  of  an  evening 
with  my  father,  and  spending  no  small  part  of  the  night 
trying  to  make  out  what  was  the  exact  meaning  of  some 
of  their,  to  me,  dark  sayings. 

"  I  could  not  sleep,  although  I  tried  to,  when  I  got 
on  such  a  hunt  for  an  idea  until  I  had  caught  it;  and 
when  I  thought  I  had  got  it  I  was  not  satisfied  until  I 
had  repeated  it  over  and  over  again,  until  I  had  put  it 
in  language  plain  enough,  as  I  thought,  for  any  boy  I 
knew  to  comprehend.  This  was  a  kind  of  passion  with 
me,  and  it  has  stuck  by  me ;  for  I  am  never  easy  now, 
when  I  am  handling  a  thought,  until  I  have  bounded  it 
north  and  bounded  it  south  and  bounded  it  east  and 
bounded  it  west." 

Among  the  papers  of  the  late  Charles  Lanman  there 
is  a  sketch  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  written  in  his  own  hand. 
Mr.  Lanman  was  editor  of  the  Congressional  Directory 
at  the  time  that  Mr.  Lincoln  was  elected  to  Congress, 
and,  according  to  the  ordinary  custom,  forwarded  to  him, 
as  well  as  to  all  the  other  members-elect,  a  blank  to  be 
filled  out  with  facts  and  dates  which  might  be  made 
the  basis  for  a  biographical  sketch  in  the  Directory. 
Lincoln's  blank  was  returned  promptly  filled  up  in  his 
own  handwriting,  with  the  following  information : 

"  Born  February  12,  1809,  in  Hardin  County,  Ken 
tucky. 

"  Education  defective. 

"  Profession,  lawyer. 

"  Military  service,  captain  of  volunteers  in  the  Black 
Hawk  War. 

"  Offices  held :  postmaster  at  a  very  small  office ;  four 

59 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

times  a  member  of  the  Illinois  Legislature,  and  elected 
to  the  Lower  House  of  the  next  Congress. 

Mr.  Leonard  Swett,  who  was  closely  identified  with 
Mr.  Lincoln  for  many  years,  says,— 

"  In  the  fall  of  1853,  as  I  was  riding  with  Mr.  Lin 
coln,  I  said,  '  I  have  heard  a  great  many  curious  inci 
dents  of  your  early  life,  and  I  would  be  obliged  if  you 
would  begin  at  your  earliest  recollection  and  tell  me  t 
story  of  it  continuously/ 

"'I  can  remember/  he  said,  'our  life  in  Kentucky: 
the  cabin,  the  stinted  living,  the  sale  of  our  possessions, 
and  the  journey  with  my  father  and  mother  to  Southern 
Indiana/  I  think  he  said  he  was  then  about  ^six  years 
old.  Shortly  after  his  arrival  in  Indiana  his  mother 
died.  '  It  was  pretty  pinching  times  at  first  in  Indiana, 
getting  the  cabin  built,  and  the  clearing  for  the  crops ; 
but  presently  we  got  reasonably  comfortable,  and  my 
father  married  again/ 

"  He  had  very  faint  recollections  of  his  own  mother, 
he  was  so  young  when  she  died;  but  he  spoke  most 
kindly  of  her  and  of  his  step-mother,  and  her  cares  for 
him  in  providing  for  his  wants. 

" '  My  father/  he  said,  '  had  suffered  greatly  for  the 
want  of  an  education,  and  he  determined  at  an  early  day 
that  I  should  be  well  educated.  And  what  do  you  think 
his  ideas  of  a  good  education  were?  We  had  a  dog 
eared  arithmetic  in  our  house,  and  father  determined 
that  somehow,  or  somehow  else,  I  should  cipher  clear 
through  that  book/ 

"  With  this  standard  of  an  education,  he  started  to  a 
school  in  a  log-house  in  the  neighborhood,  and  began 
his  educational  career.  He  had  attended  this  school  but 
about  six  weeks,  however,  when  a  calamity  befell  his 
father.  He  had  endorsed  a  man's  note  in  the  neighbor 
hood  for  a  considerable  amount,  and  the  prospect  was  he 
would  have  it  to  pay,  and  that  would  sweep  away  all  their 
little  possessions.  His  father,  therefore,  explained  to 

60 


Copyright,  1900,  by  McClure,  Phillips  &  Co. 
ABRAHAM    LINCOLN    EARLY    IN    l86l,    WHEN    HE    FIRST 

BEGAN   TO   WEAR   A    BEARD 

From  a  photograph  in  the  collection  of  H.  W.  Fay,  Esq., 
De  Kalb,  Illinois.      By  special  permission 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE  SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

him  that  he  wanted  to  hire  him  out  and  receive  the 
fruits  of  his  labor  and  his  aid  in  averting  this  calamity. 
Accordingly,  at  the  expiration  of  six  weeks,  he  left 
school  and  never  returned  to  it  again." 

He  first  attended  school  when  he  was  about  seven 
years  old  and  still  living  in  Kentucky.  It  was  held  in 
a  little  log-hut  near  their  cabin,  and  was  taught  by 
Zachariah  Riney,  an  Irish  Catholic  of  whom  he  retained 
a  pleasant  memory,  for  it  was  there  that  he  learned  to 
read.  The  next  year  Caleb  Hazel  opened  a  school  about 
four  miles  distant,  which  Lincoln  attended  for  three 
months  with  his  sister  Sarah,  and  both  of  them  learned 
to  write.  He  had  no  more  teaching  while  he  lived  in 
Kentucky,  except  from  his  mother.  There  is  no  record 
of  his  schooling  in  Indiana,  but  the  neighbors  testify 
that  in  his  tenth  year  he  attended  school  for  a  few 
months  in  a  small  cabin  of  round  logs  about  a  mile  and 
a  half  from  the  rude  home  of  his  father ;  there  he  went 
again  for  a  few  months  when  he  was  fourteen  years 
old,  and  again  in  1826,  when  he  was  seventeen,  to  a 
man  named  Swaney,  who  taught  at  a  distance  of  four 
miles  and  a  half  from  the  Lincoln  cabin.  He  had  little 
encouragement  from  his  father,  for  the  latter  considered 
the  daily  walk  of  nine  miles  and  the  six  hours  spent  in 
the  school-room  a  waste  of  time  for  a  boy  six  feet  tall. 
His  step-mother,  however,  endeavored  to  encourage  and 
protect  him  in  his  efforts  to  learn,  and  they  studied 
together.  He  read  her  the  books  he  borrowed,  and  they 
used  to  discuss  the  unintelligible  passages.  He  was  not 
remarkably  quick  at  learning.  On  the  contrary,  his  per 
ceptions  were  rather  dull;  but  that  is  often  an  advan 
tage  to  a  studious  mind,  as  everything  increases  in  value 
with  the  effort  required  to  attain  it.  His  memory  was 
good,  his  power  of  reasoning  was  early  developed,  am 
a  habit  of  reflection  was  acquired  at  an  early  age 
once  remarked  to  a  friend  that  his  mind  did  not  take  i 
pressions  easily,  but  they  were  never  effaced. 

61 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

slow  to  learn,  and  slow  to  forget  that  which  I  have 
learned,"  he  said.  "  My  mind  is  like  a  piece  of  steel- 
very  hard  to  scratch  anything  on  it,  and  almost  impos 
sible  after  you  get  it  there  to  rub  it  out."  The  fact  that 
he  never  abandoned  an  idea  until  it  was  thoroughly 
understood  was  the  foundation  of  a  healthy  mental 
growth. 

At  this  time,  when  he  was  seventeen  years  old,  he  had 
a  general  knowledge  of  the  rudiments  of  learning.  He 
was  a  good  arithmetician,  he  had  some  knowledge  of 
geography  and  history,  he  could  "  spell  down"  the  whole 
county  at  spelling-school,  and  wrote  a  clear  and  neat 
hand.  His  general  reading  embraced  poetry  and  a  few 
novels.  He  even  attempted  to  make  rhymes,  although 
he  was  not  very  successful.  He  wrote  several  prose 
compositions,  and  it  is  related  that  "  one  of  the  most 
popular  amusements  in  the  neighborhood  was  to  hear 
Abe  Lincoln  make  a  comic  speech." 

Lincoln  received  no  more  teaching,  but  continued  his 
reading  and  study  until  his  family  removed  to  Illinois. 
When  he  went  to  New  Salem,  after  he  had  made  his 
second  voyage  to  New  Orleans,  and  was  waiting  for 
Denton  Offutt  to  open  his  store,  a  local  election  was 
held.  One  of  the  clerks  of  election  being  unable  to 
attend,  Menton  Graham,  the  other  clerk,  who  was  also 
the  village  school-master,  asked  Lincoln  if  he  could 
write. 

"  I  can  make  a  few  rabbit  tracks,"  was  the  reply,  and 
upon  that  admission  he  was  sworn  into  his  first  office. 

Thus  began  one  of  the  most  useful  friendships  he 
ever  enjoyed,  for  Graham  was  an  intelligent  and  sympa 
thetic  friend  who  inspired  the  future  President  with 
ambition,  nourished  his  appetite  for  knowledge,  loaned 
him  books,  assisted  him  in  his  studies,  heard  him  recite, 
corrected  his  compositions,  and  was  his  constant  com 
panion  while  he  was  clerking  in  Offutt's  store.  One  day 
Graham  told  him  that  he  ought  to  study  grammar,  and 

62 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

the  next  morning  Lincoln  walked  six  miles  to  a  neigh 
boring  town  to  obtain  a  copy  of  Kirkham's  "  Grammar." 
This  volume  was  found  in  his  library  after  his  death. 
It  was  Graham,  too,  who  in  six  weeks  taught  him  the 
science  of  surveying  after  Lincoln  was  appointed  deputy 
to  John  Calhoun.  From  none  of  his  many  friends  did 
he  receive  more  valuable  counsel  and  assistance. 

After  he  was  admitted  to  the  bar  and  became  a  mem 
ber  of  the  Legislature,  he  continued  a  regular  course 
of  study,  including  mathematics,  logic,  rhetoric,  as 
tronomy,  literature,  and  other  branches,  devoting  a 
certain  number  of  hours  to  it  every  day.  He  followed 
this  rule  even  after  his  marriage,  and  several  years  after 
his  return  from  Congress  he  joined  a  German  class 
which  met  in  his  office  two  evenings  a  week. 

His  early  friends  have  always  contended  that  his  de 
votion  to  study  hastened  the  failure  of  the  mercantile 
enterprise  which  caused  him  so  much  anxiety  and  left 
the  burden  of  debt  upon  his  shoulders  which  he  carried 
so  many  years ;  for  when  he  should  have  been  attending 
to  the  store  and  watching  the  dissolute  habits  of  his 
partner,  he  was  absorbed  in  his  books. 

His  ambition  to  be  a  lawyer  was  stimulated  by  a 
curious  incident  that  occurred  soon  after  he  went  into 
partnership  with  Berry.  He  related  it  himself  in  these 
words : 

"  One  day  a  man  who  was  migrating  to  the  West 
drove  up  in  front  of  my  store  with  a  wagon  which  con 
tained  his  family  and  household  plunder.  He  asked  me 
if  I  would  buy  an  old  barrel  for  which  he  had  no  room 
in  his  wagon,  and  which  he  said  contained  nothing  of 
special  value.  I  did  not  want  it,  but  to  oblige  him  I 
bought  it,  and  paid  him,  I  think,  half  a  dollar  for  it. 
Without  further  examination  I  put  it  away  in  the  store 
and  forgot  all  about  it.  Some  time  after,  in  overhauling 
things,  I  came  upon  the  barrel,  and  emptying  it  upon 
the  floor  to  see  what  it  contained,  I  found  at  the  bottom 

63 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

of  the  rubbish  a  complete  edition  of  Blackstone's  '  Com 
mentaries.'  I  began  to  read  those  famous  works,  and 
I  had  plenty  of  time ;  for  during  the  long  summer  days, 
when  the  farmers  were  busy  with  their  crops,  my  cus 
tomers  were  few  and  far  between.  The  more  I  read" 
— this  he  said  with  unusual  emphasis — "  the  more  in 
tensely  interested  I  became.  Never  in  my  whole  life 
was  my  mind  so  thoroughly  absorbed.  I  read  until  I 
devoured  them." 

It  was  while  he  was  still  a  deputy  surveyor  that  Lin 
coln  was  elected  to  the  Legislature,  and  in  his  autobio 
graphical  notes  he  says,  "  During  the  canvass,  in  a  pri 
vate  conversation,  Major  John  T.  Stuart  (one  of  his 
fellow-candidates)  encouraged  Abraham  to  study  law. 
After  the  election  he  borrowed  books  of  Stuart,  took 
them  home  with  him  and  went  at  it  in  good  earnest.  He 
never  studied  with  anybody.  As  he  tramped  back  and 
forth  from  Springfield,  twenty  miles  away,  to  get  his 
law  books,  he  read  sometimes  forty  pages  or  more  on 
the  way.  The  subject  seemed  to  be  never  out  of  his 
mind.  It  was  the  great  absorbing  interest  of  his  life." 
The  rule  he  gave  twenty  years  later  to  a  young  man  who 
wanted  to  know  how  to  become  a  lawyer,  was  the  one 
he  practised :  "  Get  books  and  read  and  study  them 
carefully.  Begin  with  Blackstone's  '  Commentaries/  say 
twice,  take  Chitty's  '  Pleadings,'  Greenleaf's  '  Evidence/ 
and  Story's  '  Equity/  in  succession.  Work,  work,  work 
is  the  main  thing." 

Immediately  after  his  election  he  went  to  Springfield 
and  was  admitted  to  the  bar  on  September  9,  1836.  His 
name  first  appears  upon  the  list  of  the  attorneys  and 
counsellors-at-law  published  at  the  opening  of  the  next 
term,  March  i,  1837.  As  there  was  no  lawyer  in  the 
neighborhood  of  New  Salem,  and  none  nearer  than 
Springfield,  Lincoln  had  obtained  a  little  practice  in 
petty  cases  before  the  village  magistrate,  and  it  is  stated 
that,  poor  as  he  was,  he  never  accepted  a  fee  for  such 

64 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

services  because  he  felt  that  he  was  fully  paid  by  the 
experience. 

For  a  long  time  he  was  in  doubt  as  to  the  expediency 
of  abandoning  his  work  as  surveyor,  which  brought  him 
from  twelve  to  fifteen  dollars  a  month,  for  the  uncertain 
income  of  a  lawyer,  for  he  was  still  burdened  by  debt, 
and  was  constantly  called  upon  for  money  by  his  step 
mother  and  step-brother ;  but  John  T.  Stuart,  with  whom 
he  had  been  associated  in  politics  and  in  the  Black  Hawk 
War,  and  who  had  proved  to  be  a  true  friend,  offered 
him  a  partnership,  and  Stuart  was  one  of  the  leading 
lawyers  of  the  State.  Therefore,  Lincoln  decided  to 
take  the  chances,  and,  on  April  15,  1837,  rode  into 
Springfield,  says  his  friend  Joshua  Speed,  "  on  a  bor 
rowed  horse,  with  no  earthly  property  save  a  pair  of 
saddle-bags  containing  a  few  clothes." 

His  first  case  was  that  of  Hawthorne  vs.  Woolridge, 
his  first  fee  was  three  dollars,  and  he  made  his  first 
appearance  in  court  in  October,  1836.  We  do  not  know 
the  details.  He  created  a  sensation  the  following  sum 
mer,  and  for  the  first  time  revealed  some  of  the  char 
acteristics  which  afterwards  made  him  famous  by  his 
merciless  pursuit  of  a  rascal  named  Adams  who  had 
swindled  the  widow  of  one  Joseph  Anderson  out  of  some 
land.  His  treatment  of  this  case  advertised  him  far 
and  wide  in  the  country  around  Springfield  as  a  shrewd 
practitioner  and  a  man  of  tireless  energy,  and  it  doubtless 
brought  him  considerable  business.  The  account-book 
of  Stuart  &  Lincoln  is  still  preserved,  and  shows  that 
their  fees  were  very  small, — not  exceeding  sixteen  hun 
dred  dollars  for  the  year  and  seldom  more  than  ten 
dollars  in  a  case ;  while  many  of  them  were  traded  out 
at  the  town  groceries,  and,  in  the  case  of  farmers,  were 
paid  in  vegetables,  poultry,  butter,  and  other  produce. 
But  that  was  the  custom  of  the  time,  and  at  that  date 
a  fee  of  one  hundred  dollars  was  as  rare  as  one  of  ten 
thousand  dollars  now. 

5  65 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

In  those  days,  because  of  the  scattering  population  and 
the  absence  of  transportation  facilities,  it  was  customary 
for  courts  to  travel  in  circuits,  each  circuit  being  pre 
sided  over  by  a  judge  who  went  from  one  county-seat  to 
another  twice  a  year  to  hear  whatever  cases  had  accu 
mulated  upon  the  docket.  Springfield  was  situated  in  the 
Eighth  Judicial  Circuit,  which  at  that  time  was  one  hun 
dred  and  fifty  miles  square,  including  fifteen  counties  com 
prising  the  central  part  of  Illinois.  As  there  were  no  rail 
roads,  the  judge  travelled  on  horseback  or  in  a  carriage, 
followed  by  a  number  of  lawyers.  The  best-known  law 
yers  had  central  offices  at  Springfield  and  branch  offices 
at  the  different  county-seats,  where  they  were  represented 
permanently  by  junior  partners,  who  prepared  their  cases 
and  attended  to  litigation  of  minor  importance. 

When  the  county-seat  was  reached  the  judge  was 
given  the  best  room  at  the  hotel  and  presided  at  the 
dining-room  table,  surrounded  by  lawyers,  jurors,  wit 
nesses,  litigants,  prisoners  out  on  bail,  and  even  the  men 
who  drove  their  teams.  The  hotels  were  primitive  and 
limited,  and,  as  the  sitting  of  a  court  usually  attracted 
all  the  idle  men  in  the  vicinity,  the  landlords  were  taxed 
to  accommodate  their  guests,  and  packed  them  in  as 
closely  as  possible;  usually  two  in  a  bed  and  often  as 
many  as  could  find  room  on  the  floor.  The  townspeople 
made  the  semi-annual  meeting  of  the  court  an  occasion 
for  social  festivities,  the  judge  being  the  guest  of  honor 
at  dinners,  receptions,  quiltings,  huskings,  weddings,  and 
other  entertainments,  while  the  lawyers  ranked  accord 
ing  to  their  social  standing  and  accomplishments. 

In  some  of  the  towns  there  was  no  court-house,  and 
trials  were  held  in  a  church  or  a  school-house,  and  some 
times,  when  the  weather  was  favorable,  in  the  open  air. 

When  there  was  no  entertainment  of  an  evening,  the 
members  of  the  bar  and  their  clients  who  were  not  pre 
paring  for  a  trial  on  the  morrow  amused  themselves  by 
playing  cards,  telling  stories,  and  discussing  public  af- 

66 


THE   LEADER    OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

fairs,  so  that  all  who  "  followed  the  circuit"  became 
thoroughly  acquainted  and  each  was  estimated  according 
to  his  true  value.  Trials  of  general  interest  were  at 
tended  by  the  entire  cavalcade,  but  dull  arguments  and 
routine  business  attracted  the  attention  of  those  only  who 
were  personally  concerned.  In  the  mean  time  the  rest 
of  the  party  would  sit  around  the  tavern  or  court-house 
yard,  entertaining  themselves  and  one  another  in  the 
most  agreeable  manner,  and  naturally  Mr.  Lincoln's 
talents  as  a  story-teller  made  him  popular  and  his  per 
sonal  character  made  him  beloved  by  every  one  with 
whom  he  came  in  contact.  The  meeting  of  the  Supreme 
Court  once  a  year  at  Springfield  was  the  great  event, 
next  to  the  assembling  of  the  Legislature,  and  served  as 
a  reunion  of  the  ablest  men  in  the  State.  These  usually 
had  causes  to  try  or  motions  to  submit,  or  if  they  had 
none  would  make  some  excuse  for  attending  the  gather 
ing.  The  Supreme  Court  Library  was  their  rendezvous, 
and  Lincoln  was  the  centre  of  attraction,  even  when  he 
was  a  young  man;  when  he  became  older  his  presence 
was  regarded  as  necessary  to  a  successful  evening.  His 
stories  were  as  much  a  part  of  these  annual  gatherings 
as  the  decisions  of  the  court,  and  after  this  custom 
became  obsolete  the  older  lawyers  retained  with  an  affec 
tionate  interest  the  memories  of  their  association  with 
him. 

David  Davis,  afterwards  Justice  of  the  United  States 
Supreme  Court  and  a  member  of  the  United  States  Sen 
ate  from  Illinois,  presided  over  the  Eighth  Circuit  for 
many  years  while  Lincoln  was  in  practice,  and  was  one 
of  his  most  ardent  admirers  and  devoted  friends.  It  is 
said  that  he  would  not  sit  down  at  the  table  for  dinner 
or  supper  until  Lincoln  was  present.  One  day,  during 
the  trial  of  a  cause,  when  Lincoln  was  the  centre  of  a 
group  in  a  distant  corner  of  the  court-room,  exchanging 
whispered  stories,  Judge  Davis  rapped  on  the  bench  and, 
calling  him  by  name,  exclaimed, — 

67 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"Mr  Lincoln,  this  must  stop!  There  is  no  use  in 
trying  to  carry  on  two  courts;  one  of  them  will  have  to 
adjourn,  and  I  think  yours  will  have  to  be  the  one ;  and 
as  soon  as  the  group  scattered,  Judge  Davis  called  one 
of  the  group  to  the  bench  and  asked  him  to  repeat  the 
stories  Lincoln  had  been  telling. 

Books  of  reminiscences  written  by  the  men  who  lived 
in  Illinois  in  those  days  are  filled  with  anecdotes  of  him, 
and,  even  now,  it  is  common  in  arguments  before  the 
courts  in  that  part  of  the  State  to  quote  what  Lincoln 
said  or  did  under  similar  circumstances,  and  his  opin 
ions  have  the  force  of  judicial  decisions. 

In  his  autobiography,  Joseph  Jeflerson  tells  an  inter 
esting  story  of  the  experience  of  his  father's  theatrical 
company  when  it  was  travelling  through  Illinois  in  1839. 
He  was  then  a  child  of  ten  years.     After  playing  at 
Chicago,  Quincy,  Peoria,  and  Pekin,  the  company  went 
to  Springfield,  where  the  presence  of  the  Legislature 
tempted  the  elder  Jefferson  and  his  company  to  remain 
throughout  the  season.    There  was  no  theatre,  so  they 
built  one ;   it  was  scarcely  completed  before  a  religious 
revival  turned  the  influence  of  the  church  people  against 
their  performances  so  effectually  that  a  law  was  passed 
by  the  municipality  imposing  a  license  which  was  prac 
tically  prohibitory.    In  the  midst  of  their  troubles,  says 
Jefferson,  a  young  lawyer  called  on  the  managers  and 
offered,  if  they  would  place  the  matter  in  his  hands,  to 
have  the  license  revoked,  declaring  that  he  only  desired 
to  see  fair  play,  and  would  accept  no  fee  whether  he 
failed  or  succeeded.    The  young  lawyer  handled  the  case 
with  tact,  skill,  and  humor,  in  his  argument  tracing  the 
history  of  the  drama  from  the  time  when  Thespis  acted 
in  a  cart  to  the  stage  of  to-day.    He  illustrated  his  speech 
with  pointed  anecdotes  which  kept  the  City  Council  in 
a  roar  of  laughter.     "  This  good-humor  prevailed,"  re 
lates  the  famous  actor,  "and  the  exhibition  tax  was 
taken  off."    The  young  lawyer  was  Lincoln. 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

Many  of  the  reminiscences  relate  to  Lincoln's  skill  at 
cross-examination,  in  which,  it  is  asserted,  he  had  no 
equal  at  the  Illinois  bar.  Judge  Davis  declared  that  he 
had  the  rare  gift  of  compelling  a  witness,  either  friendly 
or  unfriendly,  to  tell  the  whole  truth,  and  seldom  re 
sorted  to  the  browbeating  tactics  so  often  used  by  attor 
neys.  He  never  irritated  a  witness,  but  treated  him  so 
kindly  and  courteously  as  to  disarm  him  of  any  hostile 
intention. 

He  never  used  a  word  which  the  dullest  juryman 
could  not  understand.  A  lawyer  quoting  a  legal  maxim 
one  day  in  court,  turned  to  Lincoln  and  said,  "  That  is 
so,  is  it  not,  Mr.  Lincoln?" 

"  If  that's  Latin,"  Lincoln  replied,  "  you  had  better 
call  another  witness." 

Mr.  T.  W.  S.  Kidd  says  that  he  once  heard  a  lawyer 
opposed  to  Lincoln  trying  to  convince  a  jury  that  prece 
dent  was  superior  to  law,  and  that  custom  made  things 
legal  in  all  cases.  When  Lincoln  rose  to  answer,  he 
told  the  jury  he  would  argue  his  case  in  the  same  way. 
Said  he,  "  Old  Squire  Bagly,  from  Menard,  came  into 
my  office  and  said,  '  Lincoln,  I  want  your  advice  as  a 
lawyer.  Has  a  man  what's  been  elected  justice  of  the 
peace  a  right  to  issue  a  marriage  license?'  I  told  him  he 
had  not ;  when  the  old  squire  threw  himself  back  in  his 
chair  very  indignantly,  and  said,  '  Lincoln,  I  thought 
you  was  a  lawyer.  Now,  Bob  Thomas  and  me  had  a 
bet  on  this  thing,  and  we  agreed  to  let  you  decide;  but 
if  this  is  your  opinion  I  don't  want  it,  for  I  know  a 
thunderin'  sight  better,  for  I  have  been  squire  now  eight 
years  and  have  done  it  all  the  time/  ' 

Lincoln  always  felt  and  frequently  expressed  a  deep 
sense  of  gratitude  to  Judge  Stephen  T.  Logan,  his  sec 
ond  partner,  with  whom  he  became  associated  in  1841. 
Judge  Logan  was  the  recognized  head  of  his  profession 
in  the  central  part  of  the  State,  a  man  of  high  ideals, 
noble  character,  and  excellent  professional  habits.  Such 

69 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

example  and  instruction  were  of  the  greatest  service  in 
forming  Lincoln's  professional  habits,  because  he  was 
naturally  careless  in  his  methods,  and  at  that  period  of 
his  life  was  inclined  to  depend  upon  his  wits  rather 
than  his  knowledge  and  to  indulge  in  emotional  bursts 
of  oratory  rather  than  simple,  convincing  logic.  He  at 
tributed  his  superior  faculty  in  presenting  a  case  to 
Judge  Logan's  instructions.  Nor  was  he  the  only  man 
who  owed  much  of  his  success  in  life  to  this  great  pre 
ceptor.  Four  of  Judge  Logan's  law  students  found  their 
way  to  the  United  States  Senate  and  three  were  Gov 
ernors  of  States. 

When  Lincoln's  experience  in  Congress  had  extended 
his  reputation,  broadened  his  ideas,  and  given  him  a 
better  knowledge  of  men  and  things,  his  practical  value 
as  a  partner  was  recognized  by  the  members  of  one  of 
the  most  prominent  law  firms  in  Chicago,  who  invited 
him  to  join  them ;  but  he  declined  on  the  ground  that 
his  family  ties  as  well  as  his  professional  connections 
were  in  Springfield,  and  he  feared  that  his  health  would 
not  endure  the  close  confinement  of  a  city  office. 

Among  Lincoln's  manuscripts  after  his  death  were 
found  a  few  pages  of  notes  evidently  intended  or,  per 
haps,  used  at  some  time  for  a  lecture  to  law  students,, 
and  which  express  in  a  very  clear  manner  his  opin 
ions  as  to  the  ethics  of  practice.  His  words  should  be 
printed  upon  card-board  and  hung  in  every  law  office  in 
the  land. 

.  .  .  Extemporaneous  speaking  should  be  practised 
and  cultivated.  It  is  the  lawyer's  avenue  to  the  public. 
However  able  and  faithiul  he  may  be  in  other  respects, 
people  are  slow  to  bring  him  business  if  he  cannot  make 
a  speech.  And  yet,  there  is  not  a  more  fatal  error  to 
young  lawyers  than  relying  too  much  on  speech-making. 
If  any  one,  upon  his  rare  powers  of  speaking,  shall  claim 
an  exemption  from  the  drudgery  of  the  law,  his  case  is 
a  failure  in  advance.  Discourage  litigation.  Persuade 

70 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

your  neighbors  to  compromise  whenever  you  can.  Point 
out  to  them  how  the  nominal  winner  is  often  a  real  loser 
— in  fees,  expenses,  and  waste  of  time.  As  a  peace 
maker,  the  lawyer  has  a  superior  opportunity  of  being 
a  good  man.  There  will  still  be  business  enough.  Never 
stir  up  litigation.  A  worse  man  can  scarcely  be  found 
than  one  who  does  this.  Who  can  be  more  nearly  a 
fiend  than  he  who  habitually  overhauls  the  register  of 
deeds  in  search  of  defects  in  titles,  whereon  to  stir  up 
strife  and  put  money  in  his  pocket  ?  A  moral  tone  ought 
to  be  infused  into  the  profession  which  should  drive  such 
men  out  of  it.  ...  There  is  a  vague  popular  belief  that 
lawyers  are  necessarily  dishonest.  I  say  vague  because, 
when  we  consider  to  what  extent  confidence  and  honors 
are  reposed  in  and  conferred  upon  lawyers  by  the  people, 
it  appears  improbable  that  their  impression  of  dishonesty 
is  very  distinct  and  vivid.  Yet  the  impression  is  com 
mon, — almost  universal.  Let  no  young  man  choosing 
the  law  for  a  calling  for  a  moment  yield  to  the  popular 
belief.  Resolve  to  be  honest  at  all  events;  and  if,  in 
your  own  judgment,  you  cannot  be  an  honest  lawyer, 
resolve  to  be  honest  without  being  a  lawyer.  Choose 
some  other  occupation  rather  than  one  in  the  choosing 
of  which  you  do,  in  advance,  consent  to  be  a  knave." 

Lincoln  and  McClellan  first  met  three  or  four  years 
before  the  war,  when  the  latter  was  Vice-President  and 
Chief  Engineer  of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  and  the 
former  was  attorney  for  that  company.  General  Mc 
Clellan,  in  his  autobiography,  gives  an  account  of  his 
relations  with  Lincoln  at  that  time,  but  they  were  never 
intimate. 

In  1859,  when  Lincoln  appeared  for  the  Illinois  Cen 
tral  Railroad  in  a  case  which  it  did  not  wish  to  try  at 
that  term,  he  remarked  to  the  court,— 

"  We  are  not  ready  for  trial." 

"  Why  is  not  the  company  ready  to  go  to  trial  ?"  re 
marked  Judge  Davis. 


< 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  We  are  embarrassed  by  the  absence  of  Captain  Mc- 
Clellan,"  was  Lincoln's  reply. 

"  Who  is  Captain  McClellan  and  why  is  he  not  here?" 
asked  Judge  Davis. 

"  All  I  know,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  "  is  that  he  is  the 
engineer  of  the  railroad,  and  why  he  is  not  here  deponent 
saith  not." 

It  has  been  frequently  said  that  General  McClellan 
refused  to  pay  Lincoln  a  fee  charged  for  trying  a  case 
for  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad,  but  it  is  not  true.  At 
the  time  referred  to  (l855)  Captain  McClellan  was  in 
the  regular  army  and  a  military  attache  in  Europe  dur 
ing  the  Crimean  War.  It  was,  however,  the  only  time 
that  Lincoln  sued  for  a  fee,  and  the  circumstances  were 
as  follows.  By  its  charter  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad 
was  exempt  from  taxation  on  condition  that  it  pay  into 
the  State  treasury  seven  per  cent,  of  its  gross  earnings. 
The  officials  of  McLean  County  contended  that  the  Leg 
islature  of  the  State  had  no  authority  to  exempt  or  remit 
county  taxes,  and  brought  a  suit  against  the  road  to 
compel  payment.  Lincoln  defended  the  company,  won 
the  case,  and  presented  a  bill  for  two  thousand  dollars. 
An  official  of  the  railroad,  whose  name  has  been  for 
gotten,  declined  payment  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
as  much  as  a  first-class  lawyer  would  charge.  Lincoln 
was  so  indignant  that  he  withdrew  the  original  bill  of 
charges,  consulted  professional  friends,  and  later  sub 
mitted  another  for  five  thousand  dollars  with  a  memo 
randum  attached,  signed  by  six  of  the  most  prominent 
lawyers  in  the  State,  giving  as  their  opinion  that  the  fee 
was  not  unreasonable.  As  the  company  still  refused  to 
pay,  Lincoln  sued  and  recovered  the  full  amount. 

Lincoln's  theory  regarding  fees  for  professional  ser 
vices  is  expressed  in  the  notes  of  the  law  lecture  pre 
viously  referred  to,  and  was  as  follows : 

'  The  matter  of  fees  is  important,  far  beyond  the  mere 
question  of  bread  and  butter  involved.     Properly  at- 

72 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

tended  to,  fuller  justice  is  done  to  both  lawyer  and  client. 
An  exorbitant  fee  should  never  be  claimed.  As  a  gen 
eral  rule,  never  take  your  whole  fee  in  advance,  nor  any 
more  than  a  small  retainer.  When  fully  paid  before 
hand,  you  are  more  than  a  common  mortal  if  you  can 
feel  the  same  interest  in  the  case  as  if  something  was 
still  in  prospect  for  you  as  well  as  for  your  client.  And 
when  you  lack  interest  in  the  case  the  job  will  very 
likely  lack  skill  and  diligence  in  the  performance.  Settle 
the  amount  of  fee  and  take  a  note  in  advance.  Then 
you  will  feel  that  you  are  working  for  something,  and 
you  are  sure  to  do  your  work  faithfully  and  well.  Never 
sell  a  fee  note, — at  least  not  before  the  consideration 
service  is  performed.  It  leads  to  negligence  and  dis 
honesty, — negligence  by  losing  interest  in  the  case,  and 
dishonesty  in  refusing  to  refund  when  you  have  allowed 
the  consideration  to  fail." 

If  a  client  was  poor  he  charged  him  accordingly,  and 
if  he  was  unable  to  pay  asked  nothing  for  his  services. 
It  was  one  of  his  theories  that  a  lawyer,  like  a  minister 
of  the  Gospel  or  a  physician,  was  in  duty  bound  to 
render  service  whenever  called  upon,  regardless  of  the 
prospects  of  compensation,  and  in  several  cases  he 
offered  his  services  without  compensation  to  people  who 
had  suffered  injustice  and  were  unable  to  pay.  As  a 
rule,  his  fees  were  less  than  those  of  other  lawyers  of 
his  circuit.  Justice  Davis  once  remonstrated  with  him, 
and  insisted  that  he  was  doing  a  grave  injustice  to  his 
associates  at  the  bar  by  charging  so  little  for  his  ser 
vices.  From  1850  to  1860  his  income  varied  from  two 
to  three  thousand  dollars,  and  even  when  he  was  recog 
nized  as  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers  of  the  State  his  fee- 
book  frequently  shows  charges  of  three  dollars,  five 
dollars,  and  one  dollar  for  advice,  although  he  never 
went  into  court  for  less  than  ten  dollars.  During  that 
period  he  was  at  the  height  of  his  power  and  popularity, 
and  lawyers  of  less  standing  and  talent  charged  several 

73 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

times  those  amounts.  But  avarice  was  the  least  of  his 
faults. 

While  he  was  President  a  certain  Senator  was 
charged  with  an  attempt  to  swindle  the  government  out 
of  some  millions.  Discussing  the  scandal  one  day  with 
some  friends,  he  remarked  that  he  could  not  understand 
why  men  should  be  so  eager  after  wealth.  "  Wealth," 
said  he,  "  is  simply  a  superfluity  of  what  we  don't 
need." 

An  examination  of  the  dockets  of  the  Illinois  Supreme 
Court  shows  that  during  a  period  of  twenty  years,  be 
ginning  with  1840  and  ending  with  his  election  to  the 
Presidency,  he  had  nearly  one  hundred  cases  before 
that  court,  which  is  an  unusual  record  and  has  been  sur 
passed  by  few  lawyers  in  the  history  of  the  State  and  by 
none  of  his  contemporaries.  It  was  declared,  in  an  ora 
tion  delivered  by  one  of  his  associates,  that  "  In  his 
career  as  a  lawyer  he  traversed  a  wide  range  of  territory, 
attended  many  courts  and  had  a  variety  of  cases,  and  in 
all  his  conflicts  at  the  bar  he  was  successful  in  every 
case  where  he  ought  to  have  been." 

When  he  went  to  Washington  to  become  President 
his  debts  were  entirely  paid  and  he  was  worth  about 
ten  thousand  dollars  in  real  estate  and  other  property. 

A  singular  story  is  told  of  a  case  in  which  a  good 
many  prominent  men  were  involved  besides  Lincoln. 
Abraham  Brokaw,  of  Bloomington,  loaned  five  hundred 
dollars  to  one  of  his  neighbors  and  took  a  note,  which 
remained  unpaid.  Action  was  brought,  the  sheriff 
levied  on  the  property  of  the  debtor  and  collected  the 
entire  amount,  but  neglected  to  turn  the  proceeds  over. 
Brokaw  employed  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  who  collected 
the  amount  from  the  bondsman  of  the  sheriff,  but  re 
turned  to  his  seat  in  the  Senate  at  Washington  without 
making  a  settlement.  Like  some  other  great  men, 
Douglas  was  very  careless  about  money  matters,  and, 
after  appealing  to  him  again  and  again,  Brokaw  em- 

74 


Copyright,  1900,  by  McClure,  Phillips  &  Co. 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN    IN   THE   SUMMER    OF    i860 

From  a  negative  taken  for  M.  C.  Tuttle,  of  St.  Paul,  Minnesota,  for 

local  use  in  the  presidential  campaign 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

ployed  David  Davis  to  bring  suit  against  the  Senator. 
Being  an  intimate  friend  and  fellow-Democrat,  Davis 
disliked  to  appear  in  the  case,  and  by  his  advice  Brokavv 
engaged  the  services  of  Lincoln.  The  latter  wrote  to 
Douglas  at  Washington  that  he  had  a  claim  against 
him  for  collection  and  must  insist  upon  prompt  pay 
ment.  Douglas  became  very  indignant  and  reproached 
Brokaw  for  placing  such  a  political  weapon  in  the  hanbs- 
of  an  abolitionist.  Brokaw  sent  Douglas's  letter  to 
Lincoln,  and  the  latter  employed  "  Long  John"  Went- 
worth,  then  a  Democratic  member  of  Congress  from 
Chicago,  as  an  associate  in  the  case.  Wentworth  saw 
Douglas,  persuaded  him  to  pay  the  money,  and  for 
warded  five  hundred  dollars  to  Lincoln,  who,  in  turn, 
paid  it  to  Brokaw  and  sent  him  a  bill  of  three  dollars 
and  fifty  cents  for  professional  services. 

Lincoln's  greatest  legal  triumph  was  the  acquittal 
of  an  old  neighbor  named  Duff  Armstrong,  who  was 
charged  with  murder,  and  several  witnesses  testified 
that  they  saw  the  accused  commit  the  deed  one  night 
about  eleven  o'clock.  Lincoln  attempted  no  cross- 
examination,  except  to  persuade  them  to  reiterate  their 
statements  and  to  explain  that  they  were  able  to  see  the 
act  distinctly  because  of  the  bright  moonlight.  By 
several  of  the  prosecuting  witnesses  he  proved  the  exact 
position  and  size  of  the  moon  at  the  time  of  the  murder. 
The  prosecution  there  rested,  and  Lincoln,  addressing 
the  court  and  the  jury,  announced  that  he  had  no 
defence  to  submit  except  an  almanac,  which  would  show 
that  there  was  no  moon  on  that  night.  The  State's 
attorney  was  paralyzed,  but  the  court  admitted  the 
almanac  as  competent  testimony,  and  every  witness  was 
completely  impeached  and  convicted  of  perjury.  The 
verdict  was  not  guilty. 

One  of  the  most  important  cases  in  which  Lincoln 
was  ever  engaged  involved  the  ownership  of  a  patent 
for  the  reaping  machines  manufactured  by  Cyrus  H. 

75 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

McCormick,  of  Chicago,  who  sued  John  Manny,  of 
Rockford,  for  infringement.  McCormick  was  repre 
sented  by  E.  N.  Dickerson  and  Reverdy  Johnson. 
Manny  was  represented  by  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  who  was 
afterwards  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  War ;  Peter  H.  Wat 
son,  who  was  afterwards  Assistant  Secretary  of  War; 
and  George  Harding,  of  Philadelphia.  The  case  was 
tried  in  Cincinnati,  and,  to  his  intense  disappointment 
and  chagrin,  Lincoln  was  not  allowed  to  make  an  argu 
ment  he ,  had  prepared  because  the  court  would  not 
permit  four  arguments  on  one  side  and  only  two  on 
the  other.  Lincoln  was  extremely  anxious  to  meet  in 
debate  Reverdy  Johnson,  of  Baltimore,  who  was  then 
regarded  by  many  as  the  leader  of  the  American  bar; 
but  he  accepted  the  situation  gracefully  though  regret 
fully,  watched  the  case  closely  as  it  proceeded,  took 
careful  notes  which  he  furnished  Mr.  Harding,  and 
gave  the  latter  the  benefit  of  his  written  argument,  but 
requested  him  not  to  show  it  to  Mr.  Stanton.  There 
is  no  doubt  that  he  felt  that  Mr.  Stanton  had  been 
guilty  of  professional  discourtesy  in  refusing  to  insist 
that  the  court  hear  Lincoln  as  well  as  himself,  believing 
that  this  concession  would  have  been  granted  if  the 
demand  had  been  pressed,  or  if  Mr.  Stanton  had  pro 
posed  that  the  time  allowed  for  argument  be  divided. 
Mr.  Stanton  was  not  unaware  of  Lincoln's  wishes,  for 
they  were  fully  explained  to  him  by  Mr.  Harding,  who 
urged  him  to  give  Lincoln  an  opportunity  to  speak, 
but,  being  the  senior  counsel  in  the  case,  he  assigned 
Mr.  Harding,  who  was  a  patent  expert,  to  submit  the 
technical  side  of  the  case,  and  asssumed  the  entire 
responsibility  of  making  the  legal  argument  himself. 

^This  incident  is  particularly  interesting  in  connection 
with  the  future  relations  between  the  two  men,  and  it  is 
certain  that  Lincoln  was  profoundly  impressed  with  Mr. 
Stanton's  ability  in  the  presentation  of  his  case.  The 
matter  was  never  alluded  to  by  either  during  their  long 

76 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

and  intimate  association  at  Washington.  A  young 
lawyer  from  Rockford  who  had  studied  with  Lincoln 
was  in  Cincinnati  at  the  time  and  attended  the  trial. 
When  the  court  adjourned  after  Stanton's  argument 
they  walked  together  to  their  hotel.  Mr.  Emerson  says 
that  Lincoln  seemed  dejected,  and,  turning  to  him  sud 
denly,  exclaimed  in  an  impulsive  manner, — 

"  Emerson,  I  am  going  home  to  study  law." 

"  '  Why,'  I  exclaimed,  '  Mr.  Lincoln,  you  stand  at  the 
head  of  the  bar  in  Illinois  now !  What  are  you  talking 
about  ?' 

"  '  Ah,  yes,'  he  said,  '  I  do  occupy  a  good  position 
there,  and  I  think  I  can  get  along  with  the  way  things 
are  done  there  now.  But  these  college-trained  men, 
who  have  devoted  their  whole  lives  to  study,  are  coming 
West,  don't  you  see?  And  they  study  their  cases  as 
we  never  do.  They  have  got  as  far  as  Cincinnati  now. 
They  will  soon  be  in  Illinois.'  Another  long  pause; 
then  stopping  and  turning  towards  me,  his  countenance 
suddenly  assuming  that  look  of  strong  determination 
which  those  who  knew  him  best  sometimes  saw  upon 
his  face,  he  exclaimed,  '  I  am  going  home  to  study  law ! 
I  am  as  good  as  any  of  them,  and  when  they  get  out 
to  Illinois  I  will  be  ready  for  them.' " 

While  Mr.  Lincoln  was  not  a  sensitive  man  in  the 
ordinary  sense  of  that  term,  he  felt  keenly  his  own 
deficiencies  in  education;  nor  did  he  lose  this  feeling 
when  his  ability  as  a  statesman  was  recognized  by  the 
entire  universe  and  he  held  the  destiny  of  a  nation  in 
his  grasp.  Once,  when  a  famous  lawyer  called  at  the 
White  House  and  referred  courteously  to  his  eminent 
position  at  the  bar,  he  replied,  "  Oh,  I  am  only  a  mast- 
fed  lawyer,"  referring  to  his  limited  education.  "  Mast" 
is  a  kind  of  food  composed  of  acorns,  grass,  and  similar 
natural  substances  which  was  commonly  given  to  cattle 
and  hogs  in  Indiana  and  other  frontier  States  when  he 
was  a  boy. 

77 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Conscious  of  his  deficiencies,  he  never  ceased  to  be  a 
student.  Until  the  very  day  of  his  death  he  was  eager 
to  acquire  knowledge,  and  no  new  subject  was  ever 
presented  to  him  without  exciting  his  inquisitiveness 
and  determination  to  learn  all  there  was  to  know  about 
it.  Of  this  characteristic  he  once  remarked  to  a  friend, — 

"  In  the  course  of  my  law  reading  I  constantly  came 
upon  the  word  demonstrate — I  thought  at  first  that  I 
understood  its  meaning,  but  soon  became  satisfied  that 
I  did  not.  I  consulted  Webster's  Dictionary.  That  told 
of  certain  proof,  '  proof  beyond  the  probability  of 
doubt;'  but  I  could  form  no  sort  of  idea  what  sort  of 
proof  that  was. 

"  I  consulted  all  the  dictionaries  and  books  of  refer 
ence  I  could  find,  but  with  no  better  results.  You  might 
as  well  have  defined  blue  to  a  blind  man.  At  last  I  said, 
'  Lincoln,  you  can  never  make  a  lawyer  if  you  do  not 
understand  what  demonstrate  means;'  and  I  left  my 
situation  in  Springfield,  went  home  to  my  father's  house, 
and  stayed  there  until  I  could  give  any  proposition  in 
the  six  books  of  Euclid  at  sight.  I  then  found  out  what 
demonstrate  meant,  and  went  back  to  my  law  studies." 

He  met  every  new  question  with  the  same  disposition, 
and  nobody  ever  knew  better  how  to  dig  for  the  root  of 
a  subject  than  he.  When  his  children  began  to  go  to 
school,  he  used  to  study  with  them,  and  frequently 
referred  to  the  many  interesting  points  of  information 
and  the  valuable  knowledge  he  acquired  in  that  way. 
The  lawyers  who  were  associated  with  him  upon  the 
circuit  relate  how  often  he  was  accustomed  to  pull  a 
book  from  his  pocket  whenever  he  had  an  idle  moment, 
and  it  was  quite  as  frequently  a  treatise  on  astronomy 
or  engineering  or  a  medical  lecture  as  a  collection  of 
poems  or  speeches. 

But,  with  all  his  modesty  and  diffidence,  he  never 
hesitated  to  meet  with  confidence  the  most  formidable 
opponent  at  the  bar  or  on  the  stump,  and  frequently, 

78 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

when  reading  accounts  of  litigation  in  which  famous 
lawyers  were  engaged,  he  would  express  a  wish  that  he 
might  some  time  "  tackle"  them  in  a  court-room.  He 
once  said  that  in  all  his  practice  at  the  bar  he  had  never 
been  surprised  by  the  strength  of  the  testimony  or  the 
arguments  of  his  adversary,  and  usually  found  them 
weaker  than  he  feared.  This  was  due  to  a  habit  he 
acquired  early  in  his  practice  of  studying  the  opposite 
side  of  every  disputed  question  in  every  law  case  and 
every  political  issue  quite  as  carefully  as  his  own  side. 
When  he  had  an  important  case  on  hand  he  was  accus 
tomed  to  withdraw  himself  into  a  room  where  he  would 
not  be  disturbed,  or,  what  he  liked  better,  to  get  out 
into  the  fields  or  the  woods  around  Springfield  where 
there  was  nothing  to  distract  his  thoughts,  in  order  to 
"  argue  it  out  in  my  own  mind,"  as  he  put  it ;  and 
when  he  returned  to  his  house  or  his  office  he  would 
usually  have  a  clear  conception  of  his  case  and  have 
formed  his  plan  of  action. 

He  argued  great  causes  in  which  principles  were  in 
volved  with  all  the  zeal  and  earnestness  that  a  righteous 
soul  could  feel.  Trifling  causes  he  dismissed  with  the 
ridicule  in  which  he  was  unsurpassed,  and  his  asso 
ciates  relate  many  incidents  when  a  verdict  was  ren 
dered  in  a  gale  of  laughter  because  of  the  droll  tactics 
used  by  Lincoln.  He  never  depended  upon  technicalities 
or  the  tricks  of  the  profession.  He  never  attempted  to 
throw  obstacles  in  the  way  of  justice,  or  to  gain  an 
unfair  advantage  of  his  adversaries,  but  was  capable 
of  executing  legal  manoeuvres  with  as  much  skill  as  any 
of  his  rivals.  He  adapted  himself  to  circumstances  with 
remarkable  ease,  and  his  thorough  knowledge  of  human 
nature  enabled  him  to  excite  the  interest  and  sympathy 
of  a  jury  by  getting  very  close  to  their  hearts.  He 
argued  much  from  analogy;  he  used  old-fashioned 
words  and  homely  phrases  which  were  familiar  to  the 
jurymen  he  desired  to  impress,  and  illustrated  his  points 

79 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

by  stories,  maxims,  and  figures  often  droll  and  some 
times  vulgar,  because  he  knew  that  he  could  make  it 
plainer  to  them  in  that  way  and  that  they  would  better 
understand  the  force  and  bearing  of  his  arguments.  He 
relied  more  upon  this  method  of  convincing  a  jury  than 
upon  exhibitions  of  learning  or  flights  of  eloquence,  and 
his  acquaintance  with  human  nature  was  even  more 
intimate  than  his  knowledge  of  the  law. 

Few  of  his  speeches  at  the  bar  have  been  preserved, 
but  his  contemporaries  have  left  us  many  interesting 
reminiscences  of  his  originality  and  power.  His  un 
gainly  form  and  awkward  gesticulations  enhanced  the 
force  of  his  arguments  and  attracted  the  attention  and 
sympathy  of  a  country  jury  more  than  the  most  graceful 
manners  and  elegant  rhetoric  could  have  done.  It  was 
always  his  rule,  in  presenting  a  case,  to  cut  out  all  of 
the  "  dead  wood"  and  get  down  to  "  hard  pan,"  as  he 
called  it,  as  soon  as  possible.  In  making  such  conces 
sions  he  would  establish  a  position  of  fairness  and 
honesty,  and  often  disarmed  his  opponent  by  leaving 
the  impression  that  he  had  accidentally  "  given  away  his 
case."  Then  he  would  rely  upon  his  remarkable  habit 
of  order  and  command  of  logic  to  bring  his  evidence 
forward  in  a  clear  and  strong  light,  keeping  unnecessary 
details  away  from  the  attention  of  the  jury  and  press 
ing  only  the  essential  points  with  which  he  expected  to 
convince  them.  Sometimes,  when  his  opponent  seemed 
to  have  captured  a  verdict,  he  would  abandon  his  serious 
argument  and  begin  to  tell  stories  one  after  another  with 
more  or  less  application,  until  by  such  diversion  he  had 
effaced  from  the  minds  of  the  jury  every  impression 
that  the  other  side  had  made. 

Justice  Lawrence  Weldon,  of  the  United  States  Court 
of  Claims,  in  his  reminiscences  says,  "  One  of  the  most 
interesting  incidents  in  my  early  acquaintance  with  Mr. 
Lincoln  was  a  lawsuit  in  which  Mr.  Lincoln  was  counsel 
for  the  plaintiff  and  I  was  counsel  for  the  defendant. 

80 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

Even  then,  in  a  trial  that  was  the  sensation  of  an  obscure 
village  on  the  prairies,  Mr.  Lincoln  showed  that  supreme 
sense  of  justice  to  God  and  his  fellow-men. 

"It  was  a  family  quarrel  between  two  brothers-in- 
law,  Jack  Dungee  and  Joe  Spencer.  Dungee  was  a  Por 
tuguese,  extremely  dark-complexioned,  but  not  a  bad- 
looking  fellow ;  and  after  a  time  he  married  Spencer's 
sister,  with  the  approval  of  Spencer's  family.  I  don't 
remember  the  origin  of  the  quarrel,  but  it  became  bitter ; 
and  the  last  straw  was  laid  on  when  Spencer  called 
Dungee  a  'nigger'  and  followed  it  up,  they  say,  by 
addding  '  a  nigger  married  to  a  white  woman.'  The 
statute  of  Illinois  made  it  a  crime  for  a  negro  to  marry 
a  white  woman,  and,  because  of  that,  the  words  were 
slanderous.  Dungee,  through  Mr.  Lincoln,  brought  the 
suit  for  slander.  Judge  David  Davis  was  on  the  bench, 
and  the  suit  was  brought  in  the  De  Witt  Circuit  Court. 
When  the  case  came  up,  Mr.  Moore  and  myself  appeared 
for  the  defence  and  demurred  to  the  declaration,  which, 
to  the  annoyance  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  the  court  sustained. 
Whatever  interest  Mr.  Lincoln  took  in  the  case  before 
that  time,  his  professional  pride  was  aroused  by  the 
fact  that  the  court  had  decided  that  his  papers  were 
deficient.  Looking  across  the  trial  table  at  Moore  and 
myself  and  shaking  his  long,  bony  finger,  he  said,  l  Now, 
by  jing,  I  will  beat  you  boys!' 

"  At  the  next  term  of  the  court  Mr.  Lincoln  appeared 
with  his  papers  amended,  and  fully  determined  to  make 
good  his  promise  to  '  beat  the  boys !'  and  we  thought 
his  chances  pretty  good  to  do  it,  too.  We  knew  our 
man  was  a  fool  not  to  have  settled  it,  but  still  we  were 
bound  to  defend  and  clear  him  if  we  could. 

"  In  the  argument  of  the  case  on  the  testimony  Mr. 
Lincoln  made  a  most  powerful  and  remarkable  speech, 
abounding  in  wit,  logic,  and  eloquence  of  the  highest 
order.  His  thoughts  were  clothed  in  the  simplest  garb 
of  expression  and  in  words  understood  by  every  juror 
6  81 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

in  the  box.  After  the  instructions  were  given  by  the 
court  the  jury  retired,  and  in  a  few  moments  returned 
with  a  judgment  for  the  plaintiff,  in  a  sum  which  was 
a  large  amount  for  those  days. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln's  advice  to  his  client  was  that  Dungee 
agree  to  remit  the  whole  judgment,  by  Spencer  paying 
the  costs  of  the  suit  and  Mr.  Lincoln's  fee.  Mr.  Lincoln 
then  proposed  to  leave  the  amount  of  his  fee  to  Moore 
and  myself.  We  protested  against  this,  and  insisted 
that  Mr.  Lincoln  should  fix  the  amount  of  his  own  fee. 
After  a  few  moments'  thought  he  said,  '  Well,  gentle 
men,  don't  you  think  I  have  honestly  earned  twenty-five 
dollars?'  We  were  astonished,  and  had  he  said  one 
hundred  dollars  it  would  have  been  what  we  expected. 
The  judgment  was  a  large  one  for  those  days ;  he  had 
attended  the  case  at  two  terms  of  court,  had  been  en 
gaged  for  two  days  in  a  hotly  contested  suit,  and  his 
client's  adversary  was  going  to  pay  the  bill.  The  sim 
plicity  of  Mr.  Lincoln's  character  in  money  matters  is 
well  illustrated  by  the  fact  that  for  all  this  he  charged 
twenty-five  dollars." 

Justice  David  Davis,  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the 
United  States,  said,  "  In  all  the  elements  that  constitute 
the  great  lawyer  he  had  few  equals.  He  was  great  both 
at  nisi  prius  and  before  an  appellate  tribunal.  He  seized 
the  strong  points  of  a  cause  and  presented  them  with 
clearness  and  great  compactness.  His  mind  was  logical 
and  direct,  and  he  did  not  indulge  in  extraneous  discus 
sion.  Generalities  and  platitudes  had  no  charms  for 
him.  An  unfailing  vein  of  humor  never  deserted  him ; 
and  he  was  able  to  claim  the  attention  of  court  and  jury, 
when  the  cause  was  the  most  uninteresting,  by  the  ap 
propriateness  of  his  anecdotes.  His  power  of  compari 
son  was  large,  and  he  rarely  failed  in  a  legal  discussion 
to  use  that  mode  of  reasoning.  The  framework  of  his 
mental  and  moral  being  was  honesty,  and  a  wrong  cause 
was  poorly  defended  by  him.  He  hated  wrong  and  op- 

82 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

pression  everywhere,  and  many  a  man  whose  fraudulent 
conduct  was  undergoing  review  in  a  court  of  justice 
has  writhed  under  his  terrific  indignation  and  rebukes. 
The  people  where  he  practised  law  were  not  rich,  and 
his  charges  were  always  small.  When  he  was  elected 
President,  I  question  whether  there  was  a  lawyer  in  the 
circuit,  who  had  been  at  the  bar  so  long  a  time,  whose 
means  were  not  larger.  It  did  not  seem  to  be  one  of  the 
purposes  of  his  life  to  accumulate  a  fortune.  In  fact, 
outside  of  his  profession,  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the 
way  to  make  money,  and  he  never  even  attempted  it." 

Lincoln  was  associated  at  the  Springfield  bar  with 
many  famous  men,  and  there  was  a  keen  rivalry  among 
them.  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  David  Davis,  James 
Shields,  Edward  D.  Baker,  John  M.  Palmer,  Lyman 
Trumbull,  Oliver  H.  Browning,  Shelby  M.  Cullom,  and 
others  afterwards  sat  in  the  United  States  Senate  and 
some  of  them  held  positions  in  the  Cabinets  of  Presi 
dents.  Others  were  afterwards  Governors  of  States  and 
members  of  the  House  of  Representatives;  others  led 
armies  during  the  war  with  Mexico  and  the  war  between 
the  States.  One  of  the  strongest  groups  of  men  that 
ever  gathered  at  the  capital  of  a  State  was  to  be  found 
in  Springfield  in  those  days,  and  Lincoln  was  their  equal 
in  ability  and  learning  and  the  superior  of  many  of  them 
in  the  qualities  that  make  a  statesman.  They  recognized 
him  as  their  superior  on  many  occasions,  and  whether  or 
not  he  was  the  ablest  lawyer  on  the  circuit,  there  was 
never  any  doubt  that  he  was  the  most  popular.  He  was 
always  a  great  favorite  with  the  younger  members  of 
the  bar  because  of  his  sympathy  and  good-nature.  He 
never  used  the  arts  of  a  demagogue;  he  was  never  a 
toady ;  he  was  always  ready  to  do  an  act  of  kindness ; 
he  was  generous  with  his  mind  and  with  his  purse ; 
although  he  never  asked  for  help,  was  always  ready  to 
give  it;  and  while  he  received  everybody's  confidence, 
he  rarely  gave  his  own  in  return.  Whatever  his  cares 

83 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

and  anxieties  may  have  been,  he  never  inflicted  them 
upon  others ;  he  never  wounded  by  his  wit ;  his  humor 
was  never  harsh  or  rude;  he  endeavored  to  lighten  the 
labors  and  the  cares  of  others,  and  beneath  his  awkward 
manner  was  a  gentle  refinement  and  an  amiable  dis 
position. 

For  twenty-five  years  he  practised  at  the  Springfield 
bar.  He  was  not  a  great  lawyer  according  to  the  stand 
ard  of  his  profession,  but  the  testimony  of  his  associates 
is  that  he  was  a  good  one,  enjoying  the  confidence  of  the 
judiciary,  the  bar,  and  the  public  to  a  remarkable  degree. 
He  was  conspicuous  for  several  honorable  traits,  and, 
above  all,  for  that  sense  of  moral  responsibility  that  can 
always  distinguish  between  duty  to  a  client  and  duty  to 
society  and  the  truth.  On  the  wrong  side  of  a  case  he 
was  always  weak,  and,  realizing  this,  he  often  persuaded 
his  clients  to  give  up  litigation  rather  than  compel  him 
to  argue  against  truth  and  justice. 

Leonard  Swett,  of  Chicago,  for  years  an  intimate  asso 
ciate,  and  himself  one  of  the  most  famous  of  American 
lawyers,  says  that,  "  sometimes,  after  Lincoln  entered 
upon  a  criminal  case,  the  conviction  that  his  client  was 
guilty  would  affect  him  with  a  sort  of  panic.  On  one 
occasion  he  turned  suddenly  to  his  associate  and  said, 
'  Swett,  the  man  is  guilty ;  you  defend  him,  I  can't,'  and 
so  gave  up  his  share  of  a  large  fee. 

"  At  another  time,  when  he  was  engaged  with  Judge 
S.  C.  Parks  in  defending  a  man  accused  of  larceny,  he 
said,  '  If  you  can  say  anything  for  the  man,  do  it,  I 
can't;  if  I  attempt  it,  the  jury  will  see  I  think  he  is 
guilty,  and  convict  him/ 

"  Once  he  was  prosecuting  a  civil  suit,  in  the  course 
of  which  evidence  was  introduced  showing  that  his  client 
was  attempting  a  fraud.  Lincoln  rose  and  went  to  his 
hotel  in  deep  disgust.  The  judge  sent  for  him;  he 
refused  to  come.  '  Tell  the  judge,'  he  said,  '  my  hands 
are  dirty ;  I  came  over  to  wash  them.'  We  are  aware 

84 


THE   LEADER   OF   THE   SPRINGFIELD   BAR 

that  these  stories  detract  something  from  the  character 
of  the  lawyer ;  but  this  inflexible,  inconvenient,  and  fas 
tidious  morality  was  to  be  of  vast  service  afterwards  to 
his  country  and  to  the  world.  The  fact  is  that,  with  all 
his  stories  and  jests,  his  frank  companionable  humor,  his 
gift  of  easy  accessibility  and  welcome,  he  was  a  man 
of  grave  and  serious  temper  and  of  unusual  innate  dig 
nity  and  reserve.  He  had  few  or  no  special  intimates, 
and  there  was  a  line  beyond  which  no  one  ever  thought 
of  passing." 

Mr.  Chauncey  M.  Depew  said,  "  He  told  me  once  that, 
in  his  judgment,  one  of  the  two  best  things  he  ever  origi 
nated  was  this.  He  was  trying  a  cause  in  Illinois  where 
he  appeared  for  a  prisoner  charged  with  aggravated  as 
sault  and  battery.  The  complainant  had  told  a  horrible 
story  of  the  attack,  which  his  appearance  fully  justified, 
when  the  district  attorney  handed  the  witness  over  to 
Mr.  Lincoln  for  cross-examination.  Mr.  Lincoln  said 
he  had  no  testimony,  and  unless  he  could  break  down 
the  complainant's  story  he  saw  no  way  out.  He  had 
come  to  the  conclusion  that  the  witness  was  a  bumptious 
man,  who  rather  prided  himself  upon  his  smartness  in 
repartee,  and  so,  after  looking  at  him  for  some  minutes, 
he  inquired,  '  Well,  my  friend,  what  ground  did  you 
and  my  client  here  fight  over?'  The  fellow  answered, 
'  About  six  acres/  *  Well,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  don't  you 
think  this  is  an  almighty  small  crop  of  fight  to  gather 
from  such  a  big  piece  of  ground?'  The  jury  laughed, 
the  court  and  district  attorney  and  complainant  all  joined 
in,  and  the  case  was  laughed  out  of  court," 


85 


Ill 

A  GREAT  ORATOR  AND  HIS  SPEECHES 

THE  fame  of  Abraham  Lincoln  as  an  orator  was  made 
secure  by  his  debate  with  Douglas  in  1858,  his  political 
speech  at  Cooper  Institute  in  February,  1860,  his  ora 
tion  at  the  dedication  of  the  Soldiers'  Cemetery  at 
Gettysburg  in  1863,  and  his  second  inaugural  address 
in  March,  1865.  Neither  of  these  four  distinct  ex 
amples  of  argument  and  eloquence  has  ever  been  sur 
passed  in  their  separate  fields.  That  was  the  judgment 
of  his  contemporaries,  and  it  is  confirmed  by  the  suc 
ceeding  generation,  not  only  of  his  own  countrymen, 
but  of  competent  critics  throughout  the  English-speaking 
world.  His  style  commanded  the  highest  praise  from 
the  French  Academy.  It  was  commended  as  a  model 
for  the  imitation  of  princes. 

His  debate  with  Douglas  was  a  gladiatorial  combat 
between  oratorical  Titans.  It  had  no  precedent  and  has 
not  been  repeated.  His  speech  at  Cooper  Institute,  as 
an  example  of  political  reasoning,  made  him  pre-eminent 
upon  what  the  Americans  call  the  "  stump."  His  his 
torical  analysis,  concise  statement,  faultless  logic,  and 
irresistible  conclusions  made  it  a  model  which  has  been 
studied  and  imitated  by  campaign  speakers  ever  since  its 
delivery.  The  brief  oration  at  Gettysburg,  covering 
only  thirty  lines  of  print,  ranks  with  the  noblest  utter 
ances  of  human  lips.  No  orator  of  ancient  or  modern 
times  produced  purer  rhetoric,  more  beautiful  senti 
ment,  or  elegant  diction. 

Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  said,  "  Many  passages  in  his 
letters,  messages,  and  speeches  .  .  .  are  destined  to  wide 
fame.  What  pregnant  definitions,  what  unerring  com- 

86 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

mon  sense,  what  foresight,  and  on  great  occasions  what 
lofty  and,  more  than  national,  what  human  tones.  His 
brief  speech  at  Gettysburg  will  not  easily  be  surpassed 
by  words  on  any  recorded  occasion." 

The  occasion  was  the  dedication  of  the  battle-field 
as  a  soldiers'  cemetery,  November  19,  1863.  Edward 
Everett  delivered  a  masterly  oration,  and  President  Lin 
coln,  being  present,  was  introduced  for  a  few  remarks. 
With  profound  earnestness  and  solemnity  he  spoke  five 
minutes  to  a  breathless  audience.  His  remarks  were  so 
brief  that  it  is  possible  and  appropriate  to  include  them 
here.  They  could  not  be  considered  out  of  place  in  any 
volume  of  literature  on  any  subject.  They  cannot  be 
printed  or  read  too  often: 

"  Fourscore  and  seven  years  ago  our  fathers  brought 
forth  on  this  continent  a  new  nation,  conceived  in  lib 
erty,  and  dedicated  to  the  proposition  that  all  men  are 
created  equal. 

"  Now  we  are  engaged  in  a  great  civil  war,  testing 
whether  that  nation,  or  any  nation  so  conceived  and  so 
dedicated,  can  long  endure.  We  are  met  on  a  great 
battle-field  of  that  war.  We  have  come  to  dedicate  a 
portion  of  that  field  as  a  final  resting-place  for  those 
who  here  gave  their  lives  that  that  nation  might  live. 
It  is  altogether  fitting  and  proper  that  we  should  do 
this. 

"  But,  in  a  larger  sense,  we  cannot  dedicate — we  can 
not  consecrate — we  cannot  hallow — this  ground.  The 
brave  men,  living  and  dead,  who  struggled  here  have 
consecrated  it  far  above  our  poor  power  to  add  or  de 
tract.  The  world  will  little  note  nor  long  remember 
what  we  say  here,  but  it  can  never  forget  what  they  did 
here.  It  is  for  us,  the  living,  rather,  to  be  dedicated 
here  to  the  unfinished  work  which  they  who  fought  here 
have  thus  far  so  nobly  advanced.  It  is  rather  for  us 
to  be  here  dedicated  to  the  great  task  remaining  before 
us — that  from  these  honored  dead  we  take  increased 

87 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

devotion  to  that  cause  for  which  they  gave  the  last  full 
measure  of  devotion;  that  we  here  highly  resolve  that 
these  dead  shall  not  have  died  in  vain ;  that  this  nation, 
under  God,  shall  have  a  new  birth  of  freedom;  and 
that  government  of  the  people,  by  the  people,  for  the 
people,  shall  not  perish  from  the  earth." 

The  next  day  Mr.  Everett,  who  was  considered  one 
of  the  most  accomplished  of  American  orators,  sent  Lin 
coln  a  note  in  which  he  said, — 

"  Permit  me  to  express  my  great  admiration  of  the 
thoughts  expressed  by  you  with  such  eloquence,  sim 
plicity,  and  appropriateness  at  the  consecration  of  the 
cemetery.  I  should  be  glad  if  I  could  flatter  myself  that 
I  came  as  near  to  the  central  idea  of  the  occasion  in  two 
hours  as  you  did  in  two  minutes." 

It  has  always  been  a  popular  impression  that  Lin 
coln's  speech  was  written  upon  the  cars,  en  route  to 
Gettysburg  from  Washington  on  the  morning  of  the 
ceremonies,  but  General  Fry,  of  the  army,  who  was 
detailed  from  the  War  Department  as  his  escort  on  that 
occasion  and  was  with  him  every  moment,  says  that  he 
has  no  recollection  of  seeing  him  writing  or  even  read 
ing  a  manuscript,  nor  was  there  any  opportunity  during 
the  journey  for  him  to  do  so.  Colonel  Hay,  his  private 
secretary,  says  that  he  wrote  out  a  brief  speech  at  the 
White  House  before  leaving  Washington,  and,  as  usual 
on  such  occasions,  committed  it  to  memory;  but  the 
inspiration  of  the  scene  led  him  to  make  material 
changes,  and  the  version  given  here,  copied  from  Nico- 
lay  and  Hay's  Biography,  was  written  out  by  the  Presi 
dent  himself  after  his  return.  While  it  may  not  be 
exact,  it  is  nearly  accurate. 

The  London  Times  pronounced  Lincoln's  second  in 
augural  address  to  be  the  most  sublime  state  paper  of 
the  century.  Equally  competent  critics  have  called  it 
a  masterpiece  of  political  literature.  The  following  ex 
tract  will  show  its  style  and  sentiment : 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

"  Both  read  the  same  Bible,  and  pray  to  the  same  God ; 
and  each  invokes  his  aid  against  the  other.  It  may  seem 
strange  that  any  men  should  dare  to  ask  a  just  God's 
assistance  in  wringing  their  bread  from  the  sweat  of 
other  men's  faces;  but  let  us  judge  not,  that  we  be 
not  judged.  The  prayers  of  both  could  not  be  answered 
—that  of  neither  has  been  answered  fully.  The  Almighty 
has  his  own  purposes.  '  Woe  unto  the  world  because  of 
offences !  for  it  must  needs  be  that  offences  come ;  but 
woe  to  that  man  by  whom  the  offence  cometh.'  If  we 
shall  suppose  that  American  slavery  is  one  of  those 
offences  which,  in  the  providence  of  God,  must  needs 
come,  but  which,  having  continued  through  his  ap 
pointed  time,  he  now  wills  to  remove,  and  that  he  gives 
to  both  North  and  South  this  terrible  war,  as  the  woe 
due  to  those  by  whom  the  offence  came,  shall  we  dis 
cern  therein  any  departure  from  those  divine  attributes 
which  the  believers  in  a  living  God  always  ascribe  to 
him?  Fondly  do  we  hope — fervently  do  we  pray — that 
this  mighty  scourge  of  war  may  speedily  pass  away. 
Yet,  if  God  wills  that  it  continue  until  all  the  wealth 
piled  by  the  bondman's  two  hundred  and  fifty  years  of 
unrequited  toil  shall  be  sunk,  and  until  every  drop  of 
blood  drawn  with  the  lash  shall  be  paid  by  another 
drawn  with  the  sword,  as  was  said  three  thousand  years 
ago,  so  still  it  must  be  said,  '  The  judgments  of  the 
Lord  are  true  and  righteous  altogether.' 

"  With  malice  toward  none ;  with  charity  for  all ;  with 
firmness  in  the  right,  as  God  gives  us  to  see  the  right, 
let  us  strive  on  to  finish  the  work  we  are  in;  to  bind 
up  the  nation's  wounds,  to  care  for  him  who  shall  have 
borne  the  battle,  and  for  his  widow,  and  his  orphan — 
to  do  all  which  may  achieve  and  cherish  a  just  and 
lasting  peace  among  ourselves,  and  with  all  nations." 

General  Sherman  described  it  accurately  when  he 
said,  "  I  have  seen  and  heard  many  of  the  famous  ora 
tors  of  the  century,  but  Lincoln's  speeches  surpassed 

89 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

them  all.  They  have  never  been  equalled.  It  was  not 
his  scholarship;  it  was  not  rhetoric;  it  was  not  elocu 
tion;  it  was  the  unaffected  and  spontaneous  eloquence 
of  the  heart.  There  was  nothing  of  the  mountain-tor 
rent  in  his  manner;  it  was  rather  the  calm  flow  of  the 
river." 

Lincoln's  own  comments  upon  his  inaugural  address, 
like  everything  he  ever  said  about  himself,  are  unique. 
In  reply  to  a  complimentary  letter  from  Thurlow  Weed, 
he  wrote,  "  I  expect  the  latter  to  wear  as  well  as,  per 
haps  better  than,  anything  I  have  produced;  but  I  be 
lieve  it  is  not  immediately  popular.  Men  are  not  flat 
tered  by  being  shown  that  there  has  been  a  difference 
of  purpose  between  the  Almighty  and  them.  To  deny 
it,  however,  in  this  case,  is  to  deny  that  there  is  a  God 
governing  the  world.  It  is  a  truth  which  I  thought 
needed  to  be  told,  and,  as  whatever  of  humiliation  there 
is  in  it  falls  most  directly  on  myself,  I  thought  others 
might  afford  for  me  to  tell  it." 

Messrs.  Hay  and  Nicolay,  who  were  nearer  to  him 
and  knew  him  better  than  any  other  men,  say,  "  Noth 
ing  would  more  have  amazed  Mr.  Lincoln  than  to  hear 
himself  called  a  man  of  letters;  but  this  age  had  pro 
duced  few  greater  writers.  Emerson  ranks  him  with 
y£sop;  Montalembert  commends  his  style  as  a  model 
for  princes.  It  is  true  that  in  his  writing  the  range  of 
subjects  is  not  great.  He  was  chiefly  concerned  with 
the  political  problems  of  the  time  and  the  moral  con 
siderations  involved  in  them.  But  the  range  of  treat 
ment  is  remarkably  wide,  running  from  the  wit,  the  gay 
humor,  the  florid  eloquence  of  his  stump  speeches  to  the 
marvellous  sententiousness  and  brevity  of  the  address  at 
Gettysburg  and  the  sustained  and  lofty  grandeur  of 
his  second  inaugural;  while  many  of  his  phrases  have 
already  passed  into  the  daily  use  of  mankind." 

But  he  made  other  speeches,  equally  admirable,  and 
some  of  them  unsurpassed  by  the  greatest  political  or 

90 


A  GREAT   ORATOR  AND   HIS  SPEECHES 

platform  orators.  Wendell  Phillips,  Henry  Ward 
Beecher,  Robert  G.  Ingersoll,  James  G.  Elaine,  Ben 
jamin  Harrison,  and  others  who  have  gained  fame  for 
oratory  have  each  given  testimony  for  the  simple  yet 
sublime  eloquence  of  the  great  master.  Many  critics 
consider  Lincoln's  Peoria  speech  of  1854  the  ablest 
political  argument  ever  delivered,  and  assert  that  no 
master  of  logic  in  the  world  could  have  answered  it. 
One  of  its  epigrams  has  been  quoted  thousands  of  times. 
"  When  the  white  man  governs  himself,"  he  said,  "  that, 
I  acknowledge,  is  self-government ;  but  when  the  white 
man  governs  himself  and  another  man  besides,  that  I 
call  despotism." 

If  Lincoln  had  been  born  in  old  England  or  in  New 
England,  if  he  had  been  educated  at  a  university,  if  he 
had  spent  his  childhood  and  youth  in  luxury  and  under 
refining  influences,  he  might  have  been  a  greater  orator, 
statesman,  and  politician  than  he  was,  but  a  nature  and 
a  mind  like  his  required  the  discipline  and  conditions 
which  he  passed  through  to  attain  their  full  develop 
ment.  It  is  an  interesting  subject  of  speculation,  con 
cerning  other  self-taught  men  as  well  as  Lincoln;  but, 
as  a  rule,  the  most  powerful  minds  and  the  most  influ 
ential  characters  have  b'een  without  the  training  of  the 
schools,  and  by  contact  with  gentler  and  refining  in 
fluences  Lincoln  might  have  acquired  polish  at  the  cost 
of  his  rugged  greatness,  his  quaint  habits  of  thought 
and  odd  but  effective  phrases,  the  homely  illustrations, 
and  the  shrewd  faculty  of  appealing  to  the  simple  every 
day  experience  of  the  people  to  convince  them  of  the 
force  of  his  facts  and  the  soundness  of  his  reasoning. 
His  logic  was  always  as  clear  as  his  candor.  He  never 
failed  to  state  the  argument  of  his  adversary  as  fairly 
and  as  forcefully  as  his  own.  His  power  of  analysis 
was  extraordinary.  He  used  the  simplest  words  in  the 
language,  but  they  strengthened  every  case  he  stated, 
and  no  fact,  or  anecdote,  or  argument  ever  lost  force  or 

91 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

effect  from  his  style  of  presentation.  It  has  frequently 
been  asserted — and  his  speeches,  state  papers,  and  pri 
vate  correspondence  are  sufficient  proof — that  he  could 
state  a  proposition  more  clearly  and  forcibly  than  any 
man  of  his  time;  yet  his  language  was  that  of  "the 
plain  people,"  as  he  used  to  call  them.  This  faculty  was 
doubtless  due  to  his  early  experience  among  the  illiter 
ate  classes  on  the  frontier,  and  certain  errors  of  gram 
mar  and  construction  which  are  familiar  to  all  who  have 
lived  among  that  portion  of  the  population  frequently 
occurred  in  his  compositions.  At  one  time  during  his 
early  days  as  a  speaker  he  adopted  the  flamboyant  re 
dundancy  of  style  that  is  still  popular  in  the  South  and 
certain  parts  of  the  West,  and  often  used  many  of  the 
familiar  tricks  of  emotional  orators ;  but  his  own  com 
mon  sense  and  the  advice  of  Judge  Logan,  his  law  part 
ner,  soon  corrected  this  fault,  and  he  studied  a  simpler 
style  which  was  much  more  effective.  If  he  had  been 
less  gifted  in  language  he  would  have  been  quite  as 
clear  in  statement,  quite  as  persuasive  in  his  presenta 
tion  of  an  argument,  because  he  aimed  not  to  excite 
admiration,  but  to  be  understood.  His  earnestness  was 
not  intended  to  excite  the  emotions,  but  to  appeal  to  the 
reasoning  powers  of  the  persons  addressed,  and  his 
knowledge  of  human  nature  taught  him  how  the  mind 
of  the  average  man  worked.  At  the  same  time  he  could 
reach  the  most  accomplished  scholar  and  the  most 
thoughtful  philosopher.  For  example,  his  letters  in 
explanation  of  his  delay  in  proclaiming  freedom  to  the 
slaves,  especially  that  addressed  to  Mr.  Greeley  in  1863, 
are  masterpieces  of  clear  and  forcible  writing. 

One  reason  for  Lincoln's  power  over  his  audiences 
was  his  intense  sincerity.  He  carried  his  conscience  into 
every  discussion,  he  took  no  position  that  he  did  not 
believe  was  right,  and  he  made  no  statements  that  he 
did  not  believe  to  be  fair  and  true.  Another  was  the 
sympathy  he  excited;  when  he  related  a  story  he 

92 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

laughed  all  over,  and  his  own  enjoyment  was  so  con 
tagious  that  the  effect  was  greatly  increased. 

He  once  said  to  Mr.  Depew,  in  reference  to  some 
criticisms  which  had  been  made  upon  his  story-telling, 
"  They  say  I  tell  a  great  many  stories ;  I  reckon  I  do, 
but  I  have  found  in  the  course  of  a  long  experience  that 
common  people"— repeating  it—"  common  people,  take 
them  as  they  run,  are  more  easily  influenced  and  in 
formed  through  the  medium  of  a  broad  illustration  than 
in  any  other  way,  and  as  to  what  the  hypercritical  few 
may  think  I  don't  care." 

His  pathos  was  quite  as  effective  as  his  humor.  His 
natural  tenderness,  his  affectionate  disposition,  his  po 
etic  temperament,  his  sympathy  for  the  weak  and  the 
sorrowful,  and  his  comprehensive  love  of  all  that  was 
good  inspired  him  with  a  power  to  touch  the  hearts  of 
the  people  as  no  other  man  in  this  country  has  ever  been 
able  to  do.  James  H.  McVicker,  the  famous  actor,  once 
told  the  author  that  the  most  marvellous  exhibition  of 
elocution  he  ever  witnessed  was  Lincoln's  recitation  of 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  and  said  that  Lincoln  told  him  at 
the  time  that  it  was  the  sublimest  composition  in  the 
English  language. 

Lincoln  had  the  advantage  of  a  photographic  mem 
ory  which  could  retain  almost  any  passage  in  literature, 
and  he  was  able  to  repeat  long  passages  from  Shake 
speare  and  other  plays  and  poems  which  pleased  him. 
It  was  only  necessary  for  him  to  read  them  over  once 
or  twice  and  they  remained  in  his  memory  forever. 
He  developed  this  faculty  early  in  life,  and  it  was  the 
greatest  enjoyment  allowed  the  humble  people  among 
whom  he  lived  to  hear  him  recite  passages  from  the 
books  he  had  read  and  declaim  selections  from  "  The 
Kentucky  Preceptor,"  which  was  a  standard  text-book 
in  those  days.  He  could  repeat  with  effect  all  the  poems 
and  speeches  in  other  school-readers,  and  his  talent  at 
mimicry  furnished  amusement  for  the  neighborhood. 

93 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

The  traditions  of  Gentryville  tell  us  that  the  neighbors 
seldom  gathered  for  a  "  raising,"  or  a  "  quilting,"  or 
a  "  paring,"  or  a  "  husking-bee"  without  hearing  Abe 
Lincoln  "  take  off"  the  itinerant  preachers  and  politi 
cians  whose  peculiarities  had  attracted  his  attention  and 
appealed  to  his  sense  of  humor.  He  attended  all  the 
trials  in  the  neighborhood,  and  frequently  walked  fif 
teen  miles  to  the  town  of  Boonevile  when  court  was  in 
session  there.  His  faculty  was  so  well  known  in  that 
part  of  the  State  that  the  lawyers  and  others  who  gath 
ered  on  such  occasions  would  invariably  induce  him  to 
make  a  stump  speech  or  imitate  some  backwoods  ora 
tor.  His  essays  and  rhymes  were  much  admired,  and 
an  itinerant  Baptist  preacher  was  so  impressed  with  one 
of  his  speeches  on  temperance  that  he  sent  it  to  friends 
in  Ohio,  where  it  was  published  in  a  newspaper;  the 
first  of  his  writings  to  appear  in  print.  Another  essay 
on  "  National  Politics,"  written  when  he  was  nineteen, 
gave  him  great  local  reputation  for  literary  talent.  One 
of  the  lawyers  who  practised  in  that  circuit  and  was 
considered  a  very  high  authority  declared  that  "  the 
world  couldn't  beat  it." 

It  is  also  related  that  he  frequently  interrupted  har 
vesting,  threshing,  and  other  business  events  which  drew 
the  neighbors  together  by  delivering  political  speeches, 
burlesquing  local  orators  and  preachers,  and  repeating 
doggerels  of  his  own  composition  that  referred  to  local 
affairs.  His  humor  often  exceeded  his  discretion,  and 
we  are  told  of  coarse  satires  and  rhymes  which  excited 
the  amusement  and  admiration  of  a  community,  but  did 
him  no  credit.  Sometimes  these  ebullitions  of  wit  in 
volved  him  in  trouble,  particularly  on  two  occasions 
when  he  wrote  some  verses  about  the  deformed  nose  of 
his  employer,  of  which  the  owner  was  very  sensitive. 

Lincoln  never  attempted  serious  oratory  until  he  went 
to  New  Salem,  where  he  discovered  Shakespeare  and 
Burns,  whose  writings  had  a  powerful  influence  upon  his 

94 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

literary  style  and  taste.  These  eminent  authorities  were 
introduced  to  him  by  a  worthless  loafer  and  fisherman 
named  Jack  Kelso,  who  was  too  lazy  to  work,  but  had  a 
love  of  learning  and  literature  and  an  unusually  good 
education  for  his  time  and  surroundings.  Mutual  tastes 
brought  the  two  together,  and  Lincoln  would  sit  evening 
after  evening  on  the  porch  of  Offutt's  store  or  lie  all 
day  Sunday  on  the  ground  under  the  shade  of  a  tree 
listening  to  Kelso  discourse  upon  his  favorite  authors 
and  repeat  over  and  over  the  poems  of  Burns  and  fine 
passages  from  Shakespeare  which  he  had  committed  to 
memory  long  before.  There  is  no  doubt  that  Burns, 
Shakespeare,  and  Kelso  seriously  interfered  with  the 
grocery  business  and  contributed  to  the  financial  disas 
ter  which  terminated  Lincoln's  first  and  only  commercial 
enterprise.  It  was  a  long  time  before  he  obtained  copies 
of  his  favorite  poets,  but  no  books  were  prized  more 
highly  by  any  man. 

Lincoln's  first  experience  in  debate  was  gained  while 
he  was  a  clerk  in  Offutt's  store  and  attended  the  meet 
ings  of  a  debating  club,  which  were  held  at  different 
places  in  the  neighborhood  and  sometimes  so  far  away 
that  he  was  compelled  to  walk  seven  or  eight  miles  for 
the  privilege.  He  used  to  call  it  "  practising  polemics." 
Occasionally  the  club  met  in  a  vacant  store  at  New 
Salem,  and  Lincoln's  first  serious  speech  was  delivered 
on  one  of  those  occasions. 

His  first  political  speech  was  delivered  at  Pappsville, 
where  a  crowd  had  been  attracted  by  an  auction  sale. 
He  was  then  beginning  his  first  campaign  for  the  Legis 
lature,  and  although  his  remarks  are  not  remembered,  an 
incident  of  the  occasion  remains  one  of  the  most  precious 
heritages  of  that  neighborhood.  While  he  was  speaking, 
one  of  his  friends  became  involved  in  a  fight  on  the  edge 
of  the  audience,  and  when  the  orator  saw  that  he  was 
getting  the  worst  of  it,  Lincoln  suspended  his  remarks, 
jumped  from  the  dry-goods  box  which  served  as  his 

95 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

* 

platform,  seized  the  assailant  of  his  friend  by  the  collar 
and  the  seat  of  his  trousers,  threw  him  ten  or  twelve 
feet,  resumed  his  place,  and  finished  his  argument. 

In  the  reminiscences  of  Joshua  Speed,  who  was  per 
haps  the  most  intimate  friend  Lincoln  ever  knew,  is  an 
account  of  a  great  mass-meeting  at  Springfield  at  which 
Lincoln  made  a  speech  that  produced  a  lasting  impres 
sion  and  "  used  up"  George  Forquer,  a  prominent  lawyer 
and  politician,  so  completely  that  he  was  practically 
driven  out  of  the  campaign.  Forquer  had  been  a  Whig, 
but  changed  his  politics,  and  was  rewarded  by  the  Demo 
crats  with  an  appointment  as  Register  of  the  United 
States  Land  Office.  He  owned  and  occupied  one  of  the 
finest  houses  in  Springfield  and  attached  to  its  chimney 
the  only  lightning-rod  in  that  part  of  the  State.  Forquer 
had  made  a  long  address  at  the  meeting  and  Lincoln  had 
been  assigned  to  the  duty  of  answering  him.  Forquer 
alluded  to  this  arrangement  in  a  contemptuous  manner, 
and  spoke  slightingly  of  Lincoln's  youth  and  inexpe 
rience.  When  Lincoln  came  to  reply  he  admitted  his 
youth  and  inexperience,  which,  he  added,  were  faults 
that  would  be  corrected  by  time,  and  then  said, — 

"  I  am  not  so  young  in  years  as  I  am  in  the  tricks  and 
trade  of  the  politician;  but  whether  I  live  long  or  die 
young,  I  would  rather  die  now  than  change  my  politics 
for  an  office  worth  three  thousand  dollars  a  year,  and 
have  to  erect  a  lightning-rod  over  my  house  to  protect 
my  conscience  from  an  offended  God." 

The  people  of  Springfield  appreciated  this  hit  so 
keenly  and  quoted  it  so  freely  that  Forquer  was  com 
pelled  to  retire  from  the  canvass  to  escape  ridicule. 

From  this  time  on  Lincoln  was  always  on  the  stump 
whenever  there  was  a  political  contest  in  Central  Illinois, 
and  was  recognized  as  one  of  the  ablest,  as  he  was  one 
of  the  most  popular  and  effective,  campaigners.  His 
speeches  began  to  show  maturer  intellect,  a  more  careful 
study  and  expanding  power,  and  his  hold  upon  his 

96 


A   GREAT   ORATOR  AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

friends  and  his  influence  in  his  party  and  with  the  public 
at  large  were  increasing  with  every  political  campaign. 
As  early  as  1837,  when  he  was  a  candidate  for  Speaker 
of  the  Lower  House  of  the  Legislature,  he  had  acquired 
considerable  reputation.  In  the  fall  of  that  year,  with  a 
few  other  young  men  of  Springfield,  he  organized  a  ly- 
ceum  for  mutual  improvement,  and  his  ability  was  recog 
nized  when  he  was  the  first  of  its  members  to  be  invited 
to  make  a  public  address,  which  was  carefully  prepared 
and  delivered  in  January,  1838.  The  subject  was  "  The 
Perpetuation  of  our  Political  Institutions,"  and  it 
created  such  an  impression  that  it  was  published  in  full 
in  the  Sangamon  Journal,  February  3,  1838.  Few  men 
of  twenty-nine  years,  with  the  advantage  of  a  univer 
sity  education  and  a  complete  library  for  reference,  could 
produce  so  profound  and  statesmanlike  a  paper,  and  his 
philosophical  analysis  of  the  principles  of  the  Declara 
tion  of  Independence  and  his  conception  of  the  political 
duty  of  the  citizen  were  remarkable  for  their  truth  and 

force. 

Lincoln  had  acquired  such  great  fame  as  a  speaker 
that  in  1840  he  was  named  upon  the  Harrison  electoral 
ticket,  with  the  stipulation  that  he  should  canvass  the 
State.  He  was  then  only  thirty-one  years  old,  but  was 
regarded  as  the  ablest  of  the  Whig  stumpers  in  Illinois. 
In  the  Clay  campaign  of  1844,  in  the  Taylor  campaign 
of  1848,  and  in  the  Scott  campaign  of  1852  he  devoted 
almost  his  entire  time  to  political  work,  for  which  he 
received  no  compensation.  Ambitious  politicians  and 
loyal  party  men  were  expected  to  contribute  their  ser 
vices  free  and  pay  their  own  expenses  in  those  days, 
and  while  Lincoln's  pocket  suffered,  his  fame  and  popu 
larity  spread,  and  he  had  the  satisfaction  of  knowing 
that  in  all  the  State  no  man  possessed  the  confidence  of 
the  public  so  completely  as  he  and  none  was  listened  to 
with  more  attention  or  greater  respect.  ^  In  1856,  during 
the  Fremont  campaign,  he  was  recognized  as  the  fore- 
7  97 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

most  leader  on  the  Republican  side,  and  had  a  narrow 
escape  from  being  nominated  for  Vice-President. 

While  in  Congress  he  made  three  set  speeches  in  the 
Hall  of  Representatives,  all  carefully  prepared  and 
written  out.  The  first  Vas  an  elaborate  defence  of  Whig 
doctrines  and  an  historical  discussion  of  the  Mexican 
War,  the  next  was  on  the  general  subject  of  internal 
improvement,  and  the  third  was  a  humorous  and  satir 
ical  criticism  of  General  Cass,  the  Democratic  candidate 
for  President.  All  of  these  speeches  were  printed  in 
pamphlet  form  for  home  circulation  and  were  not  in 
tended  to  influence  the  action  of  the  House.  His  first 
participation  in  debate  was,  however,  a  great  success. 
Soon  after  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1848  opened, 
Representative  Iverson,  of  Georgia,  accused  the  Whigs 
of  "  having  taken  shelter  under  the  military  coat-tails 
of  General  Taylor/'  their  Presidential  candidate.  This 
seemed  to  touch  Lincoln's  sense  of  humor,  and  he  made 
a  brief  reply,  taking  "  Military  Coat-Tails"  as  his  text. 
Ben  Perley  Poore,  the  famous  newspaper  correspondent, 
who  was  then  in  his  prime,  describes  the  scene  as  fol 
lows: 

"  He  had  written  the  heads  of  what  he  intended  to 
say  on  a  few  pages  of  foolscap  paper,  which  he  placed  on 
a  friend's  desk,  bordering  on  an  alley-way,  which  he 
had  obtained  permission  to  speak  from.  At  first  he  fol 
lowed  his  notes ;  but,  as  he  warmed  up,  he  left  his  desk 
and  his  notes,  to  stride  down  the  alley  towards  the 
Speaker's  chair,  holding  his  left  hand  behind  him  so 
that  he  could  now  and  then  shake  the  tails  of  his  own 
rusty,  black  broadcloth  dress-coat,  while  he  earnestly 
gesticulated  with  his  long  right  arm,  shaking  the  bony 
index-finger  at  the  Democrats  on  the  other  side  of  the 
chamber.  Occasionally,  as  he  would  complete  a  sentence 
amid  shouts  of  laughter,  he  would  return  up  the  alley  to 
his  desk,  consult  his  notes,  take  a  sip  of  water,  and  start 
off  again." 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

The  Baltimore  American  called  it  "  the  crack  speech 
of  the  day,"  and  said  of  Lincoln :  "  He  is  a  very  able, 
acute,  uncouth,  honest,  upright  man  and  a  tremendous 
wag  withal.  .  .  .  Mr.  Lincoln's  manner  was  so  good- 
natured,  and  his  style  so  peculiar,  that  he  kept  the  House 
in  a  continuous  roar  of  merriment  for  the  last  half-hour 
of  his  speech.  He  would  commence  a  point  in  his  speech 
far  up  one  of  the  aisles,  and  keep  on  talking,  gesticu 
lating,  and  walking  until  he  would  find  himself,  at  the 
end  of  a  paragraph,  down  in  the  centre  of  the  area  in 
front  of  the  clerk's  desk.  He  would  then  go  back  and 
take  another  head,  and  work  down  again.  And  so  on, 
through  his  capital  speech." 

Referring  to  another  brief  speech  made  in  defence  of 
his  Committee  on  Post  Roads,  Lincoln  wrote  a  friend 
at  home,  "  As  to  speech-making,  by  way  of  getting  the 
hand  of  the  House,  I  made  a  little  speech  two  or  three 
days  ago  on  a  post-office  question  of  no  general  interest. 
I  find  speaking  here  and  elsewhere  about  the  same  thing. 
I  was  about  as  badly  scared,  and  no  worse,  as  I  am 
when  I  speak  in  court.  I  expect  to  make  one  within  a 
week  or  two  in  which  I  hope  to  succeed  well  enough  to 
wish  you  to  see  it." 

The  speech  he  was  then  preparing  was  delivered  four 
days  later.  It  was  his  first  formal  appearance  in  Con 
gress,  and,  according  to  custom,  he  finished  the  occasion 
by  a  series  of  resolutions  referring  to  President  Folk's 
declaration  that  the  war  of  1848  had  been  begun  by 
Mexico's  "  invading  our  territory  and  shedding  the  blood 
of  our  citizens  on  our  own  soil,"  and  calling  upon  him 
to  give  the  House  specific  information  as  to  the  invasion 
and  bloodshed.  These  resolutions  were  frequently  re 
ferred  to  afterwards  in  his  political  contests,  and  were 
relied  upon  to  sustain  a  charge  of  lack  of  patriotism 
during  the  Mexican  War  made  by  Mr.  Douglas  against 
their  author. 

Like  all  young  members  of  the  House  of  Representa- 

99 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

tives,  Lincoln  was  compelled  to  remain  in  the  back 
ground  most  of  the  time ;  but  he  learned  a  great  deal  in 
his  brief  experience,  and  created  such  an  impression  by 
his  speeches  that  upon  the  adjournment  he  was  invited 
to  enter  the  Presidential  campaign  of  1848  in  New  Eng 
land,  making  his  first  speech  at  Worcester,  where  the 
meeting  was  presided  over  by  ex-Governor  Levi  Lincoln, 
who  was  also  a  descendant  of  Samuel  Lincoln,  of  Hing- 
ham.  The  New  England  newspapers  and  people  gave 
him  many  compliments  and  in  subsequent  campaigns 
repeated  their  invitations. 

The  first  collision  between  Lincoln  and  Douglas  oc 
curred  during  the  Harrison  Presidential  campaign  of 
1840,  and  from  that  time  they  were  regarded  as  active 
rivals.  These  two  remarkable  men  became  acquainted 
in  1834  during  Lincoln's  first  session  in  the  Legislature 
at  Vandalia,  then  the  capital  of  Illinois.  Mr.  Douglas 
was  four  years  younger  and  equally  poor.  In  his  youth 
he  had  been  apprenticed  to  a  cabinet-maker  in  Vermont, 
had  studied  law  under  very  much  the  same  difficulties 
as  Lincoln,  was  admitted  to  the  bar  as  soon  as  he  was 
twenty-one,  and  came  to  Springfield,  with  no  acquaint 
ances  and  only  thirty-seven  cents  in  his  pocket,  to  contest" 
for  the  office  of  State  attorney  with  John  J.  Hardin,  one 
of  the  most  prominent  and  successful  lawyers  of  the 
State.  By  the  use  of  tactics  peculiar  to  his  life-long 
habits  as  a  politician,  he  secured  the  appointment,  made 
a  successful  prosecutor,  and  in  1836  was  elected  to  the 
Legislature,  and  occupied  a  position  on  the  Democratic 
side  of  that  body  similar  to  that  occupied  by  Lincoln  on 
the  Whig  side.  In  1837  he  secured  from  President  Van 
Buren  the  appointment  of  Register  of  the  Public  Land 
Office,  and  made  Springfield  his  home.  In  the  fall  of 
the  same  year  he  was  nominated  to  Congress  against 
John  T.  Stuart,  Lincoln's  law  partner  and  friend,  and 
the  campaign  which  followed  was  one  of  the  most  re 
markable  in  the  history  of  the  State,  with  Lincoln,  as 

100 


Copyright,  1895,  by  S.  S.  McClure  Co. 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN    IN    1858 

From  a  photograph  owned  by  Hon.  William  J.  Franklin, 
Macomb,  Illinois,  taken  in  1866  from  an  ambrotype  made 
in  1858  at  Macomb.  By  special  permission 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   Hl$   SPEECHES 

usual,  the  conspicuous  figure  upon  the  Whig  stump. 
When  the  vote  was  counted,  Stuart  received  a  majority 
of  only  fourteen  out  of  a  total  of  thirty-six  thousand. 

Douglas  charged  fraud,  and  his  reckless  attack  upon 
the  integrity  of  Stuart  aroused  in  Lincoln's  breast  a  re 
sentment  which  never  died.  From  that  time  he  regarded 
Douglas  with  strong  dislike  and  disapproval,  and, 
although  his  natural  generosity  as  well  as  his  sense  of 
propriety  silenced  his  tongue  in  public,  he  never  con 
cealed  from  his  friends  his  conviction  that  Douglas  was 
without  political  morals.  At  the  same  time  he  recognized 
the  ability  and  power  of  "  the  Little  Giant"  as  Douglas 
was  already  called,  and  no  one  estimated  more  highly 
his  ability  as  an  orator  and  his  skill  as  a  debater.  Per 
sonally,  Douglas  was  a  very  attractive  man.  He  had 
all  the  graces  that  Lincoln  lacked, — short  and  slight  of 
stature,  with  a  fine  head,  a  winning  manner,  graceful 
carriage,  a  sunny  disposition,  and  an  enthusiastic  spirit. 
His  personal  magnetism  was  almost  irresistible  to  the 
old  as  well  as  the  young,  and  his  voice  was  remarkable 
for  its  compass  and  the  richness  of  its  tones.  On  the 
other  hand,  Lincoln  was  ungainly  and  awkward;  his 
voice  was  not  musical,  although  it  was  very  expressive ; 
and,  as  I  have  before  said,  he  often  acknowledged  that 
there  was  no  homelier  man  in  all  the  States. 

Douglas  recognized  an  antagonist  who  was  easier  to 
avoid  than  to  meet,  and  attempted  to  keep  Lincoln  out  of 
his  path  by  treating  him  as  an  inferior.  On  one  occa 
sion,  when  both  happened  to  be  in  the  same  town,  there 
was  a  strong  desire  among  the  people  to  hear  them  dis 
cuss  public  questions.  The  proposition  irritated  Judge 
Douglas,  who,  with  his  usual  arrogance,  inquired, — 

"  What  does  Lincoln  represent  in  this  campaign  ?  Is 
he  an  abolitionist  or  a  Whig?" 

The  committee  replied  that  Lincoln  was  a  Whig, 
whereupon  Douglas  dismissed  the  subject  in  his  pom 
pous  way,  saying, — 

101 


THfe'  TRtJE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  Oh,  yes,  I  am  now  in  the  region  of  the  Old  Line 
Whig.  When  I  am  in  Northern  Illinois  I  am  assailed 
by  an  abolitionist,  when  I  get  to  the  centre  I  am  at 
tacked  by  an  Old  Line  Whig,  when  I  go  to  Southern 
Illinois  I  am  beset  by  an  Anti-Nebraska  Democrat.  It 
looks  to  me  like  dodging  a  man  all  over  the  State.  If 
Mr.  Lincoln  wants  to  make  a  speech  he  had  better  get 
a  crowd  of  his  own,  for  I  most  respectfully  decline  to 
hold  a  discussion  with  him." 

Lincoln  calmly  ignored  this  assumption  of  superiority 
at  the  time,  but  never  failed  to  punish  Mr.  Douglas  for 
it  when  they  met  upon  the  stump,  and,  according  to  the 
testimony  of  their  contemporaries,  he  was  equal  to  his 
able  and  adroit  opponent  from  the  beginning  of  their 
rivalry  either  in  the  court-room,  or  in  a  rough-and- 
tumble  debate,  or  in  the  serious  political  discussion  of 
great  political  questions.  Only  one  of  Lincoln's  speeches 
of  this  period  of  his  life  is  preserved.  That  is  an  address 
delivered  at  a  sort  of  oratorical  tournament  at  Spring 
field.  There  was  such  a  demand  for  it  that  a  few  days 
after  its  delivery  he  wrote  out  as  much  as  he  could  re 
member  and  the  Whig  managers  printed  it  in  pamphlet 
form  as  a  campaign  document ;  but  it  was  the  last  time 
he  indulged  in  the  old-fashioned  flights  of  eloquence. 
From  that  hour  the  topics  he  discussed  demanded  his 
serious  attention  and  his  closest  argument,  and  he  spoke 
to  convince,  not  to  excite  admiration  or  merely  to  stir 
the  emotions  of  his  audiences. 

In  1854  the  moral  sense  of  the  nation  was  shocked  by 
the  repeal  of  what  is  called  "  The  Missouri  Compro 
mise."  That  was  a  law  passed  in  1820  for  the  admission 
of  the  Territory  of  Missouri  to  the  Union  as  a  slave 
State,  upon  a  condition  that  slavery  should  not  go  north 
of  its  northern  boundary,  latitude  36°  30'.  Lincoln 
shared  the  national  indignation.  Douglas,  then  in  the 
United  States  Senate,  was  one  of  the  advocates  of  the 
repeal,  and  his  powerful  influence  in  Congress  made  it 

102 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

possible.  As  soon  as  the  action  of  Congress  was  an 
nounced,  the  entire  country  was  plunged  into  a  discus 
sion  of  the  question  on  the  platform,  in  the  pulpit,  in 
the  press,  in  the  debating  societies,  by  the  firesides,  at 
the  corner  groceries,  at  the  post-office,  and  wherever 
people  met  together.  Lincoln  took  no  public  part  in  the 
controversy  for  several  months,  but  during  the  interval 
studied  the  question  in  its  moral,  historical,  and  consti 
tutional  bearings,  and  while  the  Democrats  accused  him 
of  "  mousing  around"  the  libraries  of  the  State-House, 
he  was  preparing  himself  for  a  controversy  which  he 
knew  was  sure  to  come. 

That  fall  (1854)  Richard  Yates  was  up  for  Congress 
and  Lincoln  took  the  stump  in  his  behalf.    In  the  mean 
time  Mr.  Douglas  was  speaking  in  other  sections  of  the 
State,  but  came  to  Springfield  to  attend  the  State  Agri 
cultural  Fair,  and,  being  a  United  States  Senator  and 
a  political  idol,  was  of  course  a  great  attraction, 
made  a  speech  justifying  the  action  of  Congress,  and,  by 
common  impulse,  the  opponents  of  the  repeal  called  upon 
Lincoln  to  answer  him.    There  is  no  doubt  of  the  zeal 
and  ardor  with  which  he  accepted  the  invitation,  and 
he  spoke  for  four  hours,  as  one  of  his  friends  testifies, 
"  in  a  most  happy  and  pleasant  style,  and  was  received 
with  abundant  applause."    At  times  he  made  statements 
which  brought  Senator  Douglas  to  his  feet,  and  their 
passages  at  arms  created  much  excitement  and  enthu 
siasm.    It  was  evident  that  the  force  of  Lincoln's  argu 
ment  surprised  and  disconcerted  Mr.  Douglas,  for  he 
insisted  upon  making  a  two-hours'  rejoinder,  which  of 
itself  was  a  confession  of  his  defeat. 

Lincoln's  triumph  on  this  occasion  placed  him  at  the 
head  of  the  political  debaters  of  the  State,  and,  in  order 
that  Mr.  Douglas  might  have  another  chance  to  retrieve 
himself,  they  met  again  twelve  days  later  at  Peoria. 
Lincoln  yielded  to  Douglas  the  advantage  of  the  open 
ing  and  closing  speeches,  explaining  that  he  did  so  from 

103 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

selfish  motives,  because  he  wanted  to  hold  the  Demo 
cratic  portion  of  the  audience  through  his  own  speech. 
At  the  request  of  the  Whig  leaders  and  politicians  in 
other  parts  of  the  State  who  had  not  been  able  to  hear 
the  discussion,  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  out  his  speech  from 
memory  and  we  have  it  in  full.  It  was  by  far  the  ablest 
and  most  profound  composition  he  had  produced  up  to 
that  time,  and  even  now,  after  the  lapse  of  half  a  cen 
tury,  it  is  recognized  as  a  model  of  political  argument. 
He  here  rose  from  the  rank  of  the  politician  to  that  of 
the  statesman,  and  never  fell  below  it  in  his  future 
addresses.  Lincoln  and  Douglas  were  understood  by 
themselves  as  well  as  by  the  public  to  be  contesting  for 
a  seat  in  the  United  States  Senate,  and  the  latter  was 
so  alarmed  by  Lincoln's  unexpected  manifestation  of 
power  that  he  sought  an  interview  on  the  pretence  of 
friendship  and  persuaded  him  into  an  agreement  that 
neither  should  make  any  more  speeches  before  the  actual 
campaign  began, — an  agreement  violated  by  Douglas 
during  the  next  week. 

Horace  White,  now  editor  of  the  New  York  Evening 
Post,  says  of  the  speech  just  mentioned,  "  I  was  then 
in  the  employ  of  the  Chicago  Evening  Journal.  I  had 
been  sent  to  Springfield  to  report  the  political  doings  of 
State  Fair  week  for  that  newspaper.  Thus  it  came 
about  that  I  occupied  a  front  seat  in  the  Representatives' 
Hall,  in  the  old  State-House,  when  Mr.  Lincoln  de 
livered  the  speech  already  described  in  this  volume. 
The  impression  made  upon  me  by  the  orator  was  quite 
overpowering.  I  had  not  heard  much  political  speaking 
up  to  that  time.  I  have  heard  a  great  deal  since.  I  have 
never  heard  anything  since,  either  by  Mr.  Lincoln,  or  by 
anybody,  that  I  would  put  on  a  higher  plane  of  oratory. 
All  the  strings  that  play  upon  the  human  heart  and 
understanding  were  touched  with  masterly  skill  and 
force,  while  beyond  and  above  all  skill  was  the  over 
whelming  conviction  pressed  upon  the  audience  that  the 

104 


A   GREAT   ORATOR  AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

speaker  himself  was  charged  with  an  irresistible  and 
inspiring  duty  to  his  fellow-men.  Having,  since  then, 
heard  all  the  great  public  speakers  of  this  country  subse 
quent  to  the  period  of  Clay  and  Webster,  I  award  the 
palm  to  Mr.  Lincoln  as  the  one  who,  although  not  first 
in  all  respects,  would  bring  more  men  of  doubtful  or 
hostile  leanings  around  to  his  way  of  thinking  by  talk 
ing  to  them  on  a  platform  than  any  other." 

The  next  occasion  upon  which  Lincoln  displayed 
unusual  power  as  an  orator  was  the  Bloomington  Con 
vention  for  the  organization  of  the  Republican  party 
early  in  1856.  Never  was  an  audience  more  completely 
electrified  by  human  speech.  The  Convention,  which 
was  composed  of  former  members  of  all  political  parties 
had  adopted  the  name  Republican,  had  taken  extreme 
grounds  against  slavery,  and  had  launched  a  new  politi 
cal  organization;  but  it  contained  many  discordant, 
envious,  and  hostile  elements.  Those  who  had  watched 
the  proceedings  were  anxious  and  apprehensive  of  dis 
sension  and  jealousy,  and  Lincoln,  with  his  acute  politi 
cal  perceptions,  realized  the  danger,  perhaps,  more 
keenly  than  any  other  man  in  the  assembly.  He  saw 
before  him  a  group  of  earnest,  zealous,  sincere  men, 
willing  to  make  tremendous  sacrifices  and  undertake 
Titanic  tasks,  but  at  the  same  time  most  of  them  clung 
to  their  own  theories  and  advocated  their  individual 
methods  with  a  tenacity  that  promised  to  defeat  their 
common  purpose.  Therefore,  when  he  arose  in  response 
to  the  unanimous  demand  for  a  speech  from  the  great 
orator  of  Springfield,  his  soul  was  flooded  with  a  desire 
and  a  purpose  to  harmonize  and  amalgamate  the  patri 
otic  emotions  of  his  associates.  He  realized  that  it  was 
a  crisis  in  the  history  of  his  country,  and  rose  to  the 
full  height  of  the  occasion. 

Those  who  were  present  say  that  at  first  he  spoke 
slowly,  cautiously,  and  in  a  monotone,  but  gradually 
his  words  grew  in  force  and  intensity  until  he  swept  the 

105 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

discordant  souls  of  the  assembly  together  and  his 
hearers  "  arose  from  their  chairs  with  pale  faces  and 
quivering  lips  and  pressed  unconsciously  towards  him." 
His  influence  was  irresistible.  Even  the  trained  report 
ers,  accustomed  to  witness  the  most  touching  and  im 
pressive  scenes  with  the  indifference  of  their  profession, 
dropped  their  pencils,  and  what  was  perhaps  the  great 
est  speech  of  Lincoln's  entire  career  was  unreported. 
Joseph  Medill,  afterwards  editor  of  the  Chicago  Tribune, 
who  was  then  a  reporter  for  that  paper,  says, — 

"  I  did  make  a  few  paragraphs  of  what  Lincoln  said 
in  the  first  eight  or  ten  minutes,  but  I  became  so 
absorbed  in  his  magnetic  oratory  that  I  forgot  myself 
and  ceased  to  take  notes.  I  well  remember  that  after 
Lincoln  sat  down,  and  calm  had  succeeded  the  tempest, 
I  waked  out  of  a  sort  of  hypnotic  trance,  and  then 
thought  of  my  report  to  the  Tribune.  It  was  some  sort 
of  satisfaction  to  find  that  I  had  not  been  '  scooped/ 
as  all  the  newspaper  men  present  had  been  equally 
carried  away  by  the  excitement  caused  by  the  wonderful 
oration  and  had  made  no  report  or  sketch  of  the  speech/' 

But  every  reporter  and  editor  went  home  bursting 
with  enthusiasm,  and  while  none  of  them  could  remem 
ber  it  entire,  fragments  of  "  Lincoln's  Lost  Speech,"  as 
it  was  called,  floated  through  the  entire  press  of  the 
United  States.  No  one  was  more  deeply  moved  than 
Lincoln  himself,  and,  although  continually  appealed  to 
by  his  political  associates  and  the  newspapers,  he  ad 
mitted  his  inability  to  reproduce  his  words  or  even  his 
thoughts  after  the  inspiration  under  which  he  had 
spoken  expired.  But  his  purpose  was  accomplished. 
Those  who  assumed  the  name  "  Republicans"  were 
thereafter  animated  by  a  single  purpose  and  resolution. 

As  in  former  campaigns,  Lincoln  was  placed  upon  the 
electoral  ticket  and  made  fifty  or  more  speeches  in  Illi 
nois  and  the  adjoining  States  for  Fremont  in  his  con 
test  against  Buchanan  for  the  Presidency  in  1856. 

106 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

Soon  after  the  inauguration  of  President  Buchanan, 
the  Supreme  Court  of  the  United  States  delivered  an 
opinion  in  that  famous  trial  known  as  the  Dred  Scott 
case  which  created  intense  excitement.  A  slave  of  that 
name  sued  for  his  freedom  on  the  ground  that  his 
master  had  taken  him  from  Missouri  to  reside  in  the 
State  of  Illinois  and  the  Territory  of  Wisconsin,  where 
slavery  was  prohibited  by  law.  Judge  Taney  and  a 
majority  of  the  Supreme  bench,  after  hearing  the  case 
argued  twice  by  eminent  counsel,  decided  that  a  negro 
was  not  entitled  to  bring  suit  in  a  court.  In  addition, 
it  indirectly  announced  its  opinion  that  under  the  Con 
stitution  of  the  United  States  neither  Congress  nor  a  ter 
ritorial  Legislature  had  any  power  to  prohibit  slavery 
within  Federal  territory.  The  people  of  the  North  cried 
out  in  protest,  the  people  of  the  South  defended  the  deci 
sion  as  just  and  righteous  altogether,  and  then  began  a 
series  of  discussion  which  ended  only  with  the  emancipa 
tion  of  the  bondsmen. 

Senator  Douglas  was  left  in  a  curious  situation,  for 
he  had  justified  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise, 
which  prohibited  the  extension  of  slavery,  on  the  ground 
of  popular  sovereignty,  holding  that  under  the  Constitu 
tion  each  Territory  was  authorized  to  decide  the  ques 
tion  for  itself,  and  in  defence  of  that  position  he  had 
made  many  speeches.  It  became  necessary,  therefore, 
for  him  to  reconcile  it  with  the  decision  of  the  Supreme 
Court,  which  he  attempted  to  do  by  an  able  argument  at 
Springfield  shortly  after.  It  was  the  first  presentation 
of  his  ingenious  and  celebrated  "  Freeport  Doctrine," 
which,  briefly,  was  that  while  the  Supreme  Court  was 
correct  in  its  interpretation  of  the  Constitution,  a  Ter 
ritory  cannot  be  divested  of  its  right  to  adopt  and  en 
force  appropriate  police  regulations.  As  such  regula 
tions  could  only  be  made  by  Legislatures  elected  by  a 
popular  vote,  he  argued,  the  great  principle  of  popular 
sovereignty  and  self-government  was  not  only  sustained, 

107 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

but  was  even  more  firmly  established  by  the  Dred  Scott 
decision. 

This  argument  naturally  excited  the  interest  of  Lin 
coln,  who  answered  it  in  an  elaborate  speech  two  weeks 
later,  and  thus  forced  the  issue  into  the  campaign  for 
the  election  of  a  Legislature  which  was  to  choose  the 
successor  of  Mr.  Douglas  in  the  United  States  Senate. 
Douglas  was  in  an  unpleasant  predicament.  He  was 
compelled  to  choose  between  the  favor  and  support  of 
the  Buchanan  administration  and  that  of  the  people  of 
Illinois.  As  the  latter  alternative  was  necessary  to  his 
public  career,  he  adopted  it,  and  when  Congress  met  he 
attacked  the  administration  with  his  usual  force  and 
ability.  His  course  was  approved  by  a  large  majority 
of  the  Democratic  party  in  Illinois,  but  stimulated  the 
hope  of  the  Republicans  of  that  State  that  they  might 
defeat  him  and  elect  Abraham  Lincoln,  who  was  entitled 
to  the  honor  because  he  had  yielded  his  priority  of  claim 
to  Lyman  Trumbull  in  1854  and  was  now  recognized 
as  the  foremost  champion  of  the  new  Republican  party 
in  Illinois.  Therefore,  when  the  Republican  State  Con 
vention  met  in  June,  1858,  it  adopted  by  acclamation  a 
resolution  declaring  that  he  was  the  first  and  only  choice 
of  the  Republican  party  for  the  United  States  Senate. 
Mr.  Herndon,  Lincoln's  law  partner,  says, — 
"  He  had  been  led  all  along  to  expect  his  nomination 
to  the  Senate,  and  with  that  in  view  had  been  earnestly 
and  quietly  at  work  preparing  a  speech  in  acknowledg 
ment  of  the  honor  about  to  be  conferred  upon  him. 
This  speech  he  wrote  on  stray  envelopes  and  scraps  of 
paper,  as  ideas  suggested  themselves,  putting  them  into 
that  miscellaneous  and  convenient  receptacle,  his  hat. 
As  the  Convention  drew  near  he  copied  the  whole  on 
connected  sheets,  carefully  revising  every  line  and  sen 
tence,  and  fastened  them  together  for  reference  during 
the  delivery  of  the  speech  and  for  publication.  A  few 
weeks  before  the  Convention,  when  he  was  at  work  on 

108 


A   GREAT  ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

the  speech,  I  remember  that  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  who  was 
Auditor  of  the  State,  came  into  the  office  and,  seeing 
Lincoln  busily  writing,  inquired  what  he  was  doing  or 
what  he  was  writing.  Lincoln  answered  gruffly,  '  It's 
something  you  may  see  or  hear  some  time,  but  I'll  not 
let  you  see  it  now/  After  the  Convention  Lincoln  met 
him  on  the  street  and  said,  '  Dubois,  I  can  tell  you  what 
I  was  doing  the  other  day  when  you  came  into  my 
office.  I  was  writing  that  speech,  and  I  knew  if  I  read 
the  passage  about  '  the  house  divided  against  itself  to 
you,  you  wou.d  ask  me  to  change  or  modify  it,  and  that 
I  was  determined  not  to  do.  I  had  willed  it  so,  and 
was  willing,  if  necessary,  to  perish  with  it.' 

"  Before  delivering  his  speech  he  invited  a  dozen  or 
so  of  his  friends  to  the  library  of  the  State-House,  where 
he  read  and  submitted  it  to  them.  After  the  reading 
he  asked  each  man  for  his  opinion.  Some  condemned 
and  no  one  endorsed  it.  Having  patiently  listened  to 
these  various  criticisms  from  his  friends,  all  of  which, 
with  a  single  exception,  were  adverse,  he  rose  from  his 
chair,  and  after  alluding  to  the  careful  study  and  intense 
thought  he  had  given  the  question,  he  answered  all 
their  objections  substantially  as  follows:  j^riends, 
this  thing  lias  been  retarded  long  enough.  The  time  has 
come  when  those  sentimenst  should  be  uttered ;  and  if 
it  is  decreed  that  I  should  go  down  because  of  this 
speech,  then  let  me  go  down  linked  to  the  truth — let  me 
die  in  the  advocacy  of  what  is  just  and  right.'  " 

After  completing  its  routine  work,  the  Convention 
adjourned  to  meet  in  the  Hall  of  Representatives  at 
Springfield  that  evening  to  hear  Lincoln's  speech,  and  it 
was  anticipated  with  intense  interest  and  anxiety  be 
cause  the  gentlemen  whom  Lincoln  had  taken  into  his 
confidence  had  let  it  be  known  that  he  was  to  take  a 
very  radical  position.  It  was  the  most  carefully  pre 
pared  speech  he  ever  made,  although  he  delivered  it 
from  memory,  and  after  a  few  opening  sentences  he 

109 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

uttered  this  bold  and  significant  declaration  which 
evoked  an  enthusiastic  response  from  all  of  the  free 
States  of  the  Union : 

" '  A  house  divided  against  itself  cannot  stand/  I 
believe  this  government  cannot  endure  permanently  half 
slave  and  half  free.  I  do  not  expect  the  Union  to  be 
dissolved — I  do  not  expect  the  house  to  fall — but  I  do 
expect  it  will  cease  to  be  divided.  It  will  become  all 
one  thing  or  all  the  other.  Either  the  opponents  of 
slavery  will  arrest  the  further  spread  of  it,  and  place 
it  where  the  public  mind  shall  rest  in  the  beMef  that 
it  is  in  course  of  ultimate  extinction;  or  its  advocates 
will  push  it  forward  until  it  shall  become  alike  lawful 
in  all  the  States,  old  as  well  as  new,  North  as  well  as 
South." 

Shortly  after  this  event,  Senator  Douglas  returned 
from  Washington  and  took  the  stump,  attracting  im 
mense  crowds  and  exciting  great  enthusiasm.  His 
speeches,  however,  were  evasive  and  contained  much 
special  pleading  as  well  as  misstatement.  Lincoln 
watched  him  closely,  and,  recognizing  that  Douglas  was 
fighting  unfairly,  decided  to  bring  him  to  terms.  Hence 
he  addressed  him  a  challenge  to  joint  debate.  Judge 
Weldon,  who  was  living  in  Illinois  at  the  time,  tells  the 
story  as  follows : 

"  We  wrote  Mr.  Lincoln  he  had  better  come  and  hear 
Douglas  speak  at  Clinton,  which  he  did.  There  was  an 
immense  crowd  for  a  country  town,  and  on  the  way  to 
the  grove  where  the  speaking  took  place,  Mr.  Lincoln 
said  to  me, — 

" '  Weldon,  I  have  challenged  Judge  Douglas  for  a 
discussion.  What  do  you  think  of  it?' 

"  I  replied,  '  I  approve  your  judgment  in  whatever 
you  do/ 

"  We  went  over  a  little  to  one  side  of  the  crowd  and 
sat  down  on  one  of  the  boards  laid  on  logs  for  seats. 
Douglas  spoke  over  three  hours  to  an  immense  audience, 

no 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

and  made  one  of  the  most  forcible  speeches  I  ever  heard. 
As  he  went  on  he  referred  to  Lincoln's  Springfield 
speech,  and  became  very  personal,  and  I  said  to  Mr. 
Lincoln, — 

Do  you  suppose  Douglas  knows  you  are  here  ?' 
'  Well/  he  replied,  '  I  don't  know  whether  he  does 
or  not;    he  has  not  looked  in  this   direction.     But  I 
reckon  some  of  the  boys  have  told  him  I  am  here.' 

"When  Douglas  finished  there  was  a  tremendous 
shout  for  '  Lincoln,'  which  kept  on  with  no  let  up.  Mr. 
Lincoln  said, — 

'  What  shall  I  do?    I  can't  speak  here.' 
'  You  will  have  to  say  something,'  I  replied.    '  Sup 
pose  you  get  up  and  say  that  you  will  speak  this  evening 
at  the  court-house  yard.' 

"Mr.  Lincoln  mounted  the  board  seat,  and  as  the 
crowd  got  sight  of  his  tall  form  the  shouts  and  cheers 
were  wild.  As  soon  as  he  could  make  himself  heard 
he  said, — 

1  This  is  Judge  Douglas's  meeting.  I  have  no  right, 
therefore,  no  disposition  to  interfere.  But  if  you  ladies 
and  gentlemen  desire  to  hear  what  I  have  to  say  on 
these  questions,  and  will  meet  me  this  evening  at  the 
court-house  yard,  east  side,  I  will  try  to  answer  this 
gentleman/ 

"  Lincoln  made  a  speech  that  evening  which  in  volume 
did  not  equal  the  speech  of  Douglas,  but  for  sound  and 
cogent  argument  was  the  superior.  Douglas  had 
charged  Mr.  Lincoln  with  being  in  favor  of  negro 
equality,  which  was  then  the  bugbear  of  politics.  In  his 
speech  that  evening  Mr.  Lincoln  said, — 

Judge  Douglas  charges  me  with  being  in  favor  of 
negro  equality,  and  to  the  extent  that  he  charges  I  am 
not  guilty.  I  am  guilty  of  hating  servitude  and  loving 
freedom ;  and  while  I  would  not  carry  the  equality  of 
the  races  to  the  extent  charged  by  my  adversary,  I  am 
happy  to  confess  before  you  that  in  some  things  the 

in 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

black  man  is  the  equal  of  the  white  man.  In  the  right 
to  eat  the  bread  his  own  hands  have  earned  he  is  the 
equal  of  Judge  Douglas  or  any  other  living  man/ 

"  When  Lincoln  spoke  the  last  sentence  he  had  lifted 
himself  to  his  full  height,  and  as  he  reached  his  hands 
towards  the  stars  of  that  still  night,  then  and  there  fell 
from  his  lips  one  of  the  most  sublime  expressions  of 
American  statesmanship.  The  effect  was  grand,  the 
cheers  tremendous." 

Senator  Douglas  accepted  the  challenge,  and  the 
famous  debate  was  arranged  which  for  public  interest 
and  forensic  ability  has  never  been  surpassed  or  equalled 
in  any  country.  Seven  dates  and  towns  were  selected, 
and  the  debaters  were  placed  on  an  equal  footing  by  an 
arrangement  that  alternately  one  should  speak  an  hour 
in  opening  and  the  other  an  hour  and  a  half  in  reply, 
the  first  to  have  half  an  hour  in  closing. 

In  addition  to  his  seven  meetings  with  Douglas,  Lin 
coln  made  thirty-one  other  set  speeches  arranged  by  the 
State  Central  Committee  during  the  campaign,  besides 
many  brief  addresses  not  previously  advertised.  Some 
times  he  spoke  several  times  a  day,  and  was  exposed  to  a 
great  deal  of  discomfort  and  fatigue  which  none  but  a 
man  of  his  physical  strength  could  have  endured.  He 
paid  his  own  expenses,  travelled  by  ordinary  cars  and 
freight  trains,  and  often  was  obliged  to  drive  in  wagon's 
or  to  ride  horseback  to  keep  his  engagements.  Mr. 
Douglas  enjoyed  a  great  advantage.  He  had  been  in 
the  Senate  several  years  and  had  influential  friends  hold 
ing  government  offices  all  over  the  State,  who  had  time 
and  money  to  arrange  receptions  and  entertainments  and 
lost  no  opportunity  to  lionize  him.  Every  Federal  offi 
cial,  for  weeks  before  the  joint  meetings,  gave  his  atten 
tion  to  the  arrangements  and  was  held  responsible  by 
Mr.  Douglas  for  securing  a  large  and  enthusiastic  Demo 
cratic  audience.  He  was  accompanied  by  his  wife,  a 
beautiful  and  brilliant  woman,  and  by  a  committee  of 

112 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

the  most  distinguished  Democratic  politicians  in  the 
State.  He  travelled  in  a  special  train  furnished  by  the 
Illinois  Central  Railroad,  and  in  charge  of  Captain 
George  B.  McClellan,  who  was  then  its  general  manager. 
Every  employee  of  that  road  was  a  partisan  of  Douglas, 
voluntary  or  involuntary,  and  several  times  Lincoln  was 
compelled  to  suffer  unnecessary  delay  and  inconvenience 
because  of  their  partisanship.  Many  a  time  when  he 
was  trying  to  get  a  little  sleep  in  a  wayside  station,  while 
waiting  for  a  connection,  or  lay  in  a  bunk  in  the  caboose 
of  a  freight  train,  the  special  car  of  his  opponent,  deco 
rated  with  flags  and  lithographs,  would  go  sweeping  by. 

A  gentleman  who  accompanied  him  during  the  can 
vass  relates  this :  "  Lincoln  and  I  were  at  the  Centralia 
Agricultural  Fair  the  day  after  the  debate  at  Jonesboro. 
Night  came  on  and  we  were  tired,  having  been  on  the 
fair  grounds  all  day.  We  were  to  go  north  on  the  Illi 
nois  Central  Railroad.  The  train  was  due  at  midnight, 
and  the  depot  was  full  of  people.  I  managed  to  get  a 
chair  for  Lincoln  in  the  office  of  the  superintendent  of 
the  railroad,  but  small  politicians  would  intrude  so  that 
he  could  scarcely  get  a  moment's  sleep.  The  train  came 
and  was  rilled  instantly.  I  got  a  seat  near  the  door  for 
Lincoln  and  myself.  He  was  worn  out,  and  had  to  meet 
Douglas  the  next  day  at  Charleston.  An  empty  car, 
called  a  saloon  car,  was  hitched  on  to  the  rear  of  the 
train  and  locked  up.  I  asked  the  conductor,  who  knew 
Lincoln  and  myself  well, — we  were  both  attorneys  of 
the  road, — if  Lincoln  could  not  ride  in  that  car;  that 
he  was  exhausted  and  needed  rest;  but  the  conductor 
refused.  I  afterwards  got  him  in  by  stratagem." 

The  meetings  were  attended  by  enormous  crowds. 
People  came  twenty  and  thirty  miles  in  carriages  and 
wagons,  devoting  two  or  three  days  to  the  excursion, 
and  the  local  excitement  was  intense.  The  two  parties 
endeavored  to  excel  each  other  in  processions,  music, 
fireworks,  and  novel  features.  At  each  town  salutes 
8  113 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

would  be  fired  and  an  address  of  welcome  delivered  by 
some  prominent  citizen.  Sometimes  committees  of  ladies 
would  present  the  speakers  bouquets  of  flowers,  and  on 
one  occasion  they  wound  garlands  around  the  lank  and 
awkward  form  of  the  future  President,  much  to  his 
embarrassment  and  dismay.  After  a  debate  at  Ottawa, 
the  enthusiasm  was  so  great  that  a  party  of  his  admirers 
carried  him  on  their  shoulders  from  the  meeting  to  the 
house  where  he  was  being  entertained. 

Lincoln  did  not  underrate  the  ability  or  the  advantages 
of  his  opponent.  He  realized  fully  the  serious  character 
and  importance  of  the  contest  in  which  he  was  engaged. 
He  was  aware  that  the  entire  country  was  watching  him 
with  anxious  eyes,  and  that  he  was  addressing  not  only 
the  multitudes  that  gathered  around  the  platforms,  but 
the  entire  population  of  the  United  States.  He  knew 
also  that  whatever  he  might  say  would  have  a  permanent 
effect  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  Republican  party,  then 
only  two  years  old,  not  to  speak  of  his  own  personal 
destiny. 

He  knew  Douglas  as  well  and  perhaps  better  than 
Douglas  knew  himself.  They  had  been  acquainted  from 
boyhood,  and  their  lives  had  run  in  parallels  in  a  most 
remarkable  manner.  They  had  met  at  the  threshold  of 
their  political  careers.  They  had  served  together  in  the 
Legislature  twenty-three  years  before.  They  were  ad 
mitted  to  practice  at  the  bar  of  the  Supreme  Court 
together.  They  had  been  rivals  for  the  hand  of  the  same 
lady,  as  related  in  a  previous  chapter.  They  served 
together  in  Congress.  They  had  met  repeatedly,  and 
had  measured  strength  in  the  Legislature,  in  the  courts, 
and  on  the  platform.  They  had  always  been  upon  out 
wardly  friendly  terms,  but  each  knew  that  the  other 
disliked  him  intensely.  It  is  probable  that  his  inquisitive 
nature  and  analytical  habits  gave  Lincoln  a  better  knowl 
edge  of  the  strong  and  weak  points  of  his  antagonist. 
He  was  very  thorough  in  whatever  he  undertook,  while 

114 


A   GREAT   ORATOR  AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

Douglas  was  more  confident  and  careless  in  his  prepara 
tion.  Lincoln  knew  that  in  the  whole  field  of  American 
politics  there  was  no  man  so  adroit  or  aggressive  or 
gifted  in  the  tricks  and  strategy  of  debate,  and  in  this 
contest  Douglas  showed  his  fullest  power.  Lincoln's 
talents  and  habits  were  entirely  different.  He  indulged 
in  no  tricks  and  made  no  effort  to  dazzle  audiences.  His 
fairness  of  statement  and  generosity  were  well  known 
and  understood  by  Mr.  Douglas,  who  took  advantage  of 
them.  His  high  standard  of  political  morals  and  his 
devotion  to  constitutional  principles  were  equally  well 
understood,  and  Douglas  took  advantage  of  those  also. 

Douglas  electrified  the  crowds  with  his  eloquence  and 
charmed  them  by  his  grace  and  dexterity.  He  was  for 
cible  in  statement,  aggressive  in  assertion,  and  treated 
Lincoln  in  a  patronizing  and  contemptuous  manner ;  but 
Lincoln's  simplicity  of  statement,  his  homely  illustra 
tions,  quaint  originality,  and  convincing  logic  were  often 
more  forcible  than  the  lofty  flights  of  eloquence  in  which 
his  opponent  indulged.  He  was  more  careful  and  accu 
rate  in  his  statement  of  facts,  and  his  knowledge  of  the 
details  of  history  and  the  legislation  of  Congress  was 
a  great  advantage,  for  he  convicted  Douglas  of  misrep 
resentation  again  and  again,  although  it  seemed  to  have 
had  no  effect  whatever  upon  the  confidence  of  the  latter's 
supporters.  As  usual,  Mr.  Lincoln  kept  close  to  the 
subject  and  spoke  to  convince  and  not  to  amuse  or  enter 
tain.  When  one  of  his  friends  suggested  that  his  repu 
tation  for  story-telling  was  being  destroyed  by  the 
seriousness  of  his  speeches,  Lincoln  replied  that  this  was 
no  time  for  jokes. 

One  of  the  gentlemen  who  accompanied  Mr.  Lincoln 
has  given  us  the  following  description  of  his  appearance 
and  manner  of  speaking :  "  When  standing  erect  he  was 
six  feet  four  inches  high.  He  was  lean  in  flesh  and 
ungainly  in  figure;  thin  through  the  chest,  and  hence 
slightly  stoop-shouldered.  When  he  arose  to  address 

115 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

courts,  juries,  or  crowds  of  people  his  body  inclined 
forward  to  a  slight  degree.  At  first  he  was  very  awk 
ward,  and  it  seemed  a  real  labor  to  adjust  himself  to 
the  surroundings.  He  struggled  for  a  time  under  a 
feeling  of  apparent  diffidence  and  sensitiveness,  and 
these  only  added  to  his  awkwardness.  When  he  began 
speaking,  his  voice  was  shrill,  piping,  and  unpleasant. 
His  manner,  his  attitude,  his  dark,  yellow  face  wrinkled 
and  dry,  his  oddity  of  pose,  his  diffident  movements, — 
everything  seemed  to  be  against  him,  but  only  for  a  short 
time.  After  having  arisen,  he  generally  placed  his  hands 
behind  him,  the  back  of  his  left  hand  in  the  palm  of 
his  right,  the  thumb  and  fingers  of  his  right  hand  clasped 
around  the  left  arm  at  the  wrist.  For  a  few  moments 
he  played  the  combination  of  awkwardness,  sensitive 
ness,  and  diffidence.  As  he  proceeded  he  became  some 
what  animated,  and  to  keep  in  harmony  with  his  growing 
warmth  his  hands  relaxed  their  grasp  and  fell  to  his 
side.  Presently  he  clasped  them  in  front  of  him,  inter 
locking  his  fingers,  one  thumb  meanwhile  chasing  the 
other.  His  speech  now  requiring  more  emphatic  utter 
ance,  his  fingers  unlocked  and  his  hands  fell  apart.  His 
left  arm  was  thrown  behind,  the  back  of  his  hand  resting 
against  his  body,  his  right  hand  seeking  his  side.  By 
this  time  he  had  gained  sufficient  composure,  and  his 
real  speech  began.  He  did  not  gesticulate  as  much  with 
his  hands  as  he  did  with  his  head.  He  used  the  latter 
frequently,  throwing  it  with  vim  this  way  and  that. 
This  movement  was  a  significant  one  when  he  sought  to 
enforce  his  statement.  It  sometimes  came  with  a  quick 
jerk,  as  if  throwing  off  electric  sparks  into  combustible 
material.  He  never  sawed  the  air  nor  rent  space  into 
tatters  and  rags,  as  some  orators  do.  He  never  acted 
for  stage  effect.  He  was  cool,  considerate,  reflective — 
in  time  self-possessed  and  self-reliant.  His  style  was 
clear,  terse,  and  compact.  In  argument  he  was  logical, 
demonstrative,  and  fair.  He  was  careless  of  his  dress, 

116 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

and  his  clothes,  instead  of  fitting,  as  did  the  garments 
of  Douglas  on  the  latter's  well-rounded  form,  hung 
loosely  on  his  giant  frame. 

"  As  he  moved  along  in  his  speech  he  became  freer 
and  less  uneasy  in  his  movements;    to  that  extent  he 
was  graceful.     He  had  a  perfect  naturalness,  a  strong 
individuality;     and    to   that   extent   he    was    dignified. 
There  was  a  world  of  meaning  and  emphasis  in  the  long, 
bony  finger  of  his  right  hand  as  he  dotted  the  ideas  on 
the 'minds  of  his  hearers.     Sometimes,  to  express  joy 
or  pleasure,  he  would  raise  both  hands  at  an  angle  of 
about  fifty  degrees,  the  palms  upward.    If  the  sentiment 
was  one  of  detestation, — denunciation  of   slavery,   for 
example, — both    arms,    thrown    upward    and    the    fists 
clinched,  swept  through  the  air,  and  he  expressed  an 
execration  that  was  truly  sublime.    This  was  one  of  his 
most  effective  gestures,  and  signified  most  vividly  a  fixed 
determination  to  drag  down  the  object  of  his  hatred  and 
trample  it  in  the  dust.    He  always  stood  squarely  on  his 
feet,  toe  even  with  toe;    that  is,  he  never  put  one  foot 
before  the  other.     He  neither  touched  nor  leaned  on 
anything  for  support.    He  made  but  few  changes  in  his 
positions  and  attitudes.    He  never  ranted,  never  walked 
backward  and  forward  on  the  platform.     To  ease  his 
arms  he  frequently  caught  hold,  with  his  left  hand,  of 
the  lapel  of  his  coat,  keeping  his  thumb  upright  and 
leaving  his  right  hand  free  to  gesticulate.    The  designer 
of  the  monument  erected  in  Chicago  has  happily  caught  I 
him  in  just  this  attitude.     As  he  proceeded  with  his 
speech  the  exercise  of  his  vocal  organs  altered  some 
what  the  tone  of  his  voice.    It  lost  in  a  measure  its  for 
mer  acute  and  shrilling  pitch,  and  mellowed  into  a  more 
harmonious  and  pleasant  sound.     His  form  expanded, 
and,  notwithstanding  the  sunken  breast,  he  rose  up  a 
splendid   and    imposing   figure.      His    little   gray    eyes 
flashed  in  a  face  aglow  with  the  fire  of  his  profound 
thoughts,  and  his  uneasy  movements  and  diffident  man- 

117 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

ner  sunk  themselves  beneath  the  wave  of  righteous  in 
dignation  that  came  sweeping  over  him.  Such  was 
Lincoln  the  orator." 

Mr.  Lincoln's  own  impressions  were  expressed  to  a 
friend  as  follows :  "  Senator  Douglas  is  of  world-wide 
renown/'  he  said.  "  All  of  the  anxious  politicians  of 
his  party,  or  who  have  been  of  his  party  for  years  past, 
have  been  looking  upon  him  as  certainly  at  no  distant 
day  to  be  President  of  the  United  States.  They  have 
seen  in  his  round,  jolly,  fruitful  face  post-offices,  land- 
offices,  marshalships,  and  Cabinet  appointments,  charge- 
ships  and  foreign  missions,  bursting  and  sprouting  out 
in  wonderful  exuberance  ready  to  be  laid  hold  of  by 
their  greedy  hands.  And  as  they  have  been  gazing  upon 
this  attractive  picture  so  long,  they  cannot,  in  the  little 
distraction  that  has  taken  place  in  the  party,  bring 
themselves  to  give  up  the  charming  hope;  but  with 
greedier  anxiety  they  rush  about  him,  sustain  him,  and 
give  him  marches,  triumphal  entries,  and  receptions  be 
yond  what  even  in  the  days  of  highest  prosperity  they 
could  have  brought  about  in  his  favor.  On  the  contrary, 
nobody  has  ever  expected  me  to  be  President.  In  my 
poor,  lean,  lank  face  nobody  has  ever  seen  that  any 
cabbages  were  sprouting  out.  These  are  disadvantages, 
all  taken  together,  that  the  Republicans  labor  under. 
We  have  to  fight  this  battle  upon  principle,  and  principle 
alone." 

As  a  rule,  when  both  occupied  the  same  platform 
their  manners  and  language  were  very  courteous;  but 
occasionally,  when  speaking  elsewhere,  Mr.  Douglas 
lost  his  temper  and  indulged  in  personal  attacks  upon 
his  opponent.  Mr.  Horace  White,  who  reported  the 
debate  for  one  of  the  Chicago  papers,  describes  one  of 
these  occasions  as  follows : 

"  We  arrived  at  Havana  while  Douglas  was  still 
speaking.  I  strolled  -up  to  the  Douglas  meeting  just 
before  its  conclusion,  and  there  met  a  friend  who  had 

118 


A   GREAT   ORATOR  AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

heard  the  whole.  He  was  in  a  state  of  high  indignation. 
He  said  that  Douglas  must  certainly  have  been  drinking 
before  he  came  on  the  platform,  because  he  had  called 
Lincoln  'a  liar,  a  coward,  a  wretch,  and  a  sneak." 
When  Mr.  Lincoln  replied,  on  the  following  day,  he 
took  notice  of  Douglas's  hard  words  in  this  way : 

"  I  am  informed  that  my  distinguished  friend  yester 
day  became  a  little  excited,  nervous  (?)   perhaps,  and 
that  he  said  something  about  fighting,  as  though  looking 
to  a  personal  encounter  between  himself  and  me.     Did 
anybody  in  this  audience  hear  him  use  such  language? 
['Yes,  yes/]     I  am  informed,  further,  that  somebody 
in  his  audience,  rather  more  excited  or  nervous  than 
himself,  took  off  his  coat  and  offered  to  take  the  job 
off  Judge  Douglas's  hands  and  fight  Lincoln  himself. 
Did   anybody   here   witness    that   warlike   proceeding? 
[Laughter  and  cries  of  'Yes.']     Well,  I  merely  desire 
to  say  that  I  shall  fight  neither  Judge  Douglas  nor  his 
second.     I  shall  not  do  this  for  two  reasons,  which  I 
will  explain.     In  the  first  place,  a  fight  would  prove 
nothing  which  is   in   issue  in  this  election.     It  might 
establish  that  Judge  Douglas  is  a  more  muscular  man 
than  myself,  or  it  might  show  that  I  am  a  more  muscu 
lar  man  than  Judge  Douglas;    but  that  subject  is  not 
referred  to  in  the  Cincinnati  platform,  nor  in  either  of 
the  Springfield  platforms.     Neither  result  would  prove 
him  right  nor  me  wrong.    And  so  of  the  gentleman  who 
offered  to  do  his  fighting  for  him.    If  my  fighting  Judge 
Douglas  would  not  prove  anything,  it  would  certainly 
prove  nothing  for  me  to  fight  his  bottle-holder.     My 
second  reason  for  not  having  a  personal  encounter  with 
Judge  Douglas  is  that  I  don't  believe  he  wants  it  him 
self.    He  and  I  are  about  the  best  friends  in  the  world, 
and  when  we  get  together  he  would  no  more  think  of 
fighting  me  than  of  fighting  his  wife.    Therefore  when 
the  Judge  talked  about  fighting  he  was  not  giving  vent 
to  any  ill-feeling  of  his  own,  but  was  merely  trying  to 

119 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

excite — well,  let  us  say  enthusiasm  against  me  on  the 
part  of  his  audience.  And,  as  I  hnd  he  was  tolerably 
successful  in  this,  we  will  call  it  quits." 

The  crisis  of  the  debate  came  at  Freeport  on  August 
27,  1858,  when  Lincoln  proposed  a  series  of  questions 
for  Douglas  to  answer.  At  the  previous  meeting  at 
Ottawa,  Douglas  propounded  a  series  of  questions  for 
Lincoln  which  were  designed  to  commit  him  to  strong 
abolition  doctrines.  He  asked  whether  Lincoln  was 
pledged  to  the  repeal  of  the  fugitive  slave  law,  to  resist 
the  admission  of  any  more  slave  States,  to  the  abolition 
of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia,  to  the  prohibition 
of  the  slave-trade  between  the  States,  to  the  prohibition 
of  slavery  in  the  Territories,  and  to  oppose  the  acqui 
sition  of  any  new  Territory  unless  slavery  was  pro 
hibited  therein.  Lincoln  replied  with  great  candor  that 
he  was  pledged  to  no  proposition  except  the  prohibition 
of  slavery  in  all  the  Territories  of  the  United  States.  It 
was  then  that  he  turned  upon  Douglas  with  four  ques 
tions,  the  second  of  which  was  laden  with  the  most 
tremendous  consequences  not  only  to  the  debaters  per 
sonally,  but  to  the  entire  nation  and  the  cause  of  human 
freedom : 

"  Can  the  people  of  a  United  States  Territory  in  any 
lawful  way,  against  the  wish  of  any  citizen  of  the  United 
States,  exclude  slavery  from  its  limits  prior  to  the  for 
mation  of  a  State  Constitution  ?" 

In  proposing  this  question  Lincoln  rejected  the  advice 
and  disregarded  the  entreaties  of  his  wisest  friends  and 
most  devoted  adherents,  for  they  predicted  that  it  would 
give  Douglas  an  opportunity  to  square  himself  with  the 
people  of  Illinois  and  to  secure  his  re-election  to  the 
United  States  Senate.  Lincoln  replied, — 

"  I  am  killing  larger  game ;  if  Douglas  answers  he 
can  never  be  President,  and  the  battle  of  1860  is  worth 
a  hundred  of  this." 

This  prediction,  which  was  afterwards  fulfilled,  shows 
120 


A   GREAT   ORATOR  AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

Lincoln's  remarkable  political  foresight  perhaps  better 
than  any  single  incident  in  his  career.  A  private  letter, 
written  more  than  a  month  before,  shows  that  Lincoln 
had  long  and  carefully  studied  the  probable  conse 
quences  of  the  answer  that  Douglas  must  make  to  such 
an  interrogatory,  and  its  fatal  effect  upon  his  political 
fortunes ;  for,  even  then,  he  foresaw  that  Douglas  was 
to  be  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Presidency  of 
the  United  States,  and  that  his  reply  would  deprive  him 
of  the  support  of  more  than  half  of  the  members  of  that 
party.  With  extraordinary  sagacity,  he  pointed  out  that 
Douglas  would  eagerly  seize  upon  such  an  opportunity 
as  this  interrogatory  afforded  to  place  himself  right 
before  his  constituents  in  Illinois,  and  thus  would  re 
cover  his  popularity  and  insure  his  re-election  to  the 
Senate.  And  he  was  confident  that  Douglas  was  so 
shortsighted  as  to  do  this  and  then  trust  to  his  cunning 
to  set  himself  right  afterwards  with  the  people  of  the 
slave  States,  which  Lincoln  believed  would  be  impos 
sible.  But  even  he  did  not  realize  the  tremendous  and 
far-reaching  results  of  his  inquiry,  for  the  answer  which 
Douglas  gave  split  the  Democratic  party  into  irrecon 
cilable  factions,  and  enabled  the  Republican  minority 
to  select  the  President  of  the  United  States  at  the  most 
critical  period  of  the  nation's  history,  and  thus  to  save 
the  Union. 

"  You  will  have  hard  work  to  get  him  [Douglas] 
directly  to  the  point  whether  a  territorial  Legislature  has 
or  has  not  the  power  to  exclude  slavery,"  said  Lincoln 
to  a  friend ;  "  but  if  you  succeed  in  bringing  him  to  it, 
though  he  will  be  compelled  to  say  it  possesses  no  such 
power,  he  will  instantly  take  the  ground  that  slavery 
cannot  exist  in  the  Territories  unless  the  people  desire  it, 
and  so  give  it  protection  by  territorial  legislation.  If  this 
offends  the  South,  he  will  let  it  offend  them,  as,  at  all 
events,  he  means  to  hold  on  to  his  chances  in  Illinois." 

And  that  was  exactly  what  Douglas  did  do.  He 
121 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

repeated  the  sophism  he  had  advanced  in  his  speech  at 
Springfield  on  the  Dred  Scott  decision  the  previous  year, 
and  said, — 

"  It  matters  not  what  way  the  Supreme  Court  may 
hereafter  decide  as  to  the  abstract  question  whether 
slavery  may  or  may  not  go  into  a  Territory  under  the 
Constitution ;  the  people  have  the  lawful  means  to  intro 
duce  it  or  exclude  it  as  they  please,  for  the  reason  that 
slavery  cannot  exist  a  day  or  an  hour  anywhere  unless 
it  is  supported  by  local  police  regulations.  Those  police 
regulations  can  only  be  established  by  the  local  Legis 
lature,  and  if  the  people  are  opposed  to  slavery,  they  will 
elect  representatives  to  that  body  who  will,  by  un 
friendly  legislation,  effectually  prevent  the  introduction 
of  it  into  their  midst.  If,  on  the  contrary,  they  are  for 
it,  their  legislation  will  favor  its  extension." 

The  supporters  of  Douglas  shouted  with  satisfaction 
at  the  clever  way  in  which  he  had  escaped  the  trap 
Lincoln  had  set  for  him.  His  re-election  to  the  Senate 
was  practically  secured,  and  Lincoln  had  been  defeated 
at  his  own  game.  Lincoln's  friends  were  correspond 
ingly  depresssed,  and  in  their  despondency  admitted  that 
their  favorite  had  no  longer  any  prospect  of  election; 
that  he  had  thrown  his  own  chances  away. 

Mr.  Douglas  was  re-elected ;  but  when  Congress  met 
in  December,  and  he  was  removed  by  the  Democratic 
caucus  from  the  chairmanship  of  the  Senate  Com 
mittee  on  Territories,  which  he  had  held  for  eleven 
years,  because  he  had  betrayed  the  slave-holders  in  his 
answer  to  Lincoln,  at  Freeport,  the  Republicans  of 
Illinois  began  to  realize  the  political  sagacity  of  their 
leader.  Then  when,  for  the  same  reason,  the  Demo 
cratic  National  Convention  at  Charleston  was  broken 
up  by  the  Southern  delegates  rather  than  accept  Douglas 
as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  Lin 
coln's  reputation  as  a  political  prophet  was  established. 

In  1861  Lincoln  asked  Joseph  Medill,  of  the  Chicago 

122 


A   GREAT   ORATOR  AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

Tribune,  if  he  recalled  his  opposition  to  putting  that 
fatal  question  to  Douglas. 

"  Yes,"  replied  Medill,  "  I  recollect  it  very  well.  It 
lost  Douglas  the  Presidency,  but  it  lost  you  the  Senator- 
ship." 

"Yes,"  said  Mr.  Lincoln.  "And  I  have  won  the 
place  he  was  playing  for." 

Douglas  was  the  regular  Democratic  candidate  for 
President  against  Lincoln  in  1860,  but  was  opposed  by 
the  Southern  faction.  At  Lincoln's  inauguration  he 
appeared  with  his  usual  dignity,  and  stood  beside  his 
rival  upon  the  platform.  As  a  member  of  the  Senate  he 
criticised  Lincoln's  policy  until  hostilities  actually  broke 
out,  when  his  patriotism  overcame  his  partisanship  and 
he  became  an  earnest  supporter  of  the  government.  On 
the  evening  of  April  14,  the  day  of  the  fall  of  Sumter, 
he  called  at  the  White  House  by  appointment  and  spent 
two  hours  alone  with  the  President.  Neither  ever  re 
vealed  what  occurred  at  the  interview,  but  it  was  not 
necessary.  From  that  hour  until  his  death  on  June  3 
following  he  stood  by  Lincoln's  side  in  defence  of  the 
Union.  His  last  public  utterance  was  a  patriotic  speech 
before  the  Legislature  on  April  25,  urging  the  people 
of  Illinois  to  stand  by  the  flag.  His  last  interview  with 
Lincoln  occurred  a  few  days  previous. 

"  Douglas  came  rushing  in,"  said  the  President  after 
wards,  "  and  said  he  had  just  got  a  telegraph  message 
from  some  friends  in  Illinois  urging  him  to  come  out 
and  help  set  things  right  in  Egypt,  and  that  he  would 
go  or  stay  in  Washington,  just  where  I  thought  he  could 
do  the  most  good.  I  told  him  to  do  as  he  chose,  but  that 
he  would  probably  do  best  in  Illinois.  Upon  that  he 
shook  hands  with  me  and  hurried  away  to  catch  the  next 
train.  I  never  saw  him  again." 

The  country  at  large  had  watched  the  debate  between 
Lincoln  and  Douglas  with  profound  interest,  and  think 
ing  men  of  both  parties  realized  that  a  new  leader  as 

123 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

well  as  a  great  orator  and  statesman  had  appeared  upon 
the  horizon.  Lincoln  was  overwhelmed  with  congratu 
lations  and  invitations  came  from  every  direction  to 
make  speeches  and  deliver  lectures,  but  most  of  them 
were  declined.  He  spoke  twice  in  Ohio,  at  Columbus 
and  at  Cincinnati,  where  he  excited  great  enthusiasm 
and  left  so  deep  an  impression  that  the  State  Com 
mittee  published  his  speeches  and  the  debate  with 
Douglas  as  a  campaign  document.  In  December  he 
went  to  Kansas  and  delivered  five  lectures,  and  in  the 
spring  of  1860  he  received  an  invitation  from  a  young 
men's  association  in  Brooklyn  to  deliver  a  lecture  in 
Plymouth  Church,  of  which  Henry  Ward  Beecher  was 
then  pastor.  They  offered  a  fee  of  two  hundred  dollars, 
which  was  very  acceptable  because  his  practice  had  been 
sadly  neglected  and  he  was  feeling  very  poor.  At  the 
same  time  his  natural  diffidence  made  him  reluctant  to 
appear  before  an  Eastern  audience,  and  when  he  arrived 
in  New  York  and  discovered  that  he  was  to  speak  in 
Cooper  Institute  instead  of  in  Brooklyn,  he  was  fearful 
that  he  had  made  a  mistake.  Henry  C.  Bowen  invited 
him  to  be  his  guest  in  Brooklyn,  but  he  declined,  saying 
that  he  was  afraid  his  lecture  would  not  be  a  success  and 
he  must  give  his  whole  time  to  revising  it.  He  was  afraid 
his  audience  would  be  disappointed  and  the  young  men 
who  had  kindly  invited  him  would  suffer  financially. 

This  was  perhaps  the  first  time  Lincoln  ever  mis 
judged  his  situation.  His  intuitions  as  well  as  his 
reasoning  powers  were  usually  very  accurate,  but  in 
this  case  they  were  far  out  of  the  way,  for  when  he 
arrived  at  Cooper  Institute  he  was  amazed  to  find  the 
immense  hall  crowded  with  the  representatives  of  the 
culture,  commerce,  finance,  and  industry  of  the  metropo 
lis.  It  was  a  notable  audience  in  many  respects.  He 
was  escorted  to  the  platform  by  Horace  Greeley  and 
David  Dudley  Field,  and  introduced  by  William  Cullen 
Bryant.  Every  man  of  importance  in  New  York  City 

124 


Copyright,  1896,  by  S.  S.  McClure  Co. 

ABRAHAM    LINCOLN    IN    l86l 

Copied  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  Frank  A.  Brown,  Esq., 
Minneapolis,  Minnesota 


A   GREAT   ORATOR   AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

was  present,  many  of  them,  no  doubt,  attracted  by 
curiosity  to  see  and  hear  the  homely  lawyer  from  the 
prairies  of  whom  they  had  read  in  the  newspapers. 
But  he  captivated  his  audience  from  the  start.  Every 
hearer  was  impressed  not  only  with  his  convincing  argu 
ments,  but  with  his  dignity  and  eloquence. 

Lincoln  began  his  address  in  a  low  monotone,  and 
was  evidently  embarrassed,  but  the  respectful  attention 
with  which  he  was  heard  gave  him  confidence,  his  tones 
rose  in  strength  and  gained  in  clearness,  and  his  awk 
ward  manner  disappeared,  as  it  always  did  when  his 
consciousness  was  lost  in  the  earnest  presentation  of  his 
thoughts.     His  style  was  so  simple,  his  language  so 
unstudied  and  terse,  his  illustration  so  quaint  and  apt, 
his  reasoning  so  concise  and  compact  that  his  critics 
asked  themselves  and  one  another,  as  Henry  M.  Field 
says    "  What  manner  of  man  is  this  lawyer  from  the 
West  who  has  set  forth  these  truths  as  we  have  never 
heard  them  before?"    Lincoln  made  no  effort  at  display. 
He  estimated  the  intelligence  of  his  hearers  accurately, 
and  introduced  neither  anecdote  nor  witticism,  nor  is 
there  a  figure  of  speech  or  a  poetic  fancy  in  the  first  half 
of  his  oration.     There  was  no  more  sentiment  than  he 
would  have  introduced  in  a  legal  argument  before  the 
Supreme  Court,  but  he  nevertheless  arrested  and  hel< 
the  attention  of  his  hearers,  and  they  gave  abundant 
testimony  that  they  recognized  him  as  a  master.     Mo 
man  ever  made  a  more  profound  impression  upon  an 
American  audience.     His  speech  was  published  in  full 
in  four  01  the  morning  papers  and  extracts  were  copie. 
widely  throughout  the  country. 

The   Honorable   Joseph   H.    Choate,   ambassador   to 
Great   Britain,   himself   one   of   the   most   eminent   . 
American  orators,  in  an  address  at  Edinburgh  in  1900, 
has  given  us  the  following  graphic  description  of  Lin 
coln's  Cooper  Institute  speech : 

"It  is  now  forty  >ears  since  I  first  saw  and  heard 
125 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Abraham  Lincoln,  but  the  impression  which  he  left  on 
my  mind  is  ineffaceable.  After  his  great  successes  in 
the  West  he  came  to  New  York  to  make  a  political 
address.  He  appeared  in  every  sense  of  the  word  like 
one  of  the  plain  people  among  whom  he  loved  to  be 
counted.  At  first  sight  there  was  nothing  impressive 
or  imposing  about  him,  except  that  his  great  stature 
singled  him  out  from  the  crowd ;  his  clothes  hung  awk 
wardly  on  his  giant  frame,  his  face  was  of  a  dark  pallor, 
without  the  slightest  tinge  of  color;  his  seamed  and 
rugged  features  bore  the  furrows  of  hardship  and  strug 
gle;  his  deep-set  eyes  looked  sad  and  anxious;  his 
countenance  in  repose  gave  little  evidence  of  that  brain 
power  which  had  raised  him  from  the  lowest  to  the 
highest  station  among  his  countrymen.  As  he  talked 
to  me  before  the  meeting  he  seemed  ill  at  ease,  with 
that  sort  of  apprehension  which  a  young  man  might 
feel  before  presenting  himself  to  a  new  and  strange  audi 
ence  whose  critical  disposition  he  dreaded. 

"  It  was  a  great  audience,  including  all  the  noted  men 
— all  the  learned  and  cultured — of  his  party  in  New 
York:  editors,  clergymen,  statesmen,  lawyers,  mer 
chants,  critics.  They  were  all  very  curious  to  hear  him. 
His  fame  as  a  powerful  speaker  had  preceded  him,  and 
exaggerated  rumor  of  his  wit  had  reached  the  East. 
When  Mr.  Bryant  presented  him  on  the  high  platform  of 
the  Cooper  Institute  a  vast  sea  of  eager,  upturned  faces 
greeted  him,  full  of  intense  curiosity  to  see  what  this 
rude  child  of  the  people  was  like.  He  was  equal  to  the 
occasion.  When  he  spoke  he  was  transformed ;  his 
eye  kindled,  his  voice  rang,  his  face  shone  and  seemed 
to  light  up  the  whole  assembly.  For  an  hour  and  a  half 
he  held  his  audience  in  the  hollow  of  his  hand.  His  style 
of  speech  and  manner  of  delivery  were  severely  simple. 
What  Lowell  called  '  the  grand  simplicities  of  the  Bible,' 
with  which  he  was  so  familiar,  were  reflected  in  his  dis 
course.  With  no  attempt  at  ornament  or  rhetoric,  with- 

126 


A   GREAT   ORATOR  AND   HIS   SPEECHES 

out  parade  or  pretence,  he  spoke  straight  to  the  point. 
If  any  came  expecting  the  turgid  eloquence  or  the 
ribaldry  of  the  frontier,  they  must  have  been  startled 
at  the  earnest  and  sincere  purity  of  his  utterances.  It 
was  marvellous  to  see  how  this  untutored  man,  by  mere 
self-discipline  and  the  chastening  of  his  own  spirit,  had 
outgrown  all  meretricious  arts,  and  found  his  way  to 
the  grandeur  and  strength  of  absolute  simplicity. 

"  He  spoke  upon  the  theme  which  he  had  mastered 
so  thoroughly.  He  demonstrated  by  copious  historical 
proofs  and  masterly  logic  that  the  fathers  who  created 
the  Constitution  in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union, 
to  establish  justice,  and  to  secure  the  blessings  of  liberty 
to  themselves  and  their  posterity,  intended  to  empower 
the  Federal  government  to  exclude  slavery  from  the 
Territories.  In  the  kindliest  spirit,  he  protested  against 
the  avowed  threat  of  the  Southern  States  to  destroy  the 
Union  if,  in  order  to  secure  freedom  in  those  vast 
regions,  out  of  which  future  States  were  to  be  carved, 
a  Republican  President  were  elected.  He  closed  with 
an  appeal  to  his  audience,  spoken  with  all  the  fire  of  his 
aroused  and  kindling  conscience,  with  a  full  outpouring 
of  his  love  of  justice  and  liberty,  to  maintain  their  politi 
cal  purpose  on  that  lofty  and  unassailable  issue  of  right 
and  wrong  which  alone  could  justify  it,  and  not  to  be 
intimidated  from  their  high  resolve  and  sacred  duty  by 
any  threats  of  destruction  to  the  government  or  of  ruin 
to  themselves.  He  concluded  with  this  telling  sentence, 
which  drove  the  whole  argument  home  to  all  our  hearts^ 

"  '  Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes  might,  and  in 
that  faith  let  us  to  the  end  dare  to  do  our  duty  as  we 
understand^.' 

1  *^THat~"higBt  the  great  hall,  anothe  next  day  the 
whole  city,  rang  with  delighted  applause  and  congratu 
lations,  and  he  who  had  come  as  a  stranger  departed 
with  the  laurels  of  a  great  triumph." 

While  in  New  York  he  visited  the  Five  Points  House 
127 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

of  Industry,  and  the  following  account  of  what  occurred 
is  given  by  a  teacher  there :  "  Our  Sunday-School  in 
the  Five  Points  was  assembled,  one  Sabbath  morning, 
when  I  noticed  a  tall,  remarkable  man  enter  the  room 
and  take  a  seat  among  us.  He  listened  with  fixed  atten 
tion  to  our  exercises,  and  his  countenance  expressed 
such  genuine  interest  that  I  approached  him  and  sug 
gested  that  he  might  be  willing  to  say  something  to 
the  children.  He  accepted  the  invitation  with  evident 
pleasure,  and,  coming  forward,  began  a  simple  address 
which  at  once  fascinated  every  little  hearer  and  hushed 
the  room  into  silence.  His  language  was  strikingly 
beautiful  and  his  tones  musical  with  the  intensest  feel 
ing.  The  little  faces  around  him  would  droop  into  sad 
conviction  as  he  uttered  the  sentences  of  warning,  and 
would  brighten  into  sunshine  as  he  spoke  cheerful  words 
of  promise.  Once  or  twice  he  attempted  to  close  his 
remarks,  but  the  imperative  shouts  of  '  Go  on !'  '  Oh, 
do  go  on !'  would  compel  him  to  resume.  As  I  looked 
upon  the  gaunt  and  sinewy  frame  of  the  stranger  and 
marked  his  powerful  head  and  determined  features,  now 
touched  into  softness  by  the  impressions  of  the  moment, 
I  felt  an  irresistible  curiosity  to  learn  something  more 
about  him,  and  when  he  was  quietly  leaving  the  room 
I  begged  to  know  his  name.  He  courteously  replied, — 

1 '  Abraham  Lincoln,  from  Illinois/  " 

Lincoln  received  many  invitations  to  speak  in  New 
England  and  delivered  addresses  in  all  of  the  prominent 
cities,  where  he  created  the  same  favorable  impression 
and  awakened  the  same  popular  enthusiasm. 

After  his  inauguration  as  President,  Lincoln  made 
no  formal  speeches  except  his  two  inaugural  addresses, 
but  scarcely  a  week  passed  that  he  did  not  deliver  some 
pleasant  little  speech  from  the  balcony  of  the  White 
House  or  at  one  of  the  military  camps,  and  during  his 
journey  to  Washington  he  was  especially  happy  in  his 
treatment  of  the  serious  questions  which  were  troubling 
the  public  mind. 

128 


IV 

A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

WHEN  Abraham  Lincoln  was  twenty-two  years  old 
and  a  clerk  in  Denton  Offutt's  store  he  offered  himself 
to  the  voters  of  "New  Salem  and  vicinity  as  a  candidate 
for  the  Illinois  Legislature.  It  was  the  year  that  the 
Whigs  held  their  first  National  Convention  and  nomi 
nated  Henry  Clay  as  their  candidate  for  President ;  and 
from  that  time,  as  has  been  seen,  Lincoln  made  politics 
as  well  as  law  a  profession,  and  participated  actively  in 
every  campaign  until  he  was  elected  President. 

In  those  days  nominations  for  office  were  made  by 
announcement  and  not  by  conventions,  and,  according 
to  custom,  with  thirteen  other  citizens  fired  with  similar 
ambition,  Lincoln  issued  a  circular  or  "  handbill,"  as  it 
was  familiarly  called,  setting  forth  in  quaint  and  char 
acteristic  candor  his  "  sentiments  with  regard  to  local 
affairs."  It  was  his  platform,  and  no  utterance  of  his 
entire  life  is  more  interesting  than  the  few  personal 
remarks  which  he  addressed  to  his  neighbors : 

"  Every  man  is  said  to  have  his  peculiar  ambition. 
Whether  it  be  true  or  not,  I  can  say,  for  one,  that  I  have 
no  other  so  great  as  that  of  being  truly  esteemed  of  my 
fellow-men  by  rendering  myself  worthy  of  their  esteem. 
How  far  I  shall  succeed  in  gratifying  this  ambition  is 
yet  to  be  developed.  I  am  young,  and  unknown  to  many 
of  you.  I  was  born,  and  have  ever  remained,  in  the 
most  humble  walks  of  life.  I  have  no  wealthy  or  popular 
relations  or  friends  to  recommend  me.  My  case  is 
thrown  exclusively  upon  the  independent  voters  of  the 
county,  and  if  elected  they  will  have  conferred  a  favor 
upon  me  for  which  I  shall  be  unremitting  in  my  labors 
9  129 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

to  compensate.  But  if  the  good  people  in  their  wisdom 
shall  see  fit  to  keep  me  in  the  background,  I  have  been 
too  familiar  with  disappointments  to  be  very  much 
chagrined." 

It  was  an  audacious  act  for  a  young  man  who  had 
been  in  the  county  only  about  nine  months  to  aspire  to 
the  honor  and  responsibility  of  a  law-maker,  but,  com 
pared  with  his  neighbors,  Lincoln's  qualifications  were 
conspicuous.  He  could  read  and  write,  had  a  fair 
knowledge  of  literature,  had  read  two  or  three  law- 
books,  was  a  practical  surveyor,  and  by  reason  of  his 
two  journeys  to  New  Orleans  had  seen  a  good  deal  more 
of  the  world  than  any  one  in  that  neighborhood.  But 
these  qualifications  did  not  count  for  much  in  com 
parison  with  his  ability  as  a  public  speaker  and  his  fac 
ulty  of  doing  things  which  had  already  made  him  a 
reputation  throughout  the  county.  Although  his  advan 
tages  had  been  limited,  they  were  superior  to  those  en 
joyed  by  three- fourths  of  the  young  men  in  Sangamon 
County,  and  for  education,  experience,  and  other  quali 
fications  he  surpassed  a  majority  of  the  members  of  the 
Legislature.  There  were  only  a  few  men  of  culture  and 
education  in  that  body.  It  was  chiefly  made  up  of  illit 
erate  pioneers  who  mixed  politics  with  farming  and 
carried  on  their  campaigns  at  camp-meetings,  horse 
races,  country  stores,  and  taverns,  and  resorted  to  every 
subterfuge  that  their  shrewd  minds  could  invent  to 
secure  votes.  At  the  same  time  they  were  generally 
honest,  patriotic,  and  earnest  for  the  welfare  of  their 
constituents  and  their  personal  characters  commanded 
the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the  public.  Among  such 
men  Lincoln's  talent  for  talking  and  writing,  his  knowl 
edge  of  poetry  and  literature,  and,  more  than  all,  his 
genius  as  a  story-teller  excited  admiration  and  respect, 
and  he  was  regarded  as  the  most  promising  young  man 
in  the  neighborhood.  His  announcement  "  handbill"  dis 
cussed  the  several  topics  which  at  that  time  were  being 

130 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

agitated,  such  as  the  improvement  of  the  Sangamon 
River.  He  related  his  experience  with  flat-boats,  and 
declared  that  by  straightening  the  channel  and  clearing 
away  the  drift-wood  the  stream  could  be  made  naviga 
ble.  "  The  improvement  of  the  Sangamon  River,"  he 
sagely  remarked,  "  is  an  object  much  better  suited  to  our 
infant  resources"  than  the  construction  of  a  railway, 
and,  indeed,  it  was  fifteen  years  later  that  the  first  whis 
tle  of  a  locomotive  was  heard  in  Illinois.  He  took  broad 
grounds  in  favor  of  internal  improvements,  advocated  a 
law  prohibiting  money-loaners  from  charging  exorbitant 
rates  of  interest,  and  favored  liberal  appropriations  for 
education. 

"  For  my  part,"  he  said,  "  I  desire  to  see  the  time 
when  education,  and  by  its  means  morality,  sobriety, 
enterprise,  and  industry,  shall  become  much  more  gen 
eral  than  at  present,  and  should  be  gratified  to  have  it 
in  my  power  to  contribute  something  to  the  advancement 
of  any  measure  which  might  have  a  tendency  to  accel 
erate  that  happy  period." 

Perhaps,  if  he  could  have  made  a  thorough  campaign 
and  extended  his  acquaintance  and  popularity  through 
out  the  county,  he  might  have  been  elected,  but  just  a 
month  after  his  announcement  was  published  he  went 
off  to  the  BlacE  Hawk  War  (as  is  told  in  Chapter  VI.) 
and  did  not  return  until  a  few  days  before  the  election, 
so  that  his  canvass  was  limited.  It  was  long  enough, 
however,  for  him  to  make  a  record  as  a  man  of  moral 
courage  and  ability.  Although  the  great  majority  of 
the  population  were  Democrats,  he  boldly  declared  him 
self  a  Whig,  which  must  have  cost  him  many  votes. 
National  issues  were  not  usually  brought  into  local  poli 
tics,  but  the  contest  between  Clay  and  Jackson  was  ani 
mated  and  bitter;  the  Democrats  were  despotic  and 
intolerant  towards  the  opposition,  and  were  so  much  in 
the  majority  that  a  Whig  had  very  little  consideration. 
Lincoln  has  left  us  a  brief  account  of  the  campaign,  in 

131 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

which  he  says  that  he  ran  as  "  an  avowed  Clay  man," 
and  in  his  speeches  advocated  the  principles  and  policy 
of  Henry  Clay's  platform.  "  I  am  in  favor  of  a  national 
bank ;  I  am  in  favor  of  an  internal  improvement  system 
and  a  high  protective  tariff,"  he  announced  boldly,  and  it 
must  have  cost  him  a  severe  struggle  with  his  ambition 
to  have  placed  himself  upon  the  unpopular  side  and  to 
have  joined  a  hopeless  minority  at  the  beginning  of  his 
political  career;  but  he  obeyed  his  convictions,  and 
nothing  better  illustrates  the  stuff  of  which  the  man  was 
made. 

The  returns  show  that  out  of  2168  votes  Lincoln  re 
ceived  only  657,  less  than  one-third  of  the  whole.  In 
New  Salem,  where  he  lived,  he  received  all  but  three  of 
the  votes  cast,  although  a  few  months  later  Andrew 
Jackson  carried  the  same  precinct  with  185  votes  against 
70  for  Henry  Clay. 

This  was  the  only  time  that  Abraham  Lincoln  was 
defeated  on  a  direct  vote  of  the  people.  He  was  greatly 
gratified  by  the  evidence  of  his  popularity,  and  was  confi 
dent  that  if  he  could  extend  his  acquaintance  through  the 
county  he  would  be  successful  at  the  next  election ;  but 
how  was  he  to  get  a  living  in  the  mean  time?  Offutt's 
store  had  failed  and  he  was  out  of  employment.  He  de 
scribes  the  situation  himself  as  follows :  "  He  was  now 
without  means  and  out  of  business,  but  was  anxious  to 
remain  with  his  friends,  who  had  treated  him  with  so 
much  generosity,  especially  as  he  had  nothing  elsewhere 
to  go  to.  He  studied  what  he  should  do;  thought  of 
learning  the  blacksmith  trade,  thought  of  trying  to  study 
law,  rather  thought  he  could  not  succeed  at  that  without 
a  better  education." 

It  was  a  crisis  in  his  life,  but  he  was  conscious  of  his 
own  ability  and  his  faith  in  himself  was  strong.  If  his 
judgment  had  been  equally  accurate,  he  would  have  been 
saved  great  anxiety  and  trouble,  for  it  was  at  this  time 
that  he  was  induced  to  go  into  the  mercantile  specula- 

132 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

tion  which  turned  out  so  badly.  He  managed  to  make 
a  living,  however,  and  pull  through,  and  when  the  cam 
paign  of  1834  came  it  was  a  matter  of  course  that  he 
should  again  be  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature.  He 
spent  almost  the  entire  summer  electioneering,  most  of 
the  time  in  those  parts  of  the  county  where  he  was  least 
acquainted,  appealing  for  votes  in  his  own  peculiar  way. 
It  was  a  rough-and-tumble  canvass,  often  in  company 
with  other  candidates.  "  Wherever  he  saw  a  crowd  of 
men,  he  joined  them,  and  he  never  failed  to  adapt  him 
self  to  their  point  of  view  in  asking  for  votes,"  says  one 
of  his  friends.  "  If  the  degree  of  physical  strength  was 
their  test  for  a  candidate,  he  was  ready  to  lift  a  weight 
or  wrestle  with  any  countryside  champion.  If  the 
amount  of  grain  a  man  could  cut  would  recommend  him, 
he  seized  the  cradle  and  showed  the  swath  he  could  cut." 
One  of  the  farmers  of  the  neighborhood  tells  this  story : 

"  He  [Lincoln]  came  to  my  house,  near  Island  Grove, 
during  harvest.  There  were  some  thirty  men  in  the 
field.  He  got  his  dinner  and  went  out  in  the  field  where 
the  men  were  at  work.  I  gave  him  an  introduction,  and 
the  boys  said  that  they  could  not  vote  for  a  man  unless 
he  could  make  a  hand.  '  Well,  boys/  said  he,  '  if  that  is 
all,  I  am  sure  of  your  votes.'  He  took  hold  of  the  cradle, 
and  led  the  way  all  the  round  with  perfect  ease.  The 
boys  were  satisfied,  and  I  don't  think  he  lost  a  vote  in 
the  crowd." 

Thirteen  candidates  were  contesting  for  the  four  seats 
in  the  Legislature  and  all  were  engaged  in  the  campaign, 
besides  candidates  for  Governor,  for  Congress,  and  for 
the  State  Senate.  When  the  votes  were  counted,  Lin 
coln's  name  headed  the  list.  He  received  1376,  consid 
erably  more  than  a  majority,  and  more  than  double  the 
total  he  had  received  at  the  election  two  years  before. 

At  this  point  Lincoln's  political  career  actually  begins, 
and  although  during  his  first  session  in  the  Legislature 
he  showed  no  particular  talent  and  took  a  modest  posi- 

133 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

tion  in  the  background,  he  secured  the  respect  of  his 
colleagues  both  for  his  abilities  and  his  character,  and 
among  them  were  several  men  who  afterwards  became 
almost  as  prominent  as  himself.  They  included  future 
governors,  generals,  senators,  judges,  and  cabinet  min 
isters.  In  this  and  future  sessions  of  the  Legislature  he 
sat  beside  Stephen  A.  Douglas,  afterwards  United  States 
Senator  and  Democratic  candidate  for  the  Presidency 
against  Lincoln;  Edward  D.  Baker,  Senator  from  both 
Illinois  and  Oregon,  who  was  killed  at  the  battle  of 
Ball's  Bluff;  Oliver  H.  Browning,  afterwards  United 
States  Senator  and  Secretary  of  the  Interior;  John  A. 
McClernand,  for  several  years  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives  and  a  major-general  in  the  Civil 
War;  John  Logan,  father  of  the  late  General  John  A. 
Logan;  Robert  M.  Cullom,  father  of  Senator  Shelby 
M.  Cullom,  and  others  of  comparative  distinction.  These 
were  new  associates  for  the  poor  young  man,  and  more 
to  his  taste  as  well  as  his  advantage.  From  this  time  he 
cultivated  men  from  whom  he  could  learn,  but  never  lost 
his  affection  for  those  who  had  shared  his  humble  hard 
ships.  He  was  re-elected  to  the  Legislature  four  suc 
cessive  terms,  in  1836,  1838,  and  1840,  and  spent  eight 
years  in  the  service  of  his  State,  making  many  mistakes 
and  enjoying  several  triumphs,  growing  in  the  esteem 
and  confidence  of  the  people,  extending  his  usefulness 
and  influence,  and  gradually  advancing  to  a  high  place 
among  the  leaders  of  the  Whig  party,  which  was  rapidly 
gaining  in  strength. 

Among  the  interesting  features  of  Lincoln's  legis 
lative  career  is  a  declaration  in  favor  of  a  limited  woman 
suffrage  which  appeared  in  his  "  handbill"  in  the  cam 
paign  of  1836,  when  he  was  twenty-seven  years  old  and 
unmarried. 

"  I  go  for  all  sharing  the  privileges  of  the  government 
who  assist  in  bearing  its  burdens,"  he  said ;  "  conse 
quently  I  go  for  admitting  all  whites  to  the  right  of 

134 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

suffrage  who  pay  taxes  or  bear  arms,  by  no  means  ex 
cluding  females." 

The  Legislature  of  1836  and  1837  was  responsible  for 
many  "  wild-cat"  schemes  which  brought  disaster  upon 
the  people  of  the  young  State,  and  Lincoln  was  guilty 
of  the  same  folly  and  lack  of  judgment  which  character 
ized  his  associates.  It  should  be  said,  however,  that  he 
was  enthusiastically  supported  by  his  constituents  and 
public  opinion  generally,  and  believed  that  he  was  doing 
the  best  that  could  be  done  for  the  community. 

His  greatest  triumph  was  won  as  the  leader  of  the 
movement  to  remove  the  State  capital  from  Vandalia  to 
Springfield.  Being  given  the  management  of  the  bill,  he 
applied  all  his  energy  and  ability  to  the  task,  here  show 
ing  the  same  strategic  genius  which  was  afterwards 
demonstrated  in  the  management  of  the  war.  His  plan 
of  campaign  was  simple  but  shrewd.  He  first  persuaded 
the  Legislature  to  pass  a  bill  removing  the  capital  from 
Vandalia,  then  he  secured  a  succession  of  votes  upon 
other  locations,  and  finally  succeeded  in  carrying  a  direct 
vote  in  favor  of  Springfield,  which  was  accomplished  by 
his  personal  influence.  Jesse  K.  Dubois,  who  repre 
sented  another  part  of  the  State,  says,  "  We  gave  the 
vote  to  Lincoln  because  we  liked  him,  because  we  wanted 
to  oblige  him,  our  friend,  and  because  we  wanted  to 
recognize  him  as  our  leader,"  which  is  a  great  tribute 
considering  the  fact  that  the  delegation  from  Sangamon 
County  was  an  unusually  strong  one.  It  was  famous 
for  the  stature  of  its  nine  members,  which,  combined, 
was  fifty-five  feet.  The  delegation  was  known  as  "  the 
Long  Nine." 

When  the  law  was  signed  the  citizens  of  Springfield 
tendered  a  banquet  to  their  representatives,  and  among 
the  toasts  was  this : 

"  Abraham  Lincoln :  one  of  Nature's  noblemen ;  he 
has  fulfilled  the  expectations  of  his  friends  and  disap 
pointed  the  hopes  of  his  enemies." 

i35 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

In  1838  and  again  in  1840  Lincoln  was  the  Whig  can 
didate  for  Speaker  of  the  House  of  Representatives, 
which  was  the  highest  tribute  his  colleagues  could  pay 
him  and  illustrates  his  rapid  advancement  in  influence. 
Nor  did  he  take  this  leading  position  without  rivalry. 
There  were  strong  men  among  the  Whigs  of  Illinois 
even  at  that  date.  That  party  represented  the  wealth, 
education,  and  culture  of  the  State,  as  the  Republican 
party  does  to-day,  while  the  masses  of  the  people  were 
Democrats.  Notwithstanding  this  rivalry,  he  pushed 
rapidly  forward,  and  the  qualities  which  he  had  shown 
from  the  beginning  of  his  political  career  were  strength 
ened  by  experience,  knowledge,  and  self-confidence. 
His  kindly  disposition  and  good-nature,  his  wit  and  his 
stories,  his  willingness  to  accept  any  responsibility  that 
might  be  thrust  upon  him  or  undertake  any  duty,  no 
matter  how  laborious  or  disagreeable,  and  his  deter 
mination  to  succeed  in  everything  he  attempted  made 
him  a  leader ;  while  his  skill  in  debate,  in  parliamentary 
tactics,  and  political  organization  made  his  co-operation 
necessary  to  the  success  of  any  movement. 

Lincoln  organized  the  Whig  party  in  Illinois.  Up  to 
1832  the  convention  system  was  unknown.  In  that  year 
it  was  introduced  by  the  Democrats  and  was  denounced 
with  great  vigor  by  the  Whigs,  who  declared  it  an  inven 
tion  "  intended  to  abridge  the  liberties  of  the  people  by 
depriving  individuals  of  the  privilege  of  becoming  can 
didates  for  office,  and  depriving  them  of  the  right  to 
vote  for  candidates  of  their  own  choice;"  nevertheless, 
all  good  Whigs,  and  Lincoln  among  them,  immediately 
recognized  the  advantages  of  the  new  plan.  It  concen 
trated  the  strength  of  a  party  upon  single  candidates  for 
offices  instead  of  allowing  it  to  be  scattered  and  wasted 
upon  several  who  voluntarily  offered  themselves.  The 
"machine"  organized  by  Jackson's  supporters  worked 
well ;  Lincoln  watched  it  closely,  and  although  he  was 
reluctant  to  accept  the  principle,  he  was  compelled  to 

136 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

admit  the  advantage  of  the  practice,  and  prepared,  at 
the  request  of  his  fellow- Whigs,  a  confidential  circular 
which  formed  the  basis  of  a  remarkably  complete  and 
effective  organization  of  the  Whig  party  in  the  State. 

In  1841,  the  year  previous  to  his  marriage,  Lincoln 
was  offered  the  Whig  nomination  for  Governor,  but  de 
clined  it.  He  also  declined  renomination  for  the  Legis 
lature  the  following  year,  and  became  a  candidate  for 
Congress.  He  did  not  wait  to  be  invited,  but  sought  the 
nomination  and  managed  his  own  canvass.  He  never 
believed  in  concealing  his  ambition ;  he  was  never  guilty 
of  false  modesty;  he  held  that  it  was  an  honorable 
aspiration,  and  acted  accordingly;  but,  to  his  disap 
pointment,  Sangamon  County  was  instructed  for  his 
friend  and  colleague,  Edward  D.  Baker.  He  was  the 
more  sensitive  because  he,  "  a  stranger,  friendless,  un 
educated,  penniless  boy,  working  on  a  flat-boat  at  ten 
dollars  a  month,"  he  wrote  a  friend,  had  "been  put 
down  here  as  the  candidate  of  pride,  wealth,  and  aristo 
cratic  family  distinction.  Yet  so,  chiefly,  it  was.  There 
was,  too,  the  strangest  combination  of  church  influence 
against  me.  Baker  is  a  Campbellite,  and  therefore,  as  I 
suppose,  with  few  exceptions,  got  all  that  church.  My 
wife  has  some  relations  in  the  Presbyterian  churches  and 
some  with  the  Episcopal  churches;  and  therefore, 
wherever  it  would  tell,  I  was  set  down  as  either  the  one 
or  the  other,  while  it  was  everywhere  contended  that  no 
Christian  ought  to  go  for  me,  because  I  belonged  to 
no  church,  was  suspected  of  being  a  deist,  and  had 
talked  about  fighting  a  duel.  With  all  these  things 
Baker,  of  course,  had  nothing  to  do.  Nor  do  I  complain 
of  them.  As  to  his  own  church  going  for  him,  I  think 
that  was  right  enough,  and  as  to  the  influences  I  have 
spoken  of  in  the  other,  though  they  were  very  strong,  it 
would  be  grossly  untrue  and  unjust  to  charge  that  they 
acted  upon  them  in  a  body,  or  were  very  near  so.  I  only 
mean  that  those  influences  levied  a  tax  of  a  considerable 

137 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

per  cent,  upon  my  strength  throughout  the  religious 
community." 

Lincoln  was  appointed  a  delegate  to  the  Convention 
and  instructed  to  look  after  Baker's  interests.  This,  he 
said,  "  was  a  good  deal  like  acting  as  bridegroom  for  a 
man  who  has  cut  you  out;"  but  he  was  loyal  and  ener 
getic  and  as  skilful  as  usual,  although  unsuccessful. 
J.  M.  Ruggles,  one  of  the  delegates,  says,  "  The  ayes 
and  noes  had  been  taken  and  there  were  fifteen  votes 
apiece,  and  one  in  doubt  that  had  not  arrived.  That  was 
myself.  I  was  known  to  be  a  warm  friend  of  Baker, 
representing  people  who  were  partial  to  Hardin.  As 
soon  as  I  arrived  Baker  hurried  to  me,  saying,  '  How  is 
it?  It  all  depends  on  you/  On  being  told  that,  not 
withstanding  my  partiality  for  him,  the  people  I  repre 
sented  expected  me  to  vote  for  Hardin,  and  that  I  would 
have  to  do  so,  Baker  at  once  replied,  '  You  are  right — 
there  is  no  other  way.'  The  Convention  was  organized, 
and  I  was  elected  secretary.  Baker  immediately  arose 
and  made  a  most  thrilling  address,  thoroughly  arousing 
the  sympathies  of  the  Convention,  and  ended  by  de 
clining  his  candidacy.  Hardin  was  nominated  by  ac 
clamation  and  then  came  the  episode. 

"  Immediately  after  the  nomination,  Mr.  Lincoln 
walked  across  the  room  to  my  table  and  asked  if  I  would 
favor  a  resolution  recommending  Baker  for  the  next 
term.  On  being  answered  in  the  affirmative,  he  said, 
'  You  prepare  the  resolution,  I  will  support  it,  and  I 
think  we  can  pass  it.'  The  resolution  created  a  profound 
sensation,  especially  with  the  friends  of  Hardin.  After 
an  excited  and  angry  discussion,  the  resolution  passed 
by  a  majority  of  one." 

Thus  Lincoln  defeated  his  own  prospects  for  a  Con 
gressional  nomination  for  four  years.  Baker  was  elected 
in  1844,  and  then  his  turn  came  in  1846,  when  the  Demo 
crats  gave  him  for  a  competitor  the  famous  Methodist 
circuit  rider,  Peter  Cartwright,  one  of  the  best-known 

138 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

and  beloved  men  of  that  period  on  the  frontier.  He  was 
the  highest  type  of  the  itinerant  preacher.  For  sixty 
years  he  travelled  on  horseback  throughout  the  Western 
country,  marrying  the  young  people,  baptizing  their  chil 
dren,  burying  the  dead,  preaching  by  the  wayside  and 
in  the  forests,  and  when  he  died  in  1872,  at  eighty-seven 
years  of  age,  the  record  of  his  ministry  showed  that  he 
had  admitted  to  the  church  twelve  thousand  persons, 
had  preached  fifteen  thousand  sermons,  and  a  procession 
of  one  hundred  and  twenty-nine  children,  grandchildren, 
and  great-grandchildren  followed  him  to  his  grave.  With 
all  his  piety  and  devotion  to  the  Methodist  Church,  Peter 
Cartwright  was  an  ardent  admirer  of  Andrew  Jackson 
and  a  Democrat  of  the  most  intolerant  pro-slavery  type. 
He  probably  had  a  larger  acquaintance  than  any  other 
man  in  the  State,  was  an  exhorter  of  magnetic  intensity, 
and  his  energy  was  unsurpassed ;  but,  nevertheless,  Lin 
coln  defeated  him  by  1511  majority  when  Henry  Clay 
carried  the  district  by  only  914. 

When  the  Thirtieth  Congress  was  called  to  order  on 
December  6,  1847,  Abraham  Lincoln  answered  to  his 
name.  The  rolls  also  bore  the  name  of  Stephen  A. 
Douglas,  but  before  the  House  of  Representatives  met 
he  had  been  elected  to  the  United  States  Senate.  Lincoln 
was  the  only  Whig  member  from  Illinois.  In  those 
days  the  House  met  in  the  old  Hall  of  Representatives, 
now  used  for  statuary,  and  he  was  so  unfortunate  as  to 
draw  one  of  the  most  undesirable  seats  far  in  the  back 
ground.  He  was  assigned  to  the  Committee  on  Post- 
Offices  and  Post-Roads,  at  the  foot  of  the  list,  attended 
its  meetings  regularly,  and  occasionally  took  part  in  the 
debates  on  the  bills  appropriating  money  for  the  support 
of  the  postal  service  and  other  matters  pertaining  to  that 
committee.  He  also  was  a  member  of  the  Committee  on 
Expenditures  in  the  War  Department,  which,  however, 
never  met.  He  devoted  a  good  deal  of  time  trying  to 
secure  amendments  to  the  laws  relating  to  bounty  lands 

139 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

for  soldiers,  a  subject  of  which  he  had  some  personal 
knowledge,  having  himself  received  a  patent  for  some 
wild  land  in  Iowa.  He  looked  after  certain  grants  of 
land  made  to  railroads  in  Illinois,  and  endeavored  to 
protect  actual  settlers  who  might  possibly  have  been 
interfered  with.  During  his  first  session  he  made  the 
personal  acquaintance  of  but  few  members,  and  lived  at 
a  quiet  Congressional  boarding-house  kept  by  a  Mrs. 
Sprigg,  on  Capitol  Hill,  where  his  messmates  were 
Joshua  R.  Giddings,  of  Ohio,  and  several  other  Whigs. 
His  favorite  place  of  resort  was  the  post-office  of  the 
House  of  Representatives,  where  he  was  in  the  habit  of 
meeting  and  exchanging  stories  with  several  congenial 
spirits.  Among  them  were  Robert  Toombs  and  Alex 
ander  H.  Stephens,  who,  like  himself,  were  destined  to 
become  conspicuous  figures  in  the  great  impending 
drama.  Several  writers  have  described  encounters  be 
tween  Lincoln  and  Jefferson  Davis  at  this  period,  but 
they  were  imaginary.  Although  Mr.  Davis  was  ap 
pointed  to  the  Senate  the  same  year,  it  is  not  probable 
that  he  ever  met  the  obscure  member  of  the  Lower 
House  from  Illinois. 

From  the  recollections  of  his  colleagues  we  have  many 
incidents  and  anecdotes  of  more  or  less  interest,  which 
show  that  he  retained  the  same  unassuming,  simple 
habits  that  characterized  him  as  a  member  of  the  Legis 
lature. 

Daniel  Webster,  who  was  then  in  the  Senate,  used 
occasionally  to  have  Lincoln  at  one  of  his  pleasant  Sat 
urday  breakfasts,  where  the  Western  Congressman's 
humorous  illustrations  of  the  events  of  the  day,  sparkling 
with  spontaneous  and  unpremeditated  wit,  would  give 
great  delight  to  "  the  solid  men  of  Boston"  assembled 
around  the  festive  board.  At  one  time  Lincoln  had 
transacted  some  legal  business  for  Mr.  Webster  con 
nected  with  an  embryo  city  laid  out  where  Rock  River 
empties  into  the  Mississippi.  Mr.  Fletcher  Webster  had 

140 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

gone  there  for  a  while;  but  Rock  Island  City  was  not 
a  pecuniary  success,  and  much  of  the  land  on  which  but 
one  payment  had  been  made  reverted  to  the  original 
owners.  Lincoln  had  charged  Mr.  Webster  for  his  legal 
services  ten  dollars,  which  the  great  expounder  of  the 
Constitution  regarded  as  too  small  a  fee,  and  he  would 
frequently  declare  that  he  was  still  Lincoln's  debtor. 

The  librarian  of  the  United  States  Supreme  Court 
remembers  that  Lincoln  came  to  the  library  one  day 
for  the  purpose  of  procuring  some  law-books  which  he 
wanted  to  take  to  his  room  for  examination.  He  placed 
them  in  a  pile  on  the  table,  tied  them  up  with  a  large 
bandanna  handkerchief  from  his  pocket,  and,  putting  a 
stick  which  he  had  brought  with  him  through  a  knot  in 
the  handkerchief,  shouldered  his  burden  and  marched 
off  to  his  room.  In  a  few  days  he  returned  the  books  in 
the  same  way. 

He  saw  very  little  of  the  social  life  of  the  capital, 
although  Mrs.  Lincoln  was  with  him  during  the  long 
session.  His  experience  was  similar  to  that  of  the  aver 
age  green  Congressman  who  comes  to  Washington  un 
heralded  and  who  is  compelled  to  live  on  his  salary. 
The  only  social  adventure  of  which  we  have  any  knowl 
edge  was  in  attending  the  inaugural  ball,  March  4,  1849, 
of  which  Mr.  E.  B.  Washburne  writes, — 

"A  small  number  of  mutual  friends,  including  Mr. 
Lincoln,  made  up  a  party  to  attend  Taylor's  inauguration 
ball  together.  It  was  by  far  the  most  brilliant  inaugura 
tion  ball  ever  given.  Of  course  Mr.  Lincoln  had  never 
seen  anything  of  the  kind  before.  One  of  the  most 
modest  and  unpretending  persons  present,  he  could  not 
have  dreamed  that  like  honors  were  to  come  to  him 
almost  within  a  little  more  than  a  decade.  He  was 
greatly  interested  in  all  that  was  to  be  seen,  and  we  did 
not  take  our  departure  until  three  or  four  o'clock  in  the 
morning.  When  we  went  to  the  cloak  and  hat  room,  Mr. 
Lincoln  had  no  trouble  in  finding  his  short  coat,  which 

141 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

little  more  than  covered  his  shoulders,  but  after  a  long 
search  was  unable  to  find  his  hat.  After  an  hour  he 
gave  up  all  idea  of  finding  it.  Taking  his  cloak  on  his 
arm,  he  walked  out  into  Judiciary  Square,  deliberately 
adjusted  it  on  his  shoulders,  and  started  off  bareheaded 
for  his  lodgings.  It  would  be  hard  to  forget  the  sight 
of  that  tall  and  slim  man,  with  his  short  cloak  thrown 
over  his  shoulders,  starting  for  his  long  walk  home  on 
Capitol  Hill,  at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  without 
any  hat  on." 

After  the  election  of  President  Taylor,  in  1848,  Lin 
coln,  being  the  only  Whig  member  of  Congress  from 
Illinois,  was  required  to  recommend  candidates  for  office 
and  practically  controlled  the  patronage  of  the  State. 
He  was  not  a  civil  service  reformer.  Even  while  he  was 
President  he  adhered  to  the  time-honored  doctrine  that 
the  victors  in  politics,  as  in  war,  were  entitled  to  the 
spoils,  while  at  the  same  time  he  endeavored  to  get  the 
most  efficient  men  available  for  the  public  offices  and 
recognized  merit  as  the  first  claim  for  promotion.  While 
in  Congress  he  performed  his  duty  with  absolute  fairness 
to  his  political  foes  and  with  loyalty  to  his  political 
friends  so  far  as  he  was  able  to  control  appointments. 
Some  of  his  recommendations  are  unique,  for  example: 

"  I  recommend  that  William  Butler  be  appointed  Pen 
sion  Agent  for  the  Illinois  agency  when  the  place  shall 
be  vacant.  Mr.  Hurst,  the  present  incumbent,  I  believe 
has  performed  his  duties  very  well.  He  is  a  decided 
partisan,  and  I  believe  expects  to  be  removed.  Whether 
he  shall  be,  I  submit  to  the  Department.  This  office  is 
not  confined  to  my  district,  but  pertains  to  the  whole 
State;  so  that  Colonel  Baker  has  an  equal  right  with 
myself  to  be  heard  concerning  it.  However,  the  office  is 
located  here  (at  Springfield),  and  I  think  it  is  not  prob 
able  that  any  one  would  desire  to  remove  from  a  distance 
to  take  it." ' 

In  another  instance  he  writes  the  Secretary  of  In- 
142 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

terior,  "  I  recommend  that  Walter  Davis  be  appointed 
Receiver  of  the  Land  Office  at  this  place,  whenever 
there  shall  be  a  vacancy.  I  cannot  say  that  Mr.  Hern- 
don,  the  present  incumbent,  has  failed  in  the  proper 
discharge  of  any  of  the  duties  of  the  office.  He  is  a 
warm  partisan,  and  openly  and  actively  opposed  to  the 
election  of  General  Taylor.  I  also  understand  that 
since  General  Taylor's  election  he  has  received  a  reap- 
pointment  from  Mr.  Polk,  his  old  commission  not  having 
expired.  Whether  this  is  true  the  records  of  the  De 
partment  will  show.  I  may  add  that  the  Whigs  here 
almost  universally  desire  his  removal." 

In  another  case  he  forwards  the  recommendations  of 
the  man  whom  he  does  not  prefer,  with  an  endorsement 
calling  attention  to  the  importance  of  the  writers,  and 
adding,  "  From  personal  knowledge  I  consider  Mr.  Bond 
every  way  worthy  of  the  office  and  qualified  to  fill  it. 
Holding  the  individual  opinion  that  the  appointment  of 
a  different  gentleman  would  be  better,  I  ask  especial 
attention  and  consideration  of  his  claims,  and  for  the 
opinions  expressed  in  his  favor  by  those  over  whom  I 
can  claim  no  superiority." 

In  all  his  communications  to  the  Executive  Depart 
ment  concerning  appointments  to  office,  he  never  claims 
a  place  because  of  his  position  and  influence ;  nor  does 
he  demand  patronage  on  behalf  of  his  party  or  his  State ; 
nor  does  he  ask  for  the  removal  of  an  incumbent, 
although  in  several  cases  he  says  that  it  is  desired  by 
the  public  and  the  patrons  of  the  office.  He  always  puts 
himself  in  the  position  of  an  adviser  to  the  government, 
and  modestly  expresses  his  opinion  as  to  the  best  man  for 
appointment.  If  there  are  two  candidates,  he  describes 
their  qualifications  with  evident  candor  and  fairness. 

Lincoln  was  tendered  the  Governorship  of  Oregon, 
and  might  have  been  Commissioner  of  the  General  Land 
Office  under  President  Taylor,  but,  fortunately,  resisted 
the  temptation. 

143 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Amos  Tuck,  of  New  Hampshire,  in  his  memoirs,  says, 
"  In  December,  1847,  I  made  my  first  visit  to  Washing 
ton,  and  at  the  same  time  took  my  seat  as  a  member  of 
the  House  of  Representatives.  The  representation  of 
New  Hampshire  was  equally  divided,  or  rather  was 
half  Democratic,  Messrs.  Peaslee  and  Johnson,  and  half 
opposition,  Mr.  Wilson,  Whig,  and  myself,  Independent 
Democrat.  It  was  the  second  Congress  in  Mr.  Folk's 
administration,  and  the  Mexican  War  was  at  its  height. 
Robert  C.  Winthrop  was  Speaker. 

"  The  most  distinguished  man  by  far,  member  of  the 
House,  was  John  Quincy  Adams.  By  general  consent 
he  had  for  years  occupied  the  seat  of  his  choice,  one 
of  the  two  largest  on  the  floor,  in  the  second  row  of 
seats,  the  first  fronting  the  Speaker  at  the  left.  New 
members  were  anxious  to  see  Mr.  Adams,  the  honored 
ex-President,  politically  the  most  distinguished  man  of 
the  country.  He  was  old  and  feeble,  but  clear  in  mind 
and  decided  in  all  his  views  as  he  had  been  in  the  days 
of  his  vigor.  He  made  one  short  speech  early  in  the 
session,  but  could  be  heard  only  by  a  few  near  him, 
and  in  the  month  of  February  following  died  in  the 
Speaker's  room  at  the  Capitol. 

"  I  was  late  in  arriving.  ...  In  the  fourth  s?at  at  my 
left  sat  a  new  member  from  Illinois,  the  only  Whig 
from  that  State,  a  tall,  awkward,  genial,  good  fellow, 
the  future  President  of  the  United  States,  Abraham 
Lincoln.  He  was  then  thirty-nine  years  old,  bore  all 
the  signs  of  scanty  preparation  for  influential  position 
and  excited  attention  only  as  the  lone  star  of  Illinois 
Whigs  and  as  an  agreeable  specimen  of  frontier  char 
acter.  He  was  not  regarded  as  a  man  of  mark,  nor 
did  the  thought  seem  to  have  entered  his  own  mind  of 
ever  taking  a  high  position  in  the  country.  Mr.  Lincoln 
had  no  opportunity,  if  he  had  then  had  the  ability, 
which  I  do  not  think  he  possessed  at  that  time,  of 
distinguishing  himself.  I  remember  that  the  good-will 

144 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

of  his  acquaintances  was  strong  in  his  favor.  He  made 
one  set  speech,  near  the  close  of  the  session,  wherein 
he  made  sundry  telling  points  against  the  Democrats, 
delivering  it  in  the  open  area  in  front  of  the  clerk's 
desk,  and  created  much  amusement  by  the  aptness  of 
his  illustrations,  walking  around  in  front  of  the  Demo 
cratic  members,  singling  out  individuals  specially  respon 
sible  for  unsound  and  inconsistent  doctrines.  He  was 
good-natured,  enjoyed  his  own  wit,  heartily  joined  in 
the  amusement  he  excited  in  others,  and  sat  down  amid 
the  cheers  of  his  friends.  The  friendship  formed  be 
tween  Mr.  Lincoln  and  myself  in  that  Congress  con 
tinued  through  his  life.  Alexander  H.  Stephens  and 
Robert  Toombs,  of  Georgia,  were  likewise  members  of 
the  Thirtieth  Congress,  as  they  had  been  of  the  previous 
Congress.  They  were  both  Whigs,  the  leading  men  in 
the  House  of  their  party  in  the  South,  but  more  wedded 
to  slave  interests  than  to  their  political  party." 

His  term  in  Congress  ended  on  March  4,  1849,  and 
he  was  not  a  candidate  for  re-election.  A  year  before 
he  had  contemplated  the  possibility  of  entering  the 
field  again.  He  then  wrote  to  his  friend  and  partner, 
Herndon,  "  It  is  very  pleasant  for  me  to  learn  from  you 
that  there  are  some  who  desire  that  I  should  be  re- 
elected.  I  made  the  declaration  that  I  would  not  be  a 
candidate  again,  more  from  a  wish  to  deal  fairly  with 
others,  to  keep  peace  among  our  friends,  and  keep  the 
district  from  going  to  the  enemy,  than  for  any  cause 
personal  to  myself,  so  that,  if  it  should  so  happen  that 
nobody  else  wishes  to  be  elected,  I  could  not  refuse  the 
people  the  rig'ht  of  sending  me  again.  But  to  enter 
myself  as  a  competitor  of  others,  or  to  authorize  any  one 
so  to  enter  me,  is  what  my  word  and  honor  forbid." 

Upon  returning  from  Congress  in  the  spring  of  1849, 

Lincoln  renewed  his  law  practice  and  devoted  himself 

exclusively  to  it,  taking  no  part  in  politics  and  having 

all  that  he  could  do  in  court  until  there  was  a  great  up- 

10  145 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

heaval  in  the  political  situation  caused  by  the  repeal 
of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  This  so  aroused  his  pa 
triotism  and  indignation  against  the  Democratic  party 
that  he  went  back  to  the  stump  and  the  committee-room 
and  again  became  the  recognized  leader  of  the  Whig 
party  in  Illinois.  All  through  Illinois  and  other  States 
in  the  neighborhood  the  Whig  politicians  turned  to  him 
for  counsel,  which  was  due  to  his  reputation  for  wisdom 
and  sagacity.  It  has  been  said  that  Lincoln  intended 
to  retire  from  politics,  and  he  wrote  a  friend  that  he 
"  had  lost  interest  until  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Com 
promise  ;"  but  his  ambition  as  well  as  his  interest  soon 
revived,  for  we  find  him  in  1854  the  most  prominent 
candidate  of  the  Whig  party  for  the  United  States 
Senate. 

There  was  an  exciting  canvass  of  the  State.  He  en 
tered  into  it  with  great  enthusiasm,  spoke  in  nearly  every 
county,  and  it  was  agreed  by  all  concerned  that  if  the 
Republican  and  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats  should  carry 
the  Legislature,  Lincoln  would  be  elected  to  succeed 
General  Shields.  He  expected  it  himself,  and  his  defeat 
brought  him  more  disappointment  and  chagrin  than  any 
other  event  in  his  life.  It  was  a  painful  experience,  but 
he  accepted  the  result  with  his  usual  good-nature  and 
philosophy,  and  his  conduct  under  the  most  trying  cir 
cumstances  added  lustre  to  his  reputation  as  a  patriotic, 
honorable,  unselfish  man,  and  he  never  forgot  his  obli 
gation  to  those  who  stood  by  him  in  the  contest. 

With  his  usual  candor,  he  had  addressed  letters  to 
the  Whigs  and  Anti-Nebraska  men  who  had  been 
elected  to  the  Legislature,  asking  their  support.  The 
replies  were  almost  without  exception  favorable  and  in 
some  cases  enthusiastic.  He  was  personally  known  to 
almost  every  member,  and  by  his  voice  and  advice  had 
assisted  all  the  Whig  candidates  during  the  campaign. 
But,  unfortunately,  a  complication  arose  which  embar 
rassed  them  and  him.  He  had  been  elected  as  one  of 

146 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

the  members  from  Sangamon  County,  and  the  Constitu 
tion  of  the  State  contained  a  clause  making  members  of 
the  Legislature  and  other  officials  ineligible  to  the  United 
States  Senate.  The  highest  authorities  pronounced  this 
provision  unconstitutional  because  the  Senate  alone  was 
authorized  to  decide  the  qualifications  of  its  own  mem 
bers  and  a  State  Legislature  had  no  jurisdiction  over 
the  subject;  but,  rather  than  run  the  risk  of  taking  the 
election  into  the  courts,  Lincoln  decided  to  resign,  rely 
ing  upon  the  majority  of  650  votes,  which  had  been 
cast  for  him,  to  elect  another  Whig  in  his  place.  Very 
little  interest  was  taken  in  the  canvass.  The  Democrats 
appeared  inclined  to  let  the  contest  go  by  default.  That 
disarmed  the  leaders  of  the  Whig  party  and  made  the 
rank  and  file  indifferent.  For  the  first  and  only  time 
in  his  political  career  Lincoln  was  caught  napping.  The 
Democrats  nominated  a  candidate  at  the  very  last  mo 
ment,  plunged  into  a  hasty  but  energetic  canvass,  got 
out  a  full  vote,  and  elected  his  successor  by  60  majority, 
which  lost  the  Legislature  to  the  Whigs  and  left  them 
dependant  upon  their  Free-Soil  Democratic  allies.  The 
members  of  that  party  in  other  parts  of  the  State  were 
very  indignant  and  blamed  Lincoln  for  this  unlooked- 
for  result. 

He  was  still  further  embarrassed  by  the  unauthorized 
and  impertinent  act  of  a  small  group  of  abolitionists 
who  met  in  Springfield  before  the  session  of  the  Legis 
lature,  passed  resolutions  endorsing  Lincoln  as  their 
candidate  for  the  Senate,  and,  without  consulting  him, 
appointed  him  a  member  of  their  State  Central  Com 
mittee.  There  were  only  twenty-six  in  the  assembly, — 
earnest,  eager  men,  and  radical  in  their  views, — and 
although  Lincoln's  policy  of  recognizing  the  con 
stitutional  authority  for  slavery  was  well  known  to 
them,  they  admired  his  ability  and  the  able  fight  he  was 
making  against  the  extension  of  the  system  in  the 
Territories.  He  was  not  aware  that  his  name  appeared 

147 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

in  the  list  of  the  abolitionist  committee  until  several 
weeks  after  the  Convention  had  adjourned.  In  fact, 
very  little  notice  was  taken  of  its  meetings,  and  its  action 
was  discovered  by  the  Democrats  before  it  was  known 
to  the  Whigs.  Lincoln  immediately  wrote  a  letter  de 
clining  to  serve  and  saying  that  he  was  perplexed  to 
understand  why  his  name  was  used,  because  he  sup 
posed  that  his  position  on  the  slavery  question  was  not 
at  all  satisfactory  to  their  party.  But,  notwithstanding 
his  disavowal,  five  Anti-Nebraska  Democrats  refused 
under  any  circumstances  to  support  him  for  Senator,  but 
cast  their  votes  for  Lyman  Trumbull.  Lincoln  was 
voted  for  by  the  other  Free-Soilers  and  Shields  by  the 
Democrats.  In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Washburne,  written  on 
the  evening  after  the  election,  Lincoln  gives  this  descrip 
tion  of  the  close  of  the  fight : 

"  In  the  mean  time  our  friends,  with  a  view  of  de 
taining  our  expected  bolters,  had  been  turning  from  me 
to  Trumbull  until  he  had  risen  to  35  and  I  had  been  re 
duced  to  15.  These  would  never  desert  me  except  by  my 
direction ;  but  I  became  satisfied  that  if  we  could  prevent 
Matteson's  election  one  or  two  ballots  more,  we  could 
possibly  not  do  so  a  single  ballot  after  my  friends  should 
begin  to  return  to  me  from  Trumbull.  So  I  determined 
to  strike  at  once;  and  accordingly  advised  my  remain 
ing  friends  to  go  for  him,  which  they  did,  and  elected 
him  on  that,  the  tenth  ballot.  Such  is  the  way  the  thing 
was  done.  I  think  you  would  have  done  the  same  under 
the  circumstances,  though  Judge  Davis,  who  came  down 
this  morning,  declares  he  never  would  have  consented 
to  the  47  (opposition)  men  being  controlled  by  the  5. 
I  regret  my  defeat  moderately,  but  am  not  nervous  about 
it.  Perhaps  it  is  well  for  our  grand  cause  that  Trum 
bull  is  elected." 

And  it  turned  out  well  for  Lincoln,  too,  because  if 
he  had  been  elected  Senator  at  that  time  he  would  never 
have  taken  the  part  he  did  in  the  organization  of  the 

148 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

Republican  party,  he  would  never  have  had  the  joint 
debate  with  Senator  Douglas,  and  in  all  probability 
would  not  have  been  elected  President.  Lincoln  resumed 
the  practice  of  his  profession,  but  did  not  retire  from 
politics  again.  He  took  an  active  interest  in  every 
campaign,  devoting  much  of  his  time  to  committee  work 
and  to  the  preparation  of  political  literature,  extending 
his  acquaintance  and  increasing  his  popularity.  In  the 
winter  of  1855  he  attended  a  meeting  of  Free-Soil  edi 
tors  at  Decatur,  who  decided  upon  organizing  a  Re 
publican  party  in  Illinois  and  called  a  convention  of  all 
who  believed  in  resisting  the  extension  of  slavery  to 
meet  at  Bloomington  in  May. 

Lincoln  was  present,  made  a  remarkable  speech,  which 
is  described  in  Chapter  III.,  was  sent  as  a  delegate  to 
the  First  National  Republican  Convention  at  Philadel 
phia,  and,  much  to  his  surprise,  received  no  votes  for 
Vice-President  on  the  ticket  with  Fremont.  He  was 
made  an  elector,  canvassed  the  State  thoroughly,  making 
more  than  fifty  set  speeches  during  the  campaign,  and 
served  as  a  member  of  the  State  Committee. 

Mr.  Horace  White,  editor  of  the  New  York  Evening 
Post,  then  connected  with  the  Chicago  Tribune,  gives 
his  recollections  of  Lincoln  in  the  campaign :  "  I  was 
Secretary  of  the  Republican  State  Committee  of  Illinois 
during  some  years  when  he  was  in  active  campaign 
work.  He  was  often  present  at  meetings  of  the  com 
mittee,  and  took  part  in  the  committee  work.  His  judg 
ment  was  very  much  deferred  to  in  such  matters.  He 
was  one  of  the  shrewdest  politicians  in  the  State.  No 
body  had  more  experience  in  that  way,  nobody  knew 
better  than  he  what  was  passing  in  the  minds  of  the 
people.  Nobody  knew  better  how  to  turn  things  to 
advantage  politically,  and  nobody  was  readier  to  take 
such  advantage,  provided  it  did  not  involve  dishonorable 
means.  He  could  not  cheat  people  out  of  their  votes  any 
more  than  he  could  out  of  their  money.  Mr.  Lincoln 

149 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

never  gave  his  assent,  so  far  as  my  knowledge  goes,  to 
any  plan  or  project  for  getting  votes  that  would  not 
have  borne  the  full  light  of  day. 

"  I  never  heard  him  express  contempt  for  any  man's 
honest  errors,  although  he  would  sometimes  make  a 
droll  remark  or  tell  a  funny  story  about  them.  Def 
erence  to  other  people's  opinions  was  habitual  to  him. 
There  was  no  calculation,  no  politics  in  it.  It  was  part 
and  parcel  of  his  sense  of  equal  rights.  His  democracy 
was  of  the  unconscious  kind — he  did  not  know  any 
thing  different  from  it." 

In  the  fall  of  1858  there  was  an  election  of  the 
Illinois  Legislature  which  would  choose  a  successor  to 
Senator  Douglas,  whose  term  of  service  was  to  expire 
March  3,  1859.  The  Republican  party  at  that  time  was 
thoroughly  organized  and  presented  a  united  and  enthu 
siastic  front,  with  encouraging  prospects  of  victory,  and 
Lincoln  was  again  its  candidate  for  the  United  States 
Senate.  The  sympathy  of  his  associates  and  the  people 
generally  over  his  defeat  three  years  before,  their  appre 
ciation  of  his  services,  their  admiration  for  his  ability, 
and  their  confidence  in  his  integrity  and  judgment  made 
him  the  unanimous  choice,  and  for  the  first  time  in  his 
tory  the  State  Republican  Convention  passed  a  resolution 
to  that  effect.  Then  followed  the  most  extraordinary 
canvass  that  has  ever  taken  place  in  any  of  the  States 
of  the  Union, — the  joint  debate  between  Lincoln  and 
Douglas  which  is  described  in  Chapter  III.,  followed  by 
Lincoln's  second  defeat  for  the  Senate.  Many  of  Lin 
coln's  friends  believed  that  he  might  have  been  elected 
but  for  the  interference  of  Horace  Greeley,  Seward, 
Colfax,  Burlingame,  and  other  earnest  Republicans  and 
antislavery  men  of  national  prominence,  who  urged  the 
people  of  Illinois  to  support  Douglas  because  he  had 
opposed  the  Buchanan  administration  and  had  been  de 
nounced  by  the  slave-holders  of  the  South.  But,  while 
Lincoln  was  deeply  wounded  by  this  betrayal  of  what 

150 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

he  considered  a  vital  political  principle,  he  realized  that 
the  existing  apportionment  of  the  State  made  his  elec 
tion  improbable  because  it  had  been  based  upon  the 
census  of  1850  and  gave  the  southern  and  Democratic 
counties  an  excessive  representation  over  the  northern 
Republican  counties,  which  had  more  rapidly  increased 
in  population.  The  Republican  State  officers  were 
chosen  by  a  considerable  majority,  but  the  Democrats 
had  eight  majority  in  the  Legislature,  and  Mr.  Douglas 
was  elected. 

Lincoln  had  passed  through  an  intense  canvass, 
equally  trying  to  his  physical  and  mental  endurance,  and 
his  strength  as  well  as  his  temper  were  sorely  tried; 
but  he  was  never  more  composed,  patient,  and  philo 
sophical,  and  to  his  friends  he  wrote  hopeful  and  cheer 
ful  letters,  taking  greater  satisfaction  in  the  reputation 
he  had  made  and  the  results  he  had  accomplished  than 
he  would  have  felt  in  a  commission  as  United  States 
Senator.  As  he  told  many  people,  he  was  not  trying 
to  defeat  Douglas  for  Senator  so  much  as  to  prevent  his 
election  to  the  Presidency,  and  he  succeeded  in  doing  so. 
The  attention  of  the  entire  country  had  been  drawn  to 
the  canvass  in  Illinois,  Lincoln's  name  had  become 
known  everywhere  throughout  the  country,  and,  as  a 
Chicago  editor  wrote  him,  "  You  have  at  once  sprung 
from  the  position  of  a  capital  fellow  and  a  leading 
lawyer  of  Illinois  to  a  national  reputation." 

Another  friend  wrote  him,  "  You  have  made  a  noble 
canvass,  which,  if  unavailing  in  this  State,  has  earned 
you  a  national  reputation  and  made  you  friends  every 
where." 

Lincoln's  own  view  of  the  case  is  expressed  in  a  letter 
to  a  friend  as  follows :  "  I  wished,  but  I  did  not  much 
expect,  a  better  result.  ...  I  am  glad  I  made  the  late 
race.  It  gave  me  a  hearing  on  the  great  and  durable 
question  of  the  age,  which  I  could  have  had  in  no 
other  way;  and  though  I  now  sink  out  of  view,  and 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

shall  be  forgotten,  I  believe  I  have  made  some  marks 
which  will  tell  for  the  cause  of  civil  liberty  long  after 
I  am  gone." 

The  folly  of  the  Eastern  Republicans  in  encouraging 
the  election  of  Douglas  was  demonstrated  immediately 
after  the  election,  when  that  gentleman  started  upon  a 
tour  through  the  South  and  made  a  series  of  speeches  in 
which  he  endeavored  to  convince  the  slave-holders  that 
he  was  their  best  friend  and  should  be  their  candidate 
for  the  Presidency.  At  the  same  time  Lincoln  was 
invited  to  speak  in  the  Eastern  States,  and,  after  his 
address  in  Cooper  Institute,  New  York  City,  made  a 
tour  through  New  England,  creating  great  interest  and 
making  many  friends.  He  became  a  national  character, 
and  his  advice  was  sought  by  national  leaders,  to  whom 
his  sagacity  was  immediately  apparent.  He  spent  a 
great  deal  of  time  and  wrote  many  letters  during  the 
winter  of  1858-59,  harmonizing  the  Republican  party, 
concentrating  its  efforts,  and  reconciling  local  prejudices 
and  preferences  which  conflicted  and  imperilled  its  suc 
cess  at  the  next  election.  He  seemed  gifted  with  fore 
sight  that  was  almost  prophetic,  for  he  pointed  out  with 
extraordinary  accuracy  the  probable  policy  which  would 
be  pursued  by  the  Democrats,  and  his  suggestions  as 
to  the  best  means  for  the  Republicans  to  adopt  were 
broad,  wise,  and  statesmanlike.  For  example,  referring 
to  a  provision  adopted  by  Massachusetts  to  restrict 
naturalization,  he  wrote,  "  Massachusetts  is  a  sovereign 
and  independent  State,  and  it  is  no  privilege  of  mine  to 
scold  her  for  what  she  does.  Still,  if  from  what  she 
has  done  an  inference  is  sought  to  be  drawn  as  to  what 
I  would  do,  I  may,  without  impropriety,  speak  out.  I 
say,  then,  that,  as  I  understand  the  Massachusetts  pro 
vision,  I  am  against  its  adoption  in  Illinois,  or  in  any 
other  place  where  I  have  a  right  to  oppose  it.  Under 
standing  the  spirit  of  our  institutions  to  aid  at  the 
elevation  of  men,  I  am  opposed  to  whatever  tends  to 

152 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

degrade  them.  I  have  some  little  notoriety  for  com 
miserating  the  oppressed  condition  of  the  negro;  and 
I  should  be  strangely  inconsistent  if  I  could  favor  any 
project  for  curtailing  the  existing  rights  of  white  men, 
even  though  born  in  different  lands  and  speaking  dif 
ferent  languages  from  myself." 

He  wrote  from  Springfield  to  Schuyler  Colfax  (after 
wards  Vice-President  of  the  United   States),   July  6, 
1859,  "  Besides  a  strong  desire  to  make  your  personal 
acquaintance,  I  was  anxious  to  speak  with  you  on  poli 
tics  a  little  more  fully  than  I  can  well  do  in  a  letter. 
My  main  object  in  such  conversation  would  be  to  hedge 
against  divisions  in  the  Republican  ranks  generally,  and 
particularly   for   the   contest   of    1860.      The   point   of 
danger  is  the  temptation  in  different  localities  to  '  plat 
form'  for  something  which  will  be  popular  just  there, 
but  which,  nevertheless,  will  be  a  firebrand  elsewhere, 
and  especially  in  a  national  convention.     As  instances, 
the  movement  against  foreigners  in  Massachusetts;    in 
New  Hampshire,  to  make  obedience  to  the  fugitive  slave 
law   punishable   as    a   crime;     in    Ohio,   to   repeal   the 
fugitive-slave  law ;  and  squatter  sovereignty  in  Kansas. 
In  these  things  there  is  explosive  matter  enough  to  blow 
up  half  a  dozen  national  conventions,  if  it  gets  into  them  ; 
and  what  gets  very  rife  outside  of  conventions  is  very 
likely  to  find  its  way  into  them." 

The  idea  of  making  Lincoln  a  Presidential  candidate 
seems  to  have  occurred  to  a  great  many  people  at  about 
the  same  time,  and  shortly  after  his  inauguration  a  regi 
ment  might  have  been  organized  of  the  friends  who  first 
named  him.  There  are,  however,  some  letters  preserved 
which  show  that  the  suggestion  had  been  made  to  him 
early  in  1859,  ]ong  before  the  Cooper  Institute  address; 
indeed,  immediately  after  the  close  of  the  Senatorial 
fight  in  1858  an  editorial  friend  in  Illinois  wrote  him  as 
follows :  "  I  would  like  to  have  a  talk  with  you  on  politi 
cal  matters,  as  to  the  policy  of  announcing  your  name  for 

153 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  Presidency,  while  you  are  in  our  city.  My  partner 
and  myself  are  about  addressing  the  Republican  editors 
of  the  State  on  the  subject  of  a  simultaneous  announce 
ment  of  your  name  for  the  Presidency." 

To  this  Lincoln  replied,  "  As  to  the  other  matter  you 
kindly  mention,  I  must  in  candor  say  that  I  do  not  think 
myself  fit  for  the  Presidency.  I  certainly  am  flattered 
and  gratified  that  some  partial  friends  think  of  me  in 
that  connection ;  but  I  really  think  it  best  for  our  cause 
that  no  concerted  effort,  such  as  you  suggest,  should  be 
made." 

It  would  seem  from  other  remarks  made  at  the  time 
that  he  was  planning  another  fight  with  Douglas  and 
had  the  patience  to  wait  six  years  to  renew  the  contest. 
He  wrote  several  friends  that  he  intended  to  fight  in 
the  ranks,  and  declined  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  Senate 
against  Trumbull ;  but  while  he  was  writing  those  let 
ters,  about  January  I,  1860,  there  was  a  conference  at 
Springfield  of  the  Republican  leaders  of  the  State,  said 
to  have  been  called  by  Mr.  Norman  B.  Judd,  at  which  a 
serious  and  organized  effort  was  begun  to  secure  his 
nomination.  One  of  the  gentlemen  present  says,  "  We 
asked  him  if  his  name  might  be  used  in  connection 
with  the  nomination.  With  characteristic  modesty,  he 
doubted  whether  he  could  get  the  nomination  even  if 
he  wished  it,  and  asked  until  the  next  morning  to  answer 
us  whether  his  name  might  be  announced.  The  next 
day  he  authorized  us,  if  we  thought  proper  to  do  so, 
'  to  place  him  in  the  field.'  In  answer  to  a  question 
whether  he  would  accept  a  nomination  for  Vice-Presi- 
dent  if  he  could  not  be  put  on  the  first  place  on  the 
ticket,  he  replied  that  if  his  name  were  used  for  the 
office  of  President  he  would  not  permit  it  to  be  used  for 
any  other  office,  no  matter  how  honorable  it  might  be." 

From  this  time  Lincoln  exerted  every  proper  means 
to  secure  success.  He  did  not  repose  idly  in  his  Spring 
field  office  and  allow  his  friends  to  do  the  work,  but 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

was  quite  as  active  and  vigilant  in  his  own  behalf  as  any 
of  his  supporters,  and  managed  the  campaign  himself. 
He  had  no  funds,  however,  no  literary  bureau,  no  head 
quarters  or  personal  organization;  nearly  every  letter 
he  sent  out  on  the  subject  was  written  with  his  own 
hand,  and  he  used  plain  and  characteristic  language 
asking  for  the  support  of  his  friends  in  Illinois  and  other 
States.  Whether  his  intention  was  to  disarm  jealousy, 
or  whether  he  actually  believed  that  his  nomination  was 
impossible,  he  intimated  to  several  of  his  correspondents 
that  he  desired  to  make  a  brave  show  at  the  Chicago 
Convention  because  of  the  prestige  it  would  give  him  in 
his  future  fight  for  the  Senate.  And  to  another  ne 
wrote,  "  I  am  not  in  a  position  where  it  would  hurt 
much  for  me  not  to  be  nominated  on  the  national  ticket, 
but  I  am  where  it  would  hurt  some  for  me  not  to  get 
the  Illinois  delegates." 

He  even  sent  money  from  his  own  small  means  to  pay 
the  expenses  of  friends  who  were  working  in  his  inter 
est.  On  March  10,  1860,  he  wrote  to  a  gentleman  in 
Kansas,  "  Allow  me  to  say  that  I  cannot  enter  the  ring 
on  the  money  basis, — first,  because  in  the  main  it  is 
wrong;  and  secondly,  I  have  not  and  cannot  get  the 
money.  I  say  in  the  main  the  use  of  money  is  wrong, 
but  for  certain  objects  in  a  political  contest  is  both  right 
and  indispensable.  With  me,  as  with  yourself,  this  long 
struggle  has  been  one  of  great  pecuniary  loss.  I  now 
distinctly  say  this ;  if  you  shall  be  appointed  a  delegate 
to  Chicago  I  will  furnish  one  hundred  dollars  to  bear 
the  expense  of  the  trip." 

Nevertheless,  Kansas  instructed  her  delegation  for 
Seward,  whereupon  Lincoln  wrote  a  consoling  letter  to 
his  friends  and  said,  "  Don't  stir  them  up  to  anger,  but 
come  along  to  the  Convention  and  I  will  do  as  I  said 
about  expenses."  There  is  nothing  to  show  whether  the 
offer  was  accepted,  but,  with  his  usual  gratitude  for 
favors  received  or  intended,  he  appointed  his  Kansas 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

friend  to  a  lucrative  office  within  ten  days  after  his 
inauguration,  and  frequently  consulted  him  about  the 
patronage  in  that  State. 

The  Illinois  State  Convention  gave  Lincoln  a  hearty 
endorsement  and  sent  an  enthusiastic  delegation  to  Chi 
cago  composed  of  personal  friends  of  great  ability,  politi 
cal  experience,  and  personal  influence,  and  by  a  combina 
tion  with  Chase  from  Ohio,  Cameron  from  Pennsylvania, 
Bates  from  Missouri,  and  other  anti-Seward  candidates, 
he  was  nominated  for  the  office  of  President  of  the 
United  States.  The  credit  of  his  success  was  claimed 
by  many ;  several  accounts  of  bargains  have  passed  into 
history,  and  other  fictitious  explanations  for  his  nomina 
tion  have  been  printed  from  time  to  time,  but  we  have 
the  authority  of  David  Davis,  Norman  B.  Judd,  and 
other  friends  who  were  authorized  to  speak  for  him,  as 
well  as  his  own  testimony,  that  after  the  Convention 
adjourned  he  was  free  from  all  obligations  except  the 
gratitude  he  was  glad  to  offer  to  his  supporters. 

The  evening  of  the  second  day  after  the  nomination 
brought  to  Springfield  a  committee  of  notification  com 
posed  of  some  of  the  most  distinguished  men  of  that 
day  and  others  who  were  destined  to  play  a  conspicuous 
part  in  national  affairs.  George  Ashmun,  of  Massachu 
setts,  was  the  chairman ;  Governor  Boutwell,  afterwards 
United  States  Senator  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury; 
Samuel  Bowles,  editor  of  the  Springfield  Republican; 
Carl  Schurz,  of  Wisconsin;  Gideon  Welles,  of  Con 
necticut;  Amos  Tuck,  of  New  Hampshire;  William 
M.  Evarts  and  Governor  Edwin  D.  Morgan,  of  New 
York ;  "  Pig-Iron"  Kelley,  of  Pennsylvania ;  Francis 
P.  Blair,  of  Missouri;  and  others  were  of  the  party. 
Most  of  them  were  disappointed  at  the  result  of  the 
Convention  and  distrustful  of  the  strength  and  ability  of 
the  prairie  lawyer  as  a  candidate.  He  received  them, 
however,  with  simple  dignity.  They  were  invited  to 
deliver  their  message  at  his  modest  home,  and  appeared 

156 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

there  a  few  moments  after  their  arrival  in  Springfield, 
to  find  him  surrounded  by  his  family  and  a  few  intimate 
friends.  They  saw  a  man  of  unprepossessing  appear 
ance,  with  long  limbs,  large  hands  and  feet,  stooping 
shoulders,  coarse  features,  and  a  shock  of  rebellious  hair. 
He  was  the  last  man  in  the  world,  perhaps,  to  judge  by 
appearances,  that  this  committee  would  have  chosen  as 
a  Presidential  candidate ;  but  when  he  began  to  speak 
in  reply  to  Mr.  Ashmun,  a  change  seemed  to  come  over 
him.  The  rugged  face  and  awkward  figure  were  trans 
formed,  and  the  members  of  the  committee  recognized 
at  once  that  they  were  in  the  presence  of  a  man  who  was 
master  of  himself  and  possessed  a  strength  they  had  not 
suspected.  And  when  they  left  Springfield,  almost  with 
out  exception,  they  were  convinced  of  the  wisdom  of 
his  nomination. 

The  opposing  candidates  prepared  long  letters  of  ac 
ceptance  explanatory  of  their  views  and  defining  their 
purposes,  but  Lincoln  had  already  recognized  the  wis 
dom  of  reticence,  and  the  night  of  his  nomination,  stand 
ing  in  his  own  doorway,  he  told  his  neighbors  and 
friends  who  called  to  congratulate  him  and  demanded  a 
speech  that  "  the  time  comes  upon  every  man  when  it 
is  best  to  keep  his  lips  closed.  That  time  has  come  to 
me."  Hence  his  letter  of  acceptance  was  the  briefest 
ever  written  by  a  Presidential  candidate.  After  one 
formal  introductory  phrase,  it  reads: 

"The  declaration  of  principles  which  accompanies 
your  letter  meets  my  approval,  and  it  shall  be  my  care 
not  to  violate  it  or  disregard  it  in  any  way  or  part.  Im 
ploring  the  assistance  of  Divine  Providence,  and  with 
due  regard  for  the  views  and  feelings  of  all  who  were 
represented  in  the  Convention,  to  the  rights  of  all  the 
States  and  Territories  and  people  of  the  nation,  to  the 
inviolability  of  the  Constitution,  and  the  perpetual  union 
of  prosperity,  and  harmony  of  all,  I  am  most  happy  to 

157 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

co-operate  for  the  practical  success  of  the  principles  de 
clared  by  the  convention.  Your  obliged  friend  and 
fellow-citizen, 

"  A.  LINCOLN." 

This  letter  was  not  shown  to  any  one  of  Lincoln's 
friends,  with  the  exception  of  Dr.  Newton  Bateman, 
State  Superintendent  of  Education  and  an  intimate 
friend,  to  whom  Lincoln  said, — 

"  Mr.  School-master,  here  is  my  letter  of  acceptance. 
And  I  wouldn't  like  to  have  any  mistakes  in  it.  I  am 
not  very  strong  on  grammar  and  I  wish  you  would  see 
if  it  is  all  right." 

Mr.  Bateman  suggested  one  change,  so  that  it  would 
read  "  it  shall  be  my  care  not  to  violate,"  instead  of  "  it 
shall  be  my  care  to  not  violate." 

"  So  you  think  I  better  put  those  two  little  fellows 
end  to  end,  do  you  ?"  replied  Lincoln,  taking  his  pen  and 
making  the  change  suggested. 

Lincoln's  nomination  made  very  little  difference  in  his 
daily  life.  He  turned  his  law  practice  over  to  his  part 
ner,  employed  John  G.  Nicolay,  a  clerk  in  the  office  of 
the  Secretary  of  State,  as  his  private  secretary,  was 
given  the  use  of  the  Governor's  room  at  the  State-House 
for  an  office,  and  devoted  his  entire  time  to  the  reception 
of  visitors  and  correspondence  concerning  the  campaign. 
His  door  stood  always  open.  There  was  not  even  an 
usher.  Everybody  came  and  went  as  freely  as  when  he 
was  a  candidate  for  the  Legislature  or  engaged  in  his 
practice.  He  was  the  same  Abraham  Lincoln  he  had 
always  been,  except  a  little  more  serious  because  of 
increasing  responsibilities,  and  a  little  more  dignified 
because  he  was  sensible  of  the  honor  that  had  been  con 
ferred  upon  him ;  but  his  old  friends  detected  no  change 
in  the  man,  and  dropped  in  to  exchange  gossip  whenever 
they  came  to  town.  Distinguished  visitors  came  from 
a  distance, — statesmen,  politicians,  wire-pullers,  news- 

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A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

paper  correspondents,  men  with  great  purposes  and  am 
bitions,  adventurers,  lion-hunters,  and  representatives  of 
all  classes  and  conditions,  who  usually  seek  the  acquaint 
ance  of  influential  and  prominent  men  and  worship  a 
rising  sun.  He  told  each  a  story  and  sent  him  away, 
pleased  with  his  person  and  impressed  with  his  character. 
His  correspondence  had  increased  enormously  and  every 
letter  received  a  polite  reply,  but  he  maintained  his  policy 
of  reticence  and  gave  no  indication  of  his  plans  or  pur 
poses. 

One  day,  while  a  group  of  distinguished  politicians 
from  a  distance  were  sitting  in  the  Governor's  room, 
chatting  with  Lincoln,  the  door  opened  and  an  old  lady 
in  a  big  sunbonnet  and  the  garb  of  a  farmer's  wife 
came  in. 

"  I  wanted  to  give  you  something  to  take  to  Washing 
ton,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  she  said,  "  and  these  are  all  I  had. 
I  spun  the  yarn  and  knit  them  socks  myself."  And 
with  an  air  of  pride  she  handed  him  a  pair  of  blue 
woollen  stockings. 

Lincoln  thanked  her  cordially  for  her  thoughtfulness, 
inquired  after  the  folks  at  home,  and  escorted  her  to  the 
door  as  politely  as  if  she  had  been  Queen  of  England. 
Then,  when  he  returned  to  the  room,  he  picked  up  the 
socks,  held  them  by  the  toes,  one  in  each  hand,  and  with 
a  queer  smile  upon  his  face  remarked  to  the  statesmen 
around  him, — 

"  The  old  lady  got  my  latitude  and  longitude  about 
right,  didn't  she?" 

Such  incidents  occurred  nearly  every  day  and  were 
a  source  of  great  pleasure  to  the  President,  who  was 
never  happier  than  when  in  the  company  of  "  the  plain 
people,"  as  he  called  them. 

No  one  man  of  honest  intentions  visited  him  without 
feeling  the  better  for  it  and  being  impressed  with  his 
ability,  his  courage,  and  his  confidence.  From  the  begin 
ning  he  never  doubted  his  own  success.  He  realized  that 

159 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  Democratic  party  was  hopelessly  split  and  that,  while 
the  factions,  if  combined,  might  embrace  a  majority  of 
the  voters  of  the  country,  the  Republicans  would  have  a 
plurality,  and  his  reasoning  was  so  plausible  that  he 
convinced  his  visitors  of  the  truth  of  his  convictions. 
He  never  showed  the  slightest  annoyance  at  the  attacks 
that  were  continually  made  upon  his  reputation  and 
record,  and  demonstrated  his  coolness,  self-poise,  and 
wisdom  by  declining  to  defend  himself  or  offer  explana 
tions.  His  theory  was  expressed  to  a  friend  who  wrote 
him  with  great  concern  about  a  charge  that  had  been 
made  against  his  integrity. 

"  I  have  made  this  explanation  to  you  as  a  friend," 
he  wrote,  "  but  I  wish  no  explanation  made  to  our 
enemies.  What  they  want  is  a  squabble  and  a  fuss,  and 
that  they  can  have  if  we  explain,  and  they  cannot  have 
it  if  we  don't." 

The  greater  number  of  inquiries  related  to  his  position 
and  intentions  towards  slavery,  and  to  every  one  he 
gave  a  similar  answer,  that  he  had  defined  his  position 
again  and  again  in  his  speeches  before  his  nomination, 
and  "  Those  who  will  not  read  or  heed  what  I  have 
already  publicly  said  would  not  read  or  heed  a  repetition 
of  it.  'If  they  hear  not  Moses  and  the  prophets,  neither 
will  they  be  persuaded,  though  one  rose  from  the  dead.' '; 

He  kept  his  finger  upon  the  pulse  of  the  country,  and 
none  of  the  managers  of  either  party  was  so  well  in 
formed  as  to  the  situation  and  sentiment  in  different 
sections  as  he.  The  Republican  politicians  soon  dis 
covered  this  fact  and  came  to  him  more  and  more  for 
advice  and  instruction.  Even  Thurlow  Weed,  who  was 
supposed  to  be  the  shrewdest  politician  in  the  country, 
recognized  a  master  and  sought  counsel  from  him  re 
garding  the  management  of  the  campaign  in  New  York. 
Wherever  he  detected  a  weak  spot,  he  sent  a  word  of 
warning  and  advice ;  wherever  there  were  local  dissen 
sions,  he  restored  harmony  with  his  tact  and  good- 

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A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

nature.  Thus  was  Lincoln  the  manager  of  his  own 
campaign;  more  so,  perhaps,  than  any  man  who  was 
ever  elected  President.  But  at  the  same  time  he  made 
one  great  mistake.  He  had  heard  the  threat  of  secession 
so  long  that  he  had  grown  indifferent  to  it,  and  he  told 
everybody  that  "  The  people  of  the  South  have  too  much 
sense  to  attempt  the  ruin  of  the  government." 

The  election  occurred  on  November  6,  1860,  and  the 
result  was  what  he  had  expected  since  his  nomination. 
The  Republican  electors  did  not  receive  a  majority  by 
nearly  a  million  votes,  but  the  division  of  the  Democrats 
left  them  a  plurality. 

The  city  of  Springfield  had  never  cast  so  large  a  vote 
for  any  candidate  for  office  up  to  that  time,  and  it  cele 
brated  its  triumph  with  a  jubilee  of  rejoicing.  The 
people  called  Lincoln  from  his  house  and  demanded  a 
speech,  but  he  asked  to  be  excused.  He  thanked  them 
for  their  support  and  congratulations,  and  remarked, 
"  In  all  our  rejoicing  let  us  neither  express  nor  cherish 
any  hard  feeling  towards  any  citizen  who  has  differed 
from  us.  Let  us  at  all  times  remember  that  all  American 
citizens  are  brothers  of  a  common  country  and  should 
dwell  together  in  the  bonds  of  fraternal  feeling." 

After  the  excitement  had  quieted  down,  Lincoln  re 
sumed  his  former  habits  and  daily  routine.  Springfield 
was  crowded  with  politicians  those  days, — office-seekers 
and  advisers,  men  who  came  to  ask  favors  and  to  offer 
them.  The  announcement  of  his  election  had  been  the 
signal  for  the  conspirators  in  the  South  to  throw  off 
their  masks.  During  long  years  of  controversy,  the  pro- 
slavery  party  had  a  hope  of  ultimate  triumph,  but  until 
the  actual  election  of  Lincoln  there  was  no  actual  trea 
son  or  revolutionary  act.  Four  days  after  the  Senators 
from  South  Carolina  resigned,  six  weeks  later  that  State 
declared  its  separation  from  the  Union  and  organized 
an  independent  government,  and,  while  he  was  still  wait 
ing  at  Springfield,  Lincoln  read  the  newspaper  reports 
ii  161 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

of  conventions  in  all  the  Gulf  States,  at  which  they  also 
declared  their  independence.  But  he  was  obliged  to  sit 
inactive  and  helpless;  unable  to  do  anything  to  check 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union,  although  appeals  came 
from  every  quarter.  He  described  his  situation  to  an 
old  friend  who  came  to  see  him  at  Springfield. 

"  Joe,"  he  said,  sadly,  "  I  suppose  you  have  forgotten 
the  trial  down  in  Montgomery  County  where  your  part 
ner  gave  away  your  case  in  his  opening  speech.  I  saw 
you  motioning  to  him  and  how  uneasy  you  were,  but  you 
couldn't  stop  him,  and  that's  just  the  way  with  Buchanan 
and  me.  He  is  giving  away  the  case  and  I  can't  stop 
him." 

It  was  not  the  Republicans  of  the  North  alone  that 
appealed  to  Lincoln.  Unionists  of  the  South  came  to 
him  for  pledges  that  he  would  do  nothing,  for  assurances 
that  there  was  nothing  to  fear  from  his  election,  and  he 
went  so  far  as  to  make  an  exception  in  their  case  to 
gratify  them.  In  December  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Alex 
ander  H.  Stephens,  whom  he  had  known  and  admired 
in  Congress,  marked  "  For  your  eye  only,"  in  which  he 
stated  his  position  in  the  most  positive  and  unmistakable 
language,  and  asked,  "  Do  the  people  of  the  South  really 
entertain  fears  that  a  Republican  administration  would 
directly  or  indirectly  interfere  with  the  slaves?  If  they 
do,  I  wish  to  assure  you  as  once  a  friend,  and  still,  I 
hope,  not  an  enemy,  that  there  is  no  cause  for  such  fears. 
The  South  would  be  in  no  more  danger  in  this  respect 
than  it  was  in  the  days  of  Washington.  I  suppose,  how 
ever,  that  this  does  not  meet  the  case.  You  think  slavery 
is  right  and  ought  to  be  extended,  while  we  think  it  is 
wrong  and  ought  to  be  restricted.  That,  I  suppose,  is 
the  rub.  It  is  certainly  the  only  substantial  difference 
between  us." 

General  Duff  Green  came  to  Springfield  in  December, 
1860,  as  an  emissary  from  President  Buchanan  to  invite 
the  President-elect  to  Washington  for  a  conference  upon 

162 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

the  situation,  with  the  hope  that  his  presence  there  might 
prevent  civil  war,  and  General  Green  was  bold  enough 
to  tell  him  that,  if  he  did  not  go,  "  upon  his  conscience 
must  rest  the  blood  that  would  be  shed."  Here  Lincoln's 
political  shrewdness  and  diplomacy  were  demonstrated 
in  as  conspicuous  a  manner,  perhaps,  as  at  any  other 
crisis  in  his  life.  He  detected  at  once  the  intention  to 
unload  upon  him  the  responsibility  for  disunion  and  war, 
and  met  it  with  a  counter-proposition  which  must  have 
excited  the  admiration  of  the  conspirators  who  were 
trying  to  entrap  him.  He  received  General  Green  with 
great  courtesy,  heard  him  with  respectful  attention,  and 
gave  him  a  letter  in  which  he  said  that  he  did  not  desire 
any  amendment  to  the  Constitution,  although  he  recog 
nized  the  right  of  the  American  people  to  adopt  one; 
that  he  believed  in  maintaining  inviolate  the  rights  of 
each  State  to  control  its  own  domestic  institutions ;  and 
that  he  considered  the  lawless  invasion  by  armed  force 
of  the  soil  of  any  State  or  Territory  as  the  gravest  of 
crimes.  While  those  were  his  sentiments,  and  while  they 
indicated  the  policy  he  should  pursue  as  President,  he 
would  not  consent  to  their  publication  unless  the  Sena 
tors  from  Georgia,  Alabama,  Mississippi,  Florida,  Loui 
siana,  and  Texas  would  sign  a  pledge  which  he  had 
written  below  his  signature  to  this  letter  and  upon  the 
same  piece  of  paper.  It  was  a  pledge  "  to  suspend  all 
action  for  the  dismemberment  of  the  Union  until  some 
act  deemed  to  be  violative  of  our  rights  shall  be  done 
by  the  incoming  administration."  Thus  the  responsi 
bility  was  thrown  back  upon  the  representatives  of  the 
seceding  States,  and  it  is  unnecessary  to  say  that  Duff 
Green's  mission  to  Springfield  was  not  considered  a 
success  by  the  rebel  leaders.  In  order  to  protect  himself, 
Lincoln  sent  a  copy  of  his  letter  to  Senator  Trumbull, 
calling  his  attention  to  the  fact  that  part  of  its  text  and 
all  of  its  sentiment  were  copied  from  the  Chicago  plat 
form. 

163 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

By  this  time  Lincoln  had  become  thoroughly  con 
vinced  that  the  Southern  leaders  were  in -earnest  and  that 
nothing  could  prevent  the  secession  of  their  States, 
although  he  continued  his  efforts  to  reassure  them  and 
to  apply  every  means  his  ingenuity  could  suggest  to 
reconcile  them  to  the  situation.  Notwithstanding  all  his 
anxiety,  his  sense  of  humor  remained,  and,  as  was  his 
habit,  he  illustrated  the  situation  with  a  story  about  a 
pious  man  named  Brown  who  was  on  a  committee  to 
erect  a  bridge  over  a  very  dangerous  river.  They  called 
in  an  engineer  named  Jones,  who  had  great  confidence 
in  himself,  and,  after  the  difficulties  had  been  explained, 
asked  him  whether  he  was  able  to  build  the  bridge. 
Jones  was  a  profane  man,  and  replied  that  he  would 
build  a  bridge  to  hell  if  he  could  get  a  contract,  or  words 
to  that  effect.  The  churchmen  were  horrified,  and  when 
the  contractor  retired,  Brown  attempted  to  allay  their 
indignation  by  saying  all  the  good  things  he  could  re 
member  or  invent  about  Jones.  At  the  same  time  he 
was  a  very  cautious  man  and  would  not  commit  himself 
to  any  doubtful  proposition. 

"  I  know  Jones,"  he  said,  "  and  he  is  a  man  who  will 
keep  his  promises.  If  he  agrees  to  build  a  bridge  to 
Hades  he  will  do  it,  although  I  have  my  doubts  about 
the  'butments  on  the  infernal  side." 

The  infinite  patience  exhibited  by  Lincoln  during  this 
period  of  anxious  helplessness,  amidst  the  clamors  of 
office-seekers,  the  importunities  of  sincere  but  timid  men 
who  besought  him  to  yield  to  the  South  and  avoid  trou 
ble  and  bloodshed,  the  threats  of  his  enemies,  the 
intrigues  of  the  politicians,  the  conspiracies  of  the  dis- 
unionists,  showed  his  strength  of  character  and  sense 
of  discretion,  and  did  much  to  establish  him  in  the 
confidence  of  the  public.  He  indulged  neither  in  hope 
nor  fear,  he  made  no  boasts,  he  showed  no  alarm,  he 
answered  neither  yea  nor  nay,  but  maintained  complete 
self-control  and  waited  for  his  time  to  come.  To  inti- 

164 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

mate  friends  who  possessed  his  confidence  he  never 
failed  to  assert  his  determination  to  maintain  the  Union, 
no  matter  what  it  cost,  and  to  resist  to  the  end  every 
proposition  for  dissolution  or  dismemberment,  but  his 
words  were  as  gentle  and  as  kindly  as  they  were  firm. 

'  The  right  of  a  State  to  secede  is  not  an  open  or 
debatable  question,"  he  said.  "  That  was  fully  discussed 
in  Jackson's  time  and  denied  not  only  by  him  but  by  the 
vote  of  Congress.  It  is  the  duty  of  a  President  to  exe 
cute  the  laws  and  maintain  the  existing  government. 
He  cannot  entertain  any  proposition  for  dissolution  or 
dismemberment.  He  was  not  elected  for  any  such  pur 
pose.  As  a  matter  of  theoretical  speculation  it  is  proba 
bly  true  that  if  the  people,  with  whom  the  whole  question 
rests,  should  become  tired  of  the  present  government 
they  might  change  it  in  the  manner  prescribed  by  the 
Constitution." 

At  the  same  time,  without  being  dictatorial,  he  kept 
the  Republican  leaders  inspired  with  his  own  confidence 
and  determination  and  endeavored  to  prevent  them  from 
the  mistake  of  yielding  to  compromise  or  making  con 
cessions.  He  wrote  Representative  Washburne  with 
emphasis,  "  Prevent  our  friends  from  demoralizing 
themselves  and  their  cause  by  entertaining  propositions 
for  compromise  of  any  sort  on  slavery  extensions. 
There  is  no  possible  compromise  upon  it  but  what  puts 
us  under  again,  and  all  our  work  to  do  over  again.  On 
that  point  hold  firm  as  a  chain  of  steel." 

To  Seward  he  wrote,  "  I  say  now,  as  I  have  all  the 
while  said,  that  on  the  question  of  extending  slavery  I 
am  inflexible.  I  am  for  no  compromise  which  assists 
or  permits  the  extension  of  the  institution  on  soil  owned 
by  the  nation." 

He  knew  what  was  going  on  under  the  direction  of 
the  disloyal  members  of  Buchanan's  Cabinet.  He  was 
aware  that  the  Northern  States  were  being  stripped  of 
arms  and  ammunition  and  that  large  quantities  of  mili- 

165 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

tary  stores  were  being  sent  South  where  they  could 
easily  be  seized  when  the  time  came.  He  knew  also  that 
disloyal  officers  of  the  army  were  being  placed  in  com 
mand  of  the  forts  and  military  posts  in  the  South,  and 
other  strategical  points,  and  he  asked  Washburne  to 
present  his  respects  to  General  Scott,  "  and  tell  him 
confidentially  that  I  should  be  obliged  to  him  to  be  as 
well  prepared  as  he  can  either  to  hold  or  retake  the  forts 
as  the  case  may  require  after  the  inauguration." 

Mr.  Seward  and  other  Republican  leaders  were  appre 
hensive  lest  an  attempt  be  made  to  prevent  the  counting 
of  the  electoral  vote  and  the  inauguration  of  Lincoln. 
The  secessionists  controlled  both  Houses  and  could  have 
prevented  constitutional  proceeding  if  they  had  chosen 
to  do  so,  but  offered  no  interference.  Mr.  Seward 
always  claimed — and  he  had  an  excessive  degree  of  ad 
miration  for  his  own  acts — that  a  speech  which  he  made 
at  the  Astor  House  in  January  deceived  the  secession 
leaders  into  permitting  the  vote  to  be  canvassed  and 
Lincoln  inaugurated.  "  When  I  made  that  speech  the 
electoral  vote  was  not  counted,"  said  Mr.  Seward  with 
pride,  "  and  I  knew  it  never  would  be  if  Jeff  Davis 
believed  there  would  be  war.  I  had  to  deceive  Davis 
and  I  did  it.  That's  why  I  said  it  would  all  be  settled 
in  sixty  days." 

The  will  of  the  people  to  make  Abraham  Lincoln 
President  was  carried  into  effect  upon  February  13, 
1 86 1,  when  the  Congress  of  the  United  States  met  in 
joint  session  and  declared  him  duly  elected. 

Mr.  Seward  and  other  Republican  leaders  had  urged 
Lincoln  to  come  to  Washington  early  in  February,  but 
the  latter,  with  his  usual  judgment  and  common  sense, 
declined  to  depart  from  ordinary  usage,  and  politely 
explained  his  own  feeling  that  he  ought  not  to  appear  in 
Washington  until  he  had  been  formally  declared  Presi 
dent.  When  that  formality  had  been  completed,  he  bade 
his  old  friends  good-by  and  began  a  memorable  journey, 

166 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

taking  a  circuitous  route  in  order  to  gratify  the  people 
of  the  Northern  States,  who  wished  to  see  the  President 
elect,  and  gathered  at  every  station  through  which  he 
passed,  hoping  to  hear  his  voice  or  catch  a  glimpse  of 
his  face.  He  made  about  thirty  speeches  on  the  journey, 
and  every  time  he  spoke  it  was  to  stimulate  the  patriot 
ism  and  the  determination  of  the  people  to  preserve  the 
Union.  The  address  delivered  in  Independence  Hall, 
Philadelphia,  was  perhaps  the  most  notable,  as  it  was 
the  longest,  because  he  was  deeply  moved  by  the  date 
and  the  place,  for  it  was  Washington's  birthday. 
Among  other  things,  he  said. — 

"  All  the  political  sentiments  I  entertain  have  been 
drawn,  so  far  as  I  have  been  able  to  draw  them,  from 
the  sentiments  which  originated  in  and  were  given  to 
the  world  from  this  hall.  I  have  never  had  a  feeling, 
politically,  that  did  not  spring  from  the  sentiments  em 
bodied  in  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  It  was  that 
which  gave  promise  that  in  due  time  the  weight  would 
be  lifted  from  the  shoulders  of  all  men  and  that  all 
should  have  an  equal  chance.  Now,  my  friends,  can  this 
country  be  saved  on  that  basis?  If  it  can,  I  will  consider 
myself  one  of  the  happiest  men  in  the  world  if  I  can 
help  to  save  it.  If  it  cannot  be  saved  upon  that  principle, 
it  will  be  truly  awful.  But  if  this  country  cannot  be 
saved  without  giving  up  that  principle,  I  was  about  to 
say  I  would  rather  be  assassinated  on  this  spot  than  sur 
render  it.  Now,  in  my  view  of  the  present  aspect  of 
affairs,  there  is  no  need  of  bloodshed  and  war.  There  is 
no  necessity  for  it.  I  am  not  in  favor  of  such  a  course ; 
and  I  may  say  in  advance  that  there  will  be  no  bloodshed 
unless  it  be  forced  upon  the  government.  The  govern 
ment  will  not  use  force  unless  force  is  used  against  it. 

"  My  friends,  this  is  wholly  an  unprepared  speech, 
did  not  expect  to  be  called  upon  to  say  a  word  when  I 
came  here.    I  supposed  it  was  merely  to  do  something 
towards  rasing  a  flag— I  may,  therefore,  have  said  some- 

167 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

thing  indiscreet.  [Cries  of  'No!  no!']  But  I  have 
said  nothing  but  what  I  am  wiUing  to  live  by,  and,  if  it 
be  the  pleasure  of  Almighty  God,  to  die  by." 

The  manner  in  which  Lincoln  came  into  Washington 
has  been  the  subject  of  abundant  discussion  and  criti 
cism,  but  long  ago  the  public  mind  settled  down  to  a 
mature  opinion  that  he  did  exactly  right,  and  that  a 
President-elect  of  the  United  States,  particularly  at  such 
a  critical  juncture,  should  not  take  any  risks  or  omit 
any  precautions  for  his  personal  safety.  Lincoln  him 
self,  long  after,  declared  that  he  did  not  then  and  never 
did  believe  that  he  would  have  been  assassinated,  but 
always  thought  it  wise  to  run  no  risk  when  no  risk  was 
necessary.  Wisdom  justifies  such  a  rule,  while  the  tragic 
experience  of  the  American  people  has  left  no  doubt  of 
it.  The  facts  were  that  an  Italian  barber  named  Ferran- 
dini,  an  outspoken  secessionist  working  at  a  Baltimore 
hotel,  had  submitted  to  an  organization  of  Southern 
sympathizers  a  wild  plan  for  intimidating  the  Union 
people  of  Maryland  and  the  North,  which  included  the 
blowing  up  of  all  the  bridges  around  Washington,  the 
kidnapping  of  several  prominent  Republicans,  and  the 
assassination  of  Lincoln,  General  Scott,  and  Hamlin,  the 
President  and  Vice-President  elect.  This  would  leave 
the  capital  open  to  the  Southern  leaders,  throw  the  entire 
government  into  confusion,  and  prevent  interference 
from  the  North  with  any  revolutionary  plans  which 
Jefferson  Davis  might  be  contemplating. 

Just  how  much  encouragement  Ferrandini  received 
from  the  Southern  sympathizers  in  Baltimore  and  Wash 
ington  is  not  known,  but  he  was  the  captain  of  a  military 
company  whose  members  were  pledged  to  prevent  the 
inauguration  of  Lincoln  or  any  abolitionist  President. 
When  Allan  Pinkerton  learned  of  his  suggestions,  he 
reported  the  matter  at  once  to  Mr.  Felton,  President  of 
the  railroad  that  connected  Baltimore  with  Philadelphia. 
Mr.  Pinkerton's  disclosures  were  confirmed  by  detect- 

168 


Copyright,  1900,  by  McClure,  Phillips  &  Co. 


,  I9U 


From  a  photograph  by  Klauber,  Louisville,  Kentucky.     Reproduced 
by  special  permission  of  James  B.  Speed,  Esq. 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

ives  employed  by  Governor  Hicks,  of  Maryland,  and  the 
military  authorities  at  Washington,  although  neither 
knew  that  the  others  were  at  work  on  the  case.  After 
consultation  with  his  friends,  Lincoln  decided  not  to 
take  any  chances,  and  it  was  arranged  that,  after  the 
ceremonies  at  Harrisburg  were  concluded,  he  should 
return  to  Philadelphia  with  a  single  companion  and  take 
the  regular  midnight  train  to  Washington,  leaving  the 
rest  of  his  party  to  continue  in  the  special  train  accord 
ing  to  the  original  itinerary.  Lincoln  wore  no  disguise, 
no  deception  was  practised  upon  any  one,  and  the  only 
unusual  occurrence  that  night  was  the  disconnection  of 
the  telegraph  wires  just  outside  of  Philadelphia  and 
Harrisburg,  so  that,  in  case  the  change  of  plan  was  dis 
covered,  the  news  could  not  reach  Baltimore  until  Lin 
coln  had  passed  through  that  city.  Mr.  Seward  and 
Mr.  Washburne  were  the  only  persons  to  meet  the  Presi 
dent-elect  at  the  station,  and  they  had  been  advised  of 
his  coming  only  a  few  hours  before  by  Mr.  Seward's 
son,  who  had  come  by  a  previous  train  from  Harrisburg. 
The  week  before  the  inauguration  was  a  busy  one  for 
the  President-elect.  A  great  deal  of  his  time  was  occu 
pied  by  visits  of  ceremony  and  consultations  with  Re 
publican  leaders  about  the  composition  of  his  Cabinet, 
the  terms  of  his  inaugural,  and  the  policy  to  be  pursued 
by  the  new  administration.  March  4  Mr.  Buchanan 
escorted  him  from  the  Executive  Mansion  to  the  Capitol, 
where  the  oath  was  administered  to  him  by  Chief- Justice 
Taney,  and,  standing  upon  a  platform  at  the  east  por 
tico  of  the  unfinished  Capitol,  he  was  introduced  to  the 
multitude  by  his  old  friend,  Edward  D.  Baker,  while 
Stephen  A.  Douglas,  his  opponent  for  the  Presidency, 
stood  at  his  left  hand  and  held  his  hat.  The  public 
curiosity  to  see  the  President-elect  reached  its  climax 
as  he  made  his  appearance.  All  sorts  of  stories  had  been 
told  and  believed  about  his  personal  appearance.  His 
character  had  been  grossly  misrepresented  and  maligned 

169 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

in  both  sections  of  the  Union,  and  the  hysterical  condi 
tion  of  the  country  naturally  whetted  the  appetite  of 
men  of  all  parties  to  see  and  hear  the  man  who  was 
now  the  central  figure  of  the  republic.  The  tone  of 
moderation,  tenderness,  and  good-will  which  breathed 
through  his  inaugural  speech  made  a  profound  impres 
sion  in  his  favor,  while  his  voice  rang  out  over  the  acres 
of  people  before  him  with  surprising  distinctness,  and 
was  heard  in  the  remotest  parts  of  his  audience. 

No  inaugural  address  before  or  since  has  been 
awaited  with  so  much  anxiety  and  interest.  It  was  ex 
pected  that  in  this,  his  first  official  utterance,  the  new 
President  would  outline  the  policy  of  his  administration 
and  determine  whether  the  country  should  have  war  or 
peace.  Thousands  of  men  were  eager  for  an  intimation 
of  what  he  intended  to  say,  and  an  accurate  forecast  was 
worth  millions  of  dollars  to  the  stock  market;  but  not 
a  word  nor  a  thought  leaked  out.  The  document  was 
written  with  Lincoln's  own  hand  upon  the  backs  of 
envelopes  and  other  scraps  of  paper  from  time  to  time 
as  ideas  suggested  themselves  and  he  determined  what 
to  say,  and  finally,  as  the  time  of  his  departure  from 
Springfield  approached,  he  put  them  together  in  a  little 
bare  room  in  a  business  block  over  the  store  of  his 
brother-in-law,  where  he  was  accustomed  to  retire  when 
he  wanted  to  be  alone  or  had  to  do  writing  of  importance. 
Only  two  persons  knew  of  this  retreat. 

When  the  manuscript  was  finished  it  was  intrusted 
to  Mr.  William  H.  Bailhache,  editor  of  the  Illinois  State 
Journal,  who  put  it  in  type  himself,  assisted  by  a  veteran 
compositor,  also  an  old  friend  of  Lincoln.  After  taking 
a  dozen  proof-slips,  the  type  was  distributed.  Judge 
David  Davis  and  one  or  two  other  friends  read  it  in 
Springfield.  Oliver  H.  Browning  read  it  on  the  journey 
to  Washington,  and  upon  the  morning  of  his  arrival  at 
the  capital,  a  copy  was  handed  to  Mr.  Seward,  who 
spent  an  entire  Sunday  revising  it.  His  amendments 

170 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

and  suggestions  were  almost  as  voluminous  as  the  origi 
nal  document.  Lincoln  adopted  either  in  whole  or  in 
part  nearly  all  of  them,  except  where  they  affected  the 
style  or  changed  the  policy  indicated.  The  most  im 
portant  changes  made  were  to  modify  the  declaration  of 
his  intentions  to  recover  and  hold  the  fortifications  and 
property  which  had  been  seized  by  the  secessionists  and 
to  speak  of  the  exercise  of  power  in  that  direction  with 
some  ambiguity  and  a  hint  at  forbearance. 

During  all  his  life  at  the  White  House  Lincoln  took 
an  active  part  in  political  affairs.  He  never  forgot  that 
he  was  the  President  of  the  whole  country;  but  at  the 
same  time  he  considered  it  necessary  to  its  salvation  to 
establish  the  Republican  party  upon  a  firm  and  perma 
nent  basis,  and  for  that  purpose  a  more  complete  and 
thorough  organization  was  necessary.  He  knew  the 
value  of  an  organization  of  trained  politicians  and  of 
political  discipline  as  well  as  any  man  in  public  life.  He 
was  thoroughly  a  practical  politician  and  as  skilful  in 
execution  as  he  was  in  planning.  He  knew  how  to 
manipulate  men  and  direct  movements  as  well  as  Thur- 
low  Weed,  and  no  man  in  the  Cabinet  or  in  either  House 
of  Congress  was  more  adroit  in  accomplishing  his  pur 
poses.  He  never  failed  to  carry  through  Congress  any 
measure  that  he  considered  important;  he  never  failed 
to  obtain  the  confirmation  of  a  nominee.  He  used  the 
patronage  of  his  office  to  strengthen  the  Republican 
party  because  he  believed  it  essential  to  the  salvation  of 
his  country.  He  possessed  a  political  tact  so  subtle  and 
masterful  that  it  enabled  him  to  reconcile  rivalries  and 
enemies,  to  unite  conflicting  purposes,  and  to  bring  to 
his  support  men  of  implacable  hostility,  who  never 
realized  his  purpose  until  his  object  was  accomplished, 
and  then  it  was  such  as  they  almost  invariably  approved. 
He  was  candid  when  candor  was  necessary,  he  was 
mysterious  when  he  believed  it  wise  to  excite  curiosity, 
and  he  was  determined  and  often  arbitrary  with  men 

171 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

whom  he  thought  would  be  most  impressed  that  way. 
His  greatest  quality,  the  most  valuable  talent  he  pos 
sessed,  was  his  ability  to  fathom  the  human  heart,  to 
understand  its  weakness  and  its  strength,  so  that  he 
could  measure  the  influence  that  must  be  exerted  and 
the  methods  by  which  it  could  be  induced  to  assist  him 
in  his  direction  of  affairs. 

His  lowly  birth  and  early  experience  were  of  great 
advantage  to  him  in  understanding  human  nature,  and 
he  looked  to  the  great  masses  of  "  the  plain  people"  as 
well  as  to  the  Almighty  for  guidance,  and  had  full  faith 
in  their  honesty  and  capacity.  Before  he  acted  upon  any 
important  question  he  felt  the  public  pulse,  and  when 
he  thought  the  people  were  ready  he  acted,  and  not 
before.  While  he  was  a  great  leader,  a  shrewd  and 
deep  manipulator  of  public  opinion,  he  often  said,  in  his 
quaint  way,  that  it  was  possible  to  fool  a  part  of  the 
people  all  the  time,  and  all  of  the  people  part  of  the 
time ;  but  no  man  could  fool  all  the  people  all  the  time. 
With  his  great  common  sense,  he  endeavored  to  discover 
what  was  in  the  public  mind  and  how  the  public  con 
science  would  regard  certain  measures  proposed,  and 
waited  for  it  to  point  out  his  path  of  duty.  The  atmos 
phere  of  Washington  never  affected  him;  he  was  self- 
contained  and  indifferent  to  social  and  other  influences 
that  usually  exercise  much  force  upon  public  men. 

His  sympathies  were  tender,  and  his  desire  to  con 
tribute  to  the  happiness  of  every  one  made  it  difficult  for 
him  to  say  "  No ;"  but  this,  his  greatest  weakness,  was 
never  shown  in  the  direction  of  the  military  or  political 
policy  of  the  government.  On  the  contrary,  the  man 
who  would  violate  the  laws  of  war  and  imperil  the  dis 
cipline  of  an  army  by  pardoning  a  deserter  or  com 
muting  the  sentence  of  some  poor  wretch  who  was 
sentenced  to  be  shot  would  not  permit  delegations  of 
United  States  Senators  to  move  him  one  atom  from 
what  he  deemed  best  to  be  done.  He  carried  this  prin- 

172 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

ciple  into  his  appointments  to  office  also.  During  the 
Presidential  canvass  of  1864,  when  a  quarrel  between 
the  Weed  and  Fenton  factions  of  the  Republican  party 
endangered  the  ticket  in  New  York,  Lincoln  sent  for  the 
Senator.  What  occurred  we  do  not  know;  but  Mr. 
Fenton  started  immediately  for  New  York  with  Mr. 
Nicolay,  and  the  latter  returned  to  Washington  with 
the  resignation  of  Rufus  F.  Andrews,  a  friend  of  Mr. 
Fenton,  who  had  been  surveyor  of  the  port,  and  Abram 
Wakeman,  Mr.  Weed's  choice  for  the  office,  was  ap 
pointed  at  once.  From  that  time  forward  Mr.  Weed 
was  earnest  in  his  support  of  the  Republican  ticket. 
Senator  Fenton,  in  his  reminiscences,  says,  "  The  small 
majority  in  New  York  in  November,  less  than  7000  for 
the  Republican  ticket,  served  to  illustrate  Mr.  Lincoln's 
political  sagacity  and  tact.  He  was  always  a  politician 
as  well  as  a  statesman,  and  but  for  his  intervention 
at  that  time  the  electoral  vote  of  New  York  might  have 
been  cast  for  the  Democratic  candidate,  and  no  one  dare 
measure  the  effect  of  such  an  event  upon  the  war." 

President  Lincoln  never  hesitated  to  use  the  patronage 
of  the  government  for  political  purposes.  He  held  that 
the  government  of  the  United  States  is  a  political  organi 
zation,  and  that  the  political  opinions  of  those  intrusted 
with  its  administration  in  those  critical  days  were  of  as 
much  consequence  as  their  integrity  or  intelligence.  As 
a  consequence,  he  made  his  appointments  first  from 
among  those  whom  he  believed  would  give  him  the  most 
efficient  support  in  his  efforts  to  save  the  Union,  and 
second  to  those  who  believed  in  the  principles  and  the 
measures  of  the  party  with  which  he  was  identified.  He 
would  have  rejected  with  scorn  the  demands  of  the 
civil  service  reformers  of  the  present  day.  Public 
opinion  was  not  then  educated  up  to  the  existing  stand 
ard  of  political  morality.  At  the  same  time,  his  keen 
sense  of  justice  required  him  to  recognize  and  reward 
merit  and  efficiency  even  among  his  political  opponents. 

173 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

He  had  a  sly  way  of  stating  his  intentions,  and  he 
often  expressed  great  truths  in  an  odd  way.  Soon  after 
his  arrival  in  Washington  the  Massachusetts  delegation 
in  the  Peace  Congress  called  upon  him  to  recommend 
Salmon  P.  Chase  for  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  Lin 
coln  heard  them  respectfully,  and  then,  with  a  twinkle 
in  his  eye,  remarked, — 

"  Gentlemen,  of  course,  you  would  not  expect  me  to 
tell  you  who  is  going  to  be  in  the  Cabinet;  but,  from 
what  I  hear,  I  think  Mr.  Chase's  chances  are  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  for  any  other  man's  hundred  for  that 
place." 

One  day,  at  Cabinet  meeting,  Mr.  Chase  was  re 
proaching  himself  for  failing  to  write  a  letter  that  he 
had  intended  to  send  that  day,  when  Lincoln  observed, — 

"  Never  be  sorry  for  what  you  don't  write ;  it  is  the 
things  you  do  write  that  you  are  usually  sorry  for." 

The  President  enforced  political  discipline  among  the 
subordinates  of  the  government.  Representative  George 
W.  Julian,  of  Indiana,  relates  this  incident : 

"  After  my  nomination  for  re-election  in  the  year 
1864,  Mr.  Holloway,  who  was  holding  the  position  of 
Commissioner  of  Patents,  and  was  one  of  the  editors  of 
a  Republican  newspaper  in  my  district,  refused  to 
recognize  me  as  the  party  candidate,  and  kept  the  name 
of  my  defeated  competitor  standing  in  his  paper.  It 
threatened  discord  and  mischief,  and  I  went  to  the  Presi 
dent  with  these  facts,  and  on  the  strength  of  them  asked 
for  Mr.  Hollo  way's  removal  from  office. 

'  Your  nomination,'  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  is  as  binding 
on  Republicans  as  mine,  and  you  can  rest  assured  that 
Mr.  Holloway  shall  support  you,  openly  and  uncondi 
tionally,  or  lose  his  head.' 

''  This  was  entirely  satisfactory ;  but  after  waiting 
a  week  or  two  for  the  announcement  of  my  name,  I 
returned  to  the  President  with  the  information  that 
Mr.  Holloway  was  still  keeping  up  his  fight,  and  that 

174 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

I  had  come  to  ask  of  him  decisive  measures.  I  saw  in 
an  instant  that  his  ire  was  roused.  He  rang  the  bell  for 
his  messenger,  and  said  to  him  in  a  very  excited  and 
emphatic  way, — 

"  '  Tell  Mr.  Holloway  to  come  to  me !' 

"  The  messenger  hesitated,  looking  somewhat  sur 
prised  and  bewildered,  when  Mr.  Lincoln  said  in  a  tone 
still  more  emphatic, — 

"'  Tell  Mr.  Holloway  to  come  to  me!' 

"  It  was  perfectly  evident  that  the  business  would 
now  be  attended  to,  and  in  a  few  days  my  name  was 
duly  announced  and  the  work  of  party  insubordination 
ceased." 

The  late  Chief-Justice  Cartter,  of  the  District  of 
Columbia,  once  called  upon  Lincoln  with  a  party  of  poli 
ticians  to  secure  the  appointment  of  a  gentleman  who 
was  opposed  by  the  Senators  from  his  State.  Lincoln 
suggested  that  they  ought  to  get  the  Senators  on  their 
side.  They  replied  that,  owing  to  local  complications, 
such  a  thing  was  impossible.  Lincoln  retorted  that 
nothing  was  impossible  in  politics ;  that  the  peculiarities 
of  the  Senator  referred  to  were  well  known,  and  that 
by  the  use  of  a  little  tact  and  diplomacy  he  might  be 
brought  around,  in  which  case  there  would  be  no  doubt 
about  the  appointment.  To  clinch  his  argument  Lin 
coln  told  a  story  of  James  Quarles,  a  distinguished 
lawyer  of  Tennessee.  Quarles,  he  said,  was  trying  a 
case,  and  after  producing  his  evidence  rested;  where 
upon  the  defence  produced  a  witness  who  swore  Quarles 
completely  out  of  court,  and  a  verdict  was  rendered 
accordingly.  After  the  trial  one  of  his  friends  came 
to  him  and  said, — 

"  Why  didn't  you  get  that  feller  to  swar  on  your 
side?" 

"  I  didn't  know  anything  about  him,"  replied  Quarles. 

"  I  might  have  told  you  about  him,"  said  the  friend, 
"  for  he  would  swar  lor  you  jest  as  hard  as  he'd  swar 

175 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

for  the  other  side.  That's  his  business.  Judge,  that 
feller  take-*  in  swarrin'  for  a  living." 

Representative  John  B.  Alley,  of  Massachusetts,  who 
was  himself  famous  as  a  politician,  said,  "  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  a  thorough  and  most  adroit  politician  as  well  as 
statesman,  and  in  politics  always  adopted  the  means  to 
the  end,  fully  believing  that  in  vital  issues  '  success  was 
a  duty/  In  illustration  of  this  feeling  and  sentiment, 
I  need  only  refer  to  his  action  and  conduct  in  procuring 
the  passage  of  the  constitutional  amendment  abolishing 
slavery.  It  required  a  two-thirds  vote  of  Congress  to 
enable  the  amendments  to  the  Constitution  to  be  sent  to 
the  Legislatures  for  ratification,  and  there  were  two 
votes  lacking  to  make  two-thirds,  which  Lincoln  said 
'  must  be  procured/  Two  membei  s  of  the  House  were 
sent  for  and  Lincoln  said  that  those  two  votes  must  be 
procured.  When  asked  '  How  ?'  he  remarked, — 

" '  I  am  President  of  the  United  States,  clothed  with 
great  power.  The  abolition  of  slavery  by  constitutional 
provision  settles  the  fate,  for  all  coming  time,  not  only 
of  the  millions  now  in  bondage,  but  of  unborn  millions 
to  come — a  measure  of  such  importance  that  those  two 
votes  must  be  procured.  I  leave  it  to  you  to  determine 
how  it  shall  be  done ;  but  remember  that  I  am  President 
of  the  United  States,  clothed  with  immense  power,  and 
I  expect  you  to  procure  those  votes.' ' 

These  gentlemen  understood  the  significance  of  the 
remark.  The  votes  were  procured,  the  constitutional 
amendment  was  passed,  and  slavery  was  abolished  for 
ever. 

"  Senator  Sumner  and  myself,"  continued  Mr.  Alley, 
"  called  upon  him  one  morning  to  urge  the  appointment 
of  a  Massachusetts  man  to  be  a  secretary  of  legation, 
chiefly  upon  the  ground  of  his  superior  qualifications. 
But  Mr.  Lincoln  said,  emphatically,  '  No ;'  that  he 
should  give  the  place  to  an  applicant  from  another  State 
who  was  backed  by  strong  influence,  although  he 

176 


A   PRAIRIE   POLITICIAN 

acknowledged  that  he  did  not  think  him  fit  for  the  posi 
tion. 

"  We  were  naturally  indignant,  and  wished  to  know 
if  one  of  acknowledged  fitness  was  to  be  rejected  be 
cause  he  was  a  Massachusetts  man,  and  one  whom  he 
was  willing  to  say  was  not  fit  was  to  be  appointed. 
'  Yes,'  said  the  President,  '  that  is  just  the  reason,'  and 
facetiously  added,  '  I  suppose  you  two  Massachusetts 
gentlemen  think  that  your  State  could  furnish  suitable 
men  for  every  diplomatic  and  consulate  station  the 
government  has  to  fill.'  We  replied  that  we  thought  it 
could.  He  appeased  our  displeasure  by  saying  he 
thought  so  too,  and  that  he  considered  Massachusetts 
the  banner  State  of  the  Union,  and  admired  its  institu 
tions  and  people  so  much  that  he  sent  his  '  Bob/  meaning 
his  son  Robert,  to  Harvard  for  an  education." 

The  Presidential  campaign  of  1864  was  fought  on 
one  issue  only,  and  that  was  the  success  of  the  war, 
although  Lincoln,  in  his  annual  message  to  Congress  in 
the  December  following,  declared  that  "  No  candidate 
for  any  office  whatever,  high  or  low,  has  ventured  to 
seek  votes  on  the  avowal  that  he  was  for  giving  up  the 
Union."  Nevertheless,  the  Democrats  nominated  Mc- 
Clellan  and  attempted  to  discredit  the  patriotism  and 
the  ability  of  Lincoln.  Similar  attempts  were  made  in 
his  own  party  by  the  radical  antislavery  element  and  the 
friends  of  Secretary  Chase  and  numerous  disappointed 
contractors  and  politicians,  but  they  made  hardly  a  ripple 
upon  the  great  current  of  public  opinion  which  swept 
on  irresistible  to  the  Convention.  Lincoln  did  nothing 
to  promote  his  candidacy,  but  made  no  secret  of  his 
desire  for  a  re-election,  and  himself  suggested  the  most 
effective  argument  in  his  own  support  when  he  recalled 
the  homely  proverb  of  his  youth  that  "  It  is  bad  policy 
to  swap  horses  while  crossing  a  stream."  He  placed  no 
obstacles  in  the  way  of  Mr.  Chase,  and  when  warned 
that  General  Grant  might  aspire  to  the  Presidency,  re- 
12  177 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

plied,  "  If  he  takes  Richmond,  let  him  have  it."  He 
admonished  the  officials  of  the  administration  against 
too  much  activity  and  rebuked  them  for  opposing  his 
enemies.  He  made  no  speeches  of  importance  during 
the  campaign,  but  on  several  occasions  addressed  dele 
gations  which  visited  Washington,  appeared  at  sanitary 
fairs  for  the  benefit  of  sick  soldiers,  responded  to  sere 
nades,  and  whenever  custom  or  courtesy  required  him 
to  appear  in  public  he  did  so  without  reference  to  politi 
cal  results. 

In  August,  1864,  the  political  horizon  was  very  dark, 
and  the  President  himself,  who  was  always  the  most 
hopeful  and  confident  of  men,  almost  entirely  lost  heart. 
Having  convinced  himself  that  the  campaign  was  going 
against  him,  he  deliberately  laid  down  a  line  of  duty 
for  himself,  and  at  the  Cabinet  meeting  on  August  23  he 
requested  each  one  of  his  ministers  to  write  their  names 
upon  a  folded  sheet  of  paper  in  such  a  way  that  the 
seal  could  not  be  broken  without  mutilating  their  auto 
graphs.  He  made  no  explanation  of  its  contents  or  of 
his  reason  for  desiring  them  to  attest  it,  but  after  the 
election  it  was  disclosed  that  the  mysterious  paper  con 
tained  a  pledge  from  himself  and  his  administration 
loyally  to  accept  any  verdict  which  the  people  of  the 
country  might  pronounce  upon  their  efforts  to  save  the 
Union,  and  to  continue  their  labors  with  zealous  loyalty 
until  relieved  by  their  successors.  The  pledge  closed  as 
follows : 

'  This  morning,  as  for  some  days  past,  it  seems  ex 
ceedingly  probable  that  this  administration  will  not  be 
re-elected.  Then  it  will  be  my  duty  to  so  co-operate 
with  the  President-elect  as  to  save  the  Union  between 
the  election  and  the  inauguration,  as  he  will  have  secured 
the  election  on  such  ground  that  he  cannot  possibly  save 
it  afterwards." 


178 


V 

A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS    CABINET 

LINCOLN  tells  us  that  before  he  left  the  telegraph  office 
at  Springfield  on  the  night  of  the  election  in  November, 
1860,  he  had  practically  selected  his  Cabinet.  The  super 
intendent  of  the  telegraph  company  gave  him  a  room 
from  which  all  other  visitors  were  excluded,  and,  with 
no  company  but  two  operators,  he  read  the  reports  as 
they  came  in.  Between  times  he  had  plenty  of  oppor 
tunity  for  meditation,  and,  always  confident,  the  returns 
soon  convinced  him  of  his  election  and  his  mind  nat 
urally  turned  upon  the  next  important  act  for  him  to 
perform.  "  When  I  finally  left  that  room,"  he  said  after 
wards,  "  I  had  substantially  completed  the  framework 
of  my  Cabinet  as  it  now  exists." 

To  begin  with,  he  decided  to  offer  posts  of  honor  to 
those  who  had  been  his  rivals  for  the  Presidential  nomi 
nation, — Seward,  Chase,  Cameron,  and  Bates, — and  to 
fill  the  remaining  places  with  representatives  of  the 
various  elements  that  had  combined  to  form  the  Repub 
lican  party.  It  was  to  be  a  composite  Cabinet,  purely 
political,  including  no  intimate  friends,  no  personal  ad 
herents,  and  in  the  entire  list  there  was  not  one  with 
whom  he  ever  had  confidential  relations.  His  plan  seems 
to  have  been  to  combine,  as  one  of  his  secretaries  said, 
the  experience  of  Seward,  the  integrity  of  Chase,  the 
popularity  of  Cameron,  and  to  hold  the  West  with  Bates, 
attract  New  England  with  Welles,  please  the  Whigs 
through  Smith,  and  convince  the  Democrats  through 
Blair.  Lincoln  always  had  a  great  respect  for  names. 
No  one  had  studied  more  closely  the  careers  of  American 
politicans,  although  his  personal  acquaintances  outside 
of  his  own  State  were  limited,  and  he  was  more  familiar 

179 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

with  the  personal  qualifications  and  political  records  of 
the  gentlemen  he  had  chosen  than  were  they  with  his. 
Perhaps  he  overestimated  their  ability  and  the  value  of 
their  advice,  as  he  was  likely  to  do  because  of  his  own 
modesty  and  inexperience.  He  saw  distinctly  the  im 
pending  crisis,  and  felt  the  need  of  support  from  leaders 
of  experience,  ability,  and  influence,  as  well  as  popular 
sympathy.  But  at  the  same  time  the  combination  he 
selected  had  in  it  all  the  seeds  of  disaster  because  of 
personal  jealousy,  previous  political  rivalry,  and  the  in 
trigues  of  their  henchmen.  Yet  by  his  great  tact, 
patience,  and  strength  of  purpose  he  made  them  instru 
ments  of  his  will.  As  finally  chosen,  his  Cabinet  repre 
sented  every  faction  of  the  new  Republican  party  and 
the  ablest  representative  of  each  division  as  evenly  as 
an  odd  number  could.  When  reminded  that  he  had 
selected  four  Democrats  and  only  three  Whigs,  he 
promptly  replied  that  he  was  himself  a  Whig,  and  hoped 
that  he  should  often  be  at  Cabinet  meetings  to  make  the 
parties  even.  This  was  a  famous  jest  during  the  early 
part  of  the  administration. 

Although  he  had  decided  in  his  own  mind  upon  five  of 
seven  of  his  future  advisers  before  the  votes  that  elected 
him  were  counted,  he  treated  with  patience  and  courtesy 
the  crowds  of  politicians  that  came  from  different  parts 
of  the  country  to  advise  and  persuade  him  in  the  interest 
of  their  friends.  He  listened  attentively  to  all  that  his 
visitors  had  to  say  and  gave  their  suggestions*  careful 
reflection.  He  said  to  Thurlow  Weed  that  he  supposed 
the  latter  had  some  experience  in  cabinet-making,  and, 
as  he  had  never  learned  that  trade  himself,  he  was  dis 
posed  to  avail  himself  of  the  suggestions  of  friends. 
The  making  of  a  Cabinet,  he  added,  was  by  no  means 
as  easy  as  he  had  supposed,  partly,  he  believed,  because, 
while  the  population  had  increased,  great  men  were 
scarcer  than  they  used  to  be. 

He  was  extremely  anxious  to  get  two  Southerners  for 
180 


A   PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET 

the  Cabinet,  as  he  believed  that  such  an  act  might  go 
far  to  reconcile  the  loyal  people  of  that  section  to  his 
election  and  establish  him  in  their  confidence,  but  from 
the  beginning  he  saw  that  his  hopes  were  not  to  be 
realized.  In  order  to  draw  out  public  sentiment,  he 
wrote  a  brief  anonymous  editorial  for  the  Illinois  State 
Journal  on  the  subject,  in  which  he  asked  whether  it  was 
known  that  any  Southern  gentlemen  of  character  would 
accept  such  an  appointment,  and,  if  so,  on  what  terms 
would  they  surrender  their  political  differences  to  Mr. 
Lincoln  or  Mr.  Lincoln  to  them. 

"  There  are  men  in  Maryland,  Virginia,  North  Caro 
lina,  and  Tennessee,"  said  Thurlow  Weed,  "  for  whose 
loyalty  under  any  circumstances  and  in  any  event  I 
would  vouch." 

"  Let's  have  the  names  of  your  white  blackbirds,"  re 
plied  Lincoln,  and  Weed  gave  him  four,  Mr.  Seward 
suggested  several,  and  Mr.  Greeley  suggested  five.  Of 
all  the  gentlemen  named,  Lincoln  preferred  John  A. 
Gilmer,  of  North  Carolina,  with  whom  he  had  served  in 
Congress,  and  who  had  been  a  prominent  leader  of  the 
Whig  party  in  that  State.  He  invited  Gilmer  to  Spring 
field,  but  the  latter  would  not  come,  and  after  canvassing 
the  various  suggestions  which  were  made  him,  he  found 
that  he  must  limit  his  choice  to  the  border  States,  and 
selected  Edward  Bates,  of  Missouri,  and  Montgomery 
Blair,  of  Maryland. 

Mr.  Bates  was  an  able  lawyer  and  a  highly  respected 
and  popular  antislavery  Whig  from  a  slave  State.  He 
had  been  a  candidate  for  the  Presidential  nomination  at 
Chicago,  and  had  received  48  votes  out  of  465  cast  by 
delegates  from  Delaware,  Maryland,  Missouri,  Texas. 
Oregon,  Rhode  Island,  and  Connecticut.  Early  in  De 
cember  he  sent  word  to  Mr.  Bates  that  he  would  be 
in  St.  Louis  the  next  day  to  consult  him  about  matters 
of  importance ;  but  Mr.  Bates  would  not  permit  him  to 
make  the  journey,  and  started  at  once  for  Springfield, 

181 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

They  had  been  acquainted  for  several  years  and  were 
very  good  friends,  and  after  cordial  greetings,  Lincoln 
explained  that  he  would  like  to  have  Mr.  Bates  accept 
the  post  of  Attorney-General  in  his  Cabinet,  for  which 
the  latter  was  in  every  way  qualified,  and  which  he 
would  find  congenial.  Mr.  Bates  accepted,  and  the  next 
day  the  announcement  was  given  to  the  newspapers  for 
the  purpose  of  quieting  the  demands  of  the  conservative 
Republicans  and  antislavery  Whigs  in  the  border  States 
for  recognition. 

A  few  days  later  he  offered  a  Cabinet  position  to  Caleb 
B.  Smith,  of  Indiana,  without  assigning  him  to  any 
particular  portfolio.  This  was  done  to  relieve  him  from 
the  pressure  that  was  being  brought  by  Schuyler  Col  fax, 
whose  friends  were  exceedingly  persistent.  Mr.  Colfax 
was  very  much  disappointed,  and  attributed  his  failure 
to  obtain  the  appointment  to  Lincoln's  resentment 
towards  him  because  he  had  favored  the  re-election  of 
Douglas  to  the  United  States  Senate  in  1858.  Lincoln 
was  not  aware  of  this  supposition  until  after  he  had 
entered  upon  his  duties  as  President,  when  he  showed 
his  candor  and  good-nature  by  writing  a  friendly  letter 
to  Mr.  Colfax  explaining  that  "  a  tender  of  the  appoint 
ment  was  not  withheld  in  any  part  because  of  anything 
that  happened  in  1858.  Indeed,  I  should  have  decided 
as  I  did,  easier  than  I  did,  had  that  matter  never  existed. 
I  had  partly  made  up  my  mind  in  favor  of  Mr.  Smith — 
not  conclusively,  of  course — before  your  name  was  men 
tioned  in  that  connection.  When  you  were  brought  for 
ward  I  said,  '  Colfax  is  a  young  man  already  in  a  posi 
tion,  is  running  a  brilliant  career,  and  is  sure  of  a  bright 
future  in  any  event.  With  Smith  it  is  now  or  never/ 
I  now  have  to  beg  that  you  will  not  do  me  the  injustice 
to  suppose  for  a  moment  that  I  remember  anything 
against  you  in  malice." 

Mr.  Smith  did  not  remain  in  the  Cabinet  a  great 
while,  however.  The  duties  of  Secretary  of  the  Interior 

182 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

were  arduous  and  uncongenial,  and  he  retired  in  De 
cember,  1862,  at  his  own  request,  to  accept  an  appoint 
ment  to  the  United  States  District  bench.  He  was  suc 
ceeded  by  John  P.  Usher,  also  of  Indiana,  who  continued 
in  office  until  after  the  inauguration  of  Johnson,  although 
he  tendered  his  resignation  early  in  1865  to  relieve 
President  Lincoln  from  the  criticism  of  having  two 
members  of  his  Cabinet  from  Indiana,  Hugh  McCulloch 
having  been  appointed  Secretary  of  the  Treasury.  The 
President  was  reluctant  to  let  Mr.  Usher  go,  but  ac 
cepted  his  resignation,  and,  for  some  reason  never  ex 
plained,  fixed  May  15,  1865,  as  the  day  when  it  should 
take  effect.  When  that  day  arrived  Lincoln  had  no 
further  need  of  his  services. 

Mr.  Bates  proved  a  strong  supporter  of  the  war.  He 
was  a  man  of  determination  and  belligerent  disposition, 
notwithstanding  his  conservative  education;  and 
although  he  came  from  a  slave  State,  he  was  one  of 
the  most  radical  of  the  President's  advisers  whenever 
the  slavery  question  came  up.  When  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation  was  first  proposed,  Mr.  Bates  and  Mr. 
Stanton  were  the  only  members  of  the  Cabinet  who  gave 
it  their  unreserved  approval,  while  Mr.  Chase,  who  came 
nearer  to  being  the  representative  of  the  abolition  faction 
than  any  other  member,  and  Mr.  Seward,  who  was  sup 
posed  to  be  the  most  radical  of  Republicans,  were  op 
posed  to  it. 

Among  Mr.  Stanton's  papers  is  a  curious  memoran 
dum  which  throws  a  search-light  upon  his  position  and 
that  of  some  of  his  colleagues. 

"Tuesday,  July  22. 
"  The  President  proposes  to  issue  an  order  declaring 

free  all  slaves  in  States  in  rebellion  on  the  day 

of . 

"  The  Attorney-General  and  Stanton  are  for  its  imme 
diate  promulgation. 

183 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  Seward  against  it ;  argues  strongly  in  favor  of  cot 
ton  and  foreign  governments. 

"  Chase  silent. 

"  Welles— 

"  Seward  argues — That  foreign  nations  will  intervene 
to  prevent  the  abolition  of  slavery  for  sake  of  cotton. 
Argues  in  a  long  speech  against  its  immediate  promul 
gation.  Wants  to  wait  for  troops.  Wants  Halleck  here. 
Wants  drum  and  fife  and  public  spirit.  We  break  up 
our  relations  with  foreign  nations  and  the  production  of 
cotton  for  sixty  years. 

"  Chase  thinks  it  a  measure  of  great  danger,  and 
would  lead  to  universal  emancipation. — The  measure 
goes  beyond  anything  I  have  recommended." 

However,  before  1864  Mr.  Bates  grew  weary  of  his 
official  labors  and  expressed  to  the  President  his  desire 
to  retire.  He  was  offered  a  vacant  judgeship  in  Mis 
souri,  but  declined  it  on  the  ground  that  he  could  not 
work  in  harmony  with  the  radicals  who  were  in  control 
of  politics  there.  When  he  retired  the  Cabinet  was  left 
without  a  Southern  member. 

A  few  days  before  the  meeting  of  the  Supreme  Court, 
in  December,  1864,  Lincoln  sent  for  Titian  J.  Coffey, 
the  Assistant  Attorney-General,  and  said, — 

"  My  Cabinet  has  shrunk  up  North,  and  I  must  find  a 
Southern  man.  I  suppose  if  the  twelve  apostles  were 
to  be  chosen  nowadays  the  shrieks  of  locality  would 
have  to  be  heeded.  I  have  invited  Judge  Holt  to  become 
Attorney-General,  but  he  seems  unwilling  to  undertake 
the  Supreme  Court  work.  I  want  you  to  see  him,  re 
move  his  objection  if  you  can,  and  bring  me  his  answer." 

"  I  then  had  charge  of  the  government  cases  in  the 
Supreme  Court,  and  they  were  all  ready  for  argument," 
said  Mr.  Coffey.  "I  saw  Judge  Holt,  explained  the 
situation,  and  assured  him  that  he  need  not  appear  in 
court  unless  he  chose  to  do  so.  He  had,  however, 

184 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

decided  to  decline  the  invitation,  and  I  returned  to  the 
President  and  so  informed  him. 

"  '  Then/  said  the  President,  '  I  will  offer  it  to  James 
Speed,  of  Louisville,  a  man  I  know  well,  though  not  so 
well  as  I  know  his  brother  Joshua.  I  slept  with  Joshua 
for  four  years,  and  I  suppose  I  ought  to  know  him  well. 
But  James  is  an  honest  man  and  a  gentleman,  and  if  he 
comes  here  you  will  find  he  is  one  of  those  well-poised 
men,  not  too  common  here,  who  are  not  spoiled  by  a 
big  office/  " 

Mr.  Speed  accepted  the  appointment  and  served  until 
after  the  assassination. 

The  relations  between  several  of  the  members  of  Lin 
coln's  Cabinet  were  from  the  beginning  to  the  end  un 
friendly,  and  no  President  without  the  tact,  patience, 
and  forbearance  of  Lincoln  could  have  controlled  them. 
He  treated  them  all  with  unvarying  kindness,  and 
although  he  never  disclosed  any  desire  or  intention  to 
dominate,  and,  in  fact,  invariably  yielded  on  matters  of 
little  importance,  he  was  always  their  master,  and  on 
matters  of  great  importance  they  were  compelled  to  sub 
mit  to  his  will.  It  is  the  highest  testimony  to  their  con 
fidence  in  him  that  even  those  who  had  retired  at  his 
wish  never  afterwards  failed  to  show  him  respect  and 
even  affection,  and  none  of  them  ever  retired  from  his 
post  from  feelings  of  dissatisfaction  with  the  orders  or 
the  treatment  he  received  from  him. 

During  the  early  days  of  his  administration  he  had  a 
higher  opinion  of  his  advisers  than  they  had  of  him, 
which  was  because  they  did  not  yet  know  one  another. 
He  recognized  them  as  men  who  had  made  honorable 
records  in  the  United  States  Senate  and  in  other  eminent 
positions,  while  they  regarded  him  as  an  ordinary 
frontier  lawyer,  without  experience,  and  the  struggle  for 
ascendancy  and  control  puzzled  a  good  many  people 
from  time  to  time.  Mr.  Seward  was  looked  upon  as  the 
chief  pillar  of  the  temple  for  many  months,  Mr.  Stan 
ds 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

ton's  iron  will  was  constantly  felt  by  the  public,  Mr. 
Chase  was  regarded  as  an  eminent  statesman;  but  in 
all  the  critical  issues  of  the  war  the  uncouth  Western 
lawyer,  without  experience  in  statecraft  or  executive  ad 
ministration,  unused  to  power,  asserted  and  maintained 
his  official  supremacy,  and  every  member  of  his  Cabinet 
yielded  implicit  obedience.  They  recognized  his  unsel 
fish  purpose,  his  purity  of  character,  his  keen  perception, 
his  foresight,  and  his  common  sense,  and  were  usually 
willing  to  accept  his  judgment.  While  others  fretted 
and  became  confused  in  the  emergencies  that  over 
whelmed  them,  Lincoln  was  never  liable  to  excitement 
or  impulsive  action. 

At  the  beginning  of  his  administration  the  entire  or 
ganization  of  the  government  was  in  a  chaotic  state. 
The  Buchanan  administration  had  filled  the  offices  with 
Democrats  and  Southern  sympathizers,  who  resigned 
immediately  after  Lincoln's  inauguration  and  left  their 
affairs  in  utter  confusion.  Their  places  had  to  be  filled 
with  untrained  men  who  did  not  understand  their  duties 
and  had  not  been  accustomed  to  official  labor  or  disci 
pline.  It  would  have  been  remarkable  if  they  had  con 
ducted  the  routine  work  without  friction,  but  the 
urgency  and  the  magnitude  of  the  responsibility  and 
labor  that  were  thrown  upon  them  was  more  than  a 
trained  corps  of  officials  could  have  executed  without 
confusion  and  delay.  The  President  was  probably  the 
only  man  connected  with  the  government  that  did  not 
lose  his  self-control.  During  all  that  most  trying  period, 
as  was  the  case  throughout  his  life,  he  was  composed, 
serene,  and  confident.  Oftentimes,  when  subordinate 
officials  and  outsiders  came  to  him  raging  with  indigna 
tion,  he  heard  them  with  patience,  replied  with  a  jest 
on  his  lips,  and  quieted  their  nerves  by  talking  of  com 
monplace  matters.  His  Cabinet  officers  were  often  fret 
ful,  and  there  was  continual  friction  between  the  several 
departments.  Several  times  it  almost  reached  the  break- 

186 


MONTGOMERY    BLAIR,    POSTMASTER-GENERAL 
From  a  photograph  by  Brady 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

ing-point.  But  Lincoln  soothed  and  satisfied  all  parties 
without  taking  the  side  of  either. 

Montgomery  Blair,  of  Maryland,  was  not  only  a  rep 
resentative  of  the  border  State  aristocracy,  but  belonged 
to  one  of  the  most  prominent  Democratic  families  in 
the  country,  was  one  of  the  founders  of  the  Republican 
party,  and  was  first  known  to  Lincoln  as  the  attorney 
who  argued  Dred  Scott's  case  in  the  Supreme  Court. 
He  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point  Military  Academy, 
had  several  years  of  military  training  in  Indian  cam 
paigns,  had  studied  law,  and  was  appointed  a  judge  of 
the  Court  of  Common  Pleas  when  he  was  a  very  young 
man.  President  Buchanan  made  him  solicitor  of  the 
Court  of  Claims,  but  removed  him  because  of  his  oppo 
sition  to  the  repeal  of  the  Missouri  Compromise.  This 
made  a  Republican  of  Blair,  and,  with  the  exception  of 
his  brother  Francis  P.  Blair,  of  Missouri,  and  Cassius 
M.  Clay,  of  Kentucky,  he  was  the  most  conspicuous  anti- 
slavery  man  in  all  the  Southern  States. 

Blair  could  not  be  appointed  to  the  Cabinet  without 
a  bitter  controversy.  He  was  opposed  by  Henry  Winter 
Davis,  one  of  the  most  able  and  brilliant  young  Whigs 
in  the  House  of  Representatives,  and  by  other  partisans 
in  Maryland,  who  fought  so  hard  and  so  persistently  as 
to  involve  several  of  the  leading  Whigs  of  the  country 
on  his  side,  while  the  former  Democrats  in  the  Repub 
lican  party  rallied  to  the  support  of  Blair.  Davis  had 
the  powerful  sympathy  of  Seward  and  Chase,  Benjamin 
F.  Wade,  and  other  prominent  abolitionists,  and  it  be 
came  no  longer  a  matter  of  personal  rivalry  between 
Blair  and  Davis,  but  a  struggle  for  supremacy  between 
the  Whigs  and  the  Democrats  for  the  control  of  the  ad 
ministration.  During  the  few  days  before  the  inaugu 
ration  it  seemed  as  if  the  Republican  party  would  be 
split  in  twain,  or  at  least  that  the  entire  Cabinet  slate 
would  be  destroyed  if  either  Blair  or  Davis  received  an 
appointment.  Lincoln  seemed  to  be  the  only  man  in 

187 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Washington  who  was  not  involved  in  the  controversy. 
He  watched  the  situation  with  keen  eyes,  however,  and 
was  alert  for  every  event  or  incident  that  might  have  a 
serious  effect  upon  his  administration ;  but  his  mind  was 
made  up,  and  when  Norman  B.  Judd  came  bursting  into 
his  bedroom  at  Willard's  Hotel  on  the  night  of  March 
3,  to  inquire  in  great  excitement  if  he  had  decided  to 
nominate  Davis  instead  of  Blair,  Lincoln  replied  calmly 
but  with  emphasis, — 

"  When  that  slate  breaks  again  it  will  break  at  the 
top." 

Mr.  Blair  was  a  loyal  and  useful  member  of  the  Cab 
inet,  and  from  the  beginning  was  in  favor  of  prompt  and 
energetic  measures  against  the  secessionists.  He  had 
been  a  Democrat  of  the  Jackson  type,  and  urged  Lincoln 
to  adopt  Jackson's  vigorous  policy  against  nullification. 
It  might  have  been  wiser  and  better  for  the  country,  it 
might  Have  saved  lives  and  money,  sorrow  and  tears,  if 
his  advice  had  been  adopted.  He  understood  the  South 
better  than  Seward  or  Chase  or  any  other  member  of 
the  Cabinet ;  but  conditions  would  not  permit  the  adop 
tion  of  his  energetic  policy,  and  he  became  very  rest 
less.  His  temper  and  his  character  were  revealed  in 
a  memorandum  which  he  submitted  with  his  colleagues 
at  the  request  of  Lincoln,  concerning  setting  forth  his 
views  of  the  course  that  should  be  pursued. 

Mr.  Blair  wrote, — 

"  First.  As  regards  General  Scott,  I  have  no  confidence 
in  his  judgment  on  the  questions  of  the  day.  His  politi 
cal  views  control  his  judgment,  and  his  course,  as  re 
marked  on  by  the  President,  shows  that  whilst  no  one 
will  question  his  patriotism,  the  results  are  the  same  as 
if  he  were  in  fact  traitorous. 

"  Second.  It  is  acknowledged  to  be  possible  to  relieve 
Fort  Sumter.  It  ought  to  be  relieved  without  reference 
to  Pickens  or  any  other  possession.  South  Carolina  is 

188 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

the  head  and  front  of  this  rebellion,  and  when  that  State 
is  safely  delivered  from  the  authority  of  the  United 
States  it  will  strike  a  blow  against  our  authority,  from 
which  it  will  take  us  years  of  bloody  strife  to  recover." 

He  opposed  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  on  the 
ground  of  policy,  and  made  an  earnest  effort  to  convince 
Lincoln  that  it  was  a  mistake  to  take  such  radical  action 
at  that  particular  junction.  He  had  been  an  emancipa 
tionist  for  years,  the  principle  of  the  measure  he  ap 
proved,  but  he  thought  the  time  was  inopportune,  be 
cause  he  feared  that  it  would  drive  the  border  States 
over  to  the  Confederacy.  * 

Mr.  Blair  was  constantly  coming  irto  collision  with 
Mr.  Stanton.  Like  two  flints,  they  struck  fire  whenever 
they  met,  and  often  engaged  in  acrimonious  discussions 
at  Cabinet  meetings  over  actual  or  fancied  grievances  on 
the  part  of  Mr.  Blair,  who  felt  that  Mr.  Stanton  was 
continually  interfering  with  his  prerogatives.  Mr.  Blair's 
enmity  to  Mr.  Seward  was  equally  strong  and  often  de 
veloped  in  an  embarrassing  manner,  while  the  hostility 
between  Mr.  Chase  and  himself  was  concealed  under 
the  thinnest  veneer  of  politeness. 

In  the  summer  of  1864  Mr.  Blair  desired  to  have 
certain  orders  issued  relating  to  the  postal  service  within 
the  lines  of  the  army.  A  draft  of  the  proposed  orders 
was  made,  but  Mr.  Stanton  declined  to  issue  them.  Gen 
eral  Markland,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  army  mails, 
says,  "  When  I  returned  to  Mr.  Blair  with  the  informa 
tion  that  the  orders  would  not  be  issued  by  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  he  said,  '  We  will  see/  and  wrote  a  letter 
to  Mr.  Lincoln,  which  he  gave  to  me  to  deliver  with  the 
accompanying  papers.  When  I  delivered  the  letter,  Mr. 
Lincoln  read  it  carefully  and  handed  it  back  to  me,  say 
ing,— 

"  '  What  is  the  matter  between  Blair  and  Stanton?' 

"  I  told  him  all  I  knew  in  reference  to  the  proposed 
189 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

orders.  He  then  said,  '  If  I  understand  the  case,  Gen 
eral  Grant  wants  the  orders  issued,  and  Blair  wants 
them  issued,  and  you  want  them  issued,  and  Stanton 
won't  issue  them.  Now,  don't  you  see  what  kind  of  a 
fix  I  will  be  in  if  I  interfere?  I'll  tell  you  what  to  do. 
If  you  and  General  Grant  understand  one  another,  sup 
pose  you  try  to  get  along  without  the  orders,  and  if 
Blair  or  Stanton  makes  a  fuss,  I  may  be  called  in  as  a 
reference,  and  I  may  decide  in  your  favor.'  The  orders 
were  never  issued,  and  pleasant  relations  were  main 
tained  on  that  score  all  around." 

Mr.  Blair  was  not  popular  with  the  Union  people 
of  the  North.  The  public  distrust  is  strikingly  illus 
trated  by  the  following  anecdote  from  the  reminiscences 
of  Henry  Ward  Beecher :  "  There  was  some  talk,  early 
in  1864,  of  a  sort  of  compromise  with  the  South. 
Blair  had  told  the  President  he  was  satisfied  that  if 
he  could  be  put  in  communication  with  some  of  the 
leading  men  of  the  South  in  some  way  or  other,  that 
some  benefit  would  accrue.  Lincoln  had  sent  a  delega 
tion  to  meet  Alexander  Stephens,  and  that  was  all  the 
North  knew.  We  were  all  very  much  excited  over  that. 
The  war  lasted  so  long,  and  I  was  afraid  Lincoln  would 
be  so  anxious  for  peace,  and  I  was  afraid  he  would 
accept  something  that  would  be  of  advantage  to  trie 
South,  so  I  went  to  Washington  and  called  upon  him. 
I  said  to  him,  '  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  come  to  you  to  know 
whether  the  public  interest  will  permit  you  to  explain  to 
me  what  this  Southern  commission  means  ?  I  am  in  an 
embarrassing  position  as  editor  and  do  not  want  to  step 
in  the  dark.'  Well,  he  listened  very  patiently,  and  looked 
up  to  the  ceiling  for  a  few  moments,  and  said,  '  Well,  I 
am  almost  of  a  mind  to  show  you  all  the  documents/ 

'  Well,  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  should  like  to  see  them  if  it  is 
proper.'  He  went  to  his  little  secretary  and  came  out 
and  handed  me  a  little  card  as  long  as  my  finger  and 
an  inch  wide,  and  on  that  was  written, — 

190 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

" '  You  will  pass  the  bearer  through  the  lines'  [or 
something  to  that  effect]. 

" '  A.  LINCOLN/ 

" '  There,'  he  said,  '  is  all  there  is  of  it.  Now,  Blair 
thinks  something  can  be  done,  but  I  don't;  but  I  have 
no  objection  to  have  him  try  his  hand.  He  has  no 
authority  whatever  but  to  go  and  see  what  he  can  do.' ' 

The  President  was  continually  receiving  letters,  reso 
lutions,  and  even  delegations  demanding  the  removal  of 
his  Postmaster-General,  and  Mr.  Blair  did  not  improve 
the  situation  by  his  own  conduct.  He  continued  to  write 
letters  and  make  speeches,  and  indulged  in  caustic  and 
sometimes  cruel  criticism  of  his  colleagues  and  the  Re 
publican  leaders  in  Washington  until  the  situation  be 
came  so  strained  that  the  President  was  compelled  to 
ask  his  resignation.  Before  this  was  done,  however,  a 
little  incident  occurred  which  forcibly  illustrates  the 
President's  patience,  dignity,  and  at  the  same  time  his 
determination.  The  incident  is  probably  without  parallel 
in  the  history  of  the  government. 

General  Halleck,  in  command  of  the  army,  called  the 
attention  of  the  Secretary  of  War  to  a  speech  made  by 
Mr.  Blair  just  after  General  Early 's  raid  upon  Wash 
ington  and  the  destruction  of  Mr.  Blair's  property  over 
the  District  border  in  Maryland,  in  which  the  army  and 
its  commander  were  denounced  for  cowardice  and  ineffi 
ciency.  General  Halleck  declared  that  if  the  charge  was 
true  the  names  of  the  officers  should  be  stricken  from 
the  rolls  of  the  army.  If  it  were  not  true,  he  said,  the 
slanderer  should  be  dismissed  from  the  Cabinet. 

Secretary  Stanton  handed  the  letter  to  the  President 
without  comment,  whereupon  Lincoln  replied  to  General 
Halleck: 

"  Whether  the  remarks  were  really  made  I  do  not 
know,  nor  do  I  suppose  such  knowledge  is  necessary  to 
a  correct  response.  If  they  were  made,  I  do  not  ap- 

191 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

prove  them ;  and  yet,  under  the  circumstances,  I  would 
not  dismiss  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  therefor.  I  do  not 
consider  what  may  have  been  hastily  said  in  a  moment 
of  vexation  at  so  severe  a  loss  is  sufficient  ground  for 
so  grave  a  step.  Besides  this,  truth  is  generally  the 
best  vindication  against  slander.  I  propose  continuing 
to  be  myself  the  judge  as  to  when  a  member  of  the 
Cabinet  shall  be  dismissed." 

Not  satisfied  with  this,  the  President,  when  the  Cab 
inet  came  together,  read  them  this  impressive  little 
lecture : 

"  I  must  myself  be  the  judge  how  long  to  retain  and 
when  to  remove  any  of  you  from  his  position.  It  would 
greatly  pain  me  to  discover  any  of  you  endeavoring  to 
procure  another's  removal,  or  in  any  way  to  prejudice 
him  before  the  public.  Such  endeavor  would  be  a  wrong 
to  me,  and,  much  worse,  a  wrong  to  the  country.  My 
wish  is  that  on  this  subject  no  remark  be  made  or  ques 
tion  asked  by  any  of  you,  here  or  elsewhere,  now  or 
hereafter." 

This  occurred  in  July,  but  Mr.  Blair  continued  to 
exasperate  every  person  with  whom  he  came  in  con 
tact.  He  accused  Seward,  Stanton,  and  Chase  of  a  con 
spiracy  to  break  down  the  administration,  and  wearied 
the  President  with  his  suspicions  of  the  motives  and 
actions  of  all  the  leading  Republicans  of  the  country, 
until  Lincoln  finally  wrote  him  a  kindly  letter,  saying, 
"  You  have  generously  said  to  me  more  than  once  that 
whenever  your  resignation  could  be  a  relief  to  me  it 
was  at  my  disposal.  The  time  has  come.  You  know 
very  well  that  this  proceeds  from  no  dissatisfaction  of 
mine  with  you  personally  or  officially.  Your  uniform 
kindness  has  been  unsurpassed  by  that  of  any  other 
friend." 

Mr.  Blair's  loyalty  to  Lincoln  and  the  Union  was  in 
no  way  affected  by  his  dismissal.  He  immediately  took 
the  stump  in  behalf  of  Lincoln's  re-election  and  his  per- 

192 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

sonal  fidelity  and  friendship  were  never  shaken.  Lin 
coln  offered  him  the  choice  between  the  Austrian  and 
Spanish  missions,  but  he  declined  the  honor  with  thanks. 

Mr.  Blair's  successor  was  William  Dennison,  of  Ohio, 
a  man  of  the  highest  character,  who  had  been  Governor 
of  that  State  at  the  outbreak  of  the  war,  and  had  sus 
tained  the  administration  at  Washington  with  great 
ability  and  loyalty.  He  was  a  man  of  fine  presence, 
winning  manners,  and  amiable  disposition,  wise  in  coun 
sel,  and  energetic  in  action. 

Simon  Cameron,  of  Pennsylvania,  was  a  candidate  for 
the  Presidential  nomination  at  Chicago  and  received 
fifty  votes.  His  friends  reached  some  sort  of  an  under 
standing  with  David  Davis,  who  was  looked  upon  as 
Lincoln's  personal  representative  at  the  Convention, 
under  which  they  transferred  their  votes  to  the  latter, 
although  it  was  distinctly  understood  that  Davis  had  no 
authority  to  make  pledges  or  promises  and  could  only 
recommend  to  Lincoln  that  Mr.  Cameron  be  recognized 
in  as  honorable  and  notable  a  manner  as  possible.  It 
was,  however,  perfectly  natural  for  the  President  to 
select  a  member  of  his  official  family  from  a  State  of 
such  importance  as  Pennsylvania,  and  Mr.  Cameron  was 
recognized  as  the  representative  of  the  protective  tariff 
element  in  the  Republican  party.  Hence,  after  a  "  bal 
ancing  of  matters,"  as  he  called  it,  he  invited  Mr.  Cam 
eron  to  Springfield  during  the  holidays  in  1860,  had  a 
frank  talk  with  him,  and  tendered  him  a  seat  in  the 
Cabinet  either  as  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  or  Secre 
tary  of  War,  "  which  of  the  two  I  have  not  yet  definitely 
decided." 

There  was  a  volcanic  eruption  in  Pennsylvania  after 
the  announcement,  and  bitter  hostility  was  immediately 
developed  among  the  members  of  Mr.  Cameron's  own 
party,  headed  by  the  newly  elected  Governor  and  chair 
man  of  the  Republican  State  Committee,  who  protested 
against  his  appointment,  and  claimed  the  right  to  be 

'   13  !93 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

consulted  if  a  member  of  the  Cabinet  was  to  be  selected 
from  their  State.  Being  a  strict  party  man,  the  Presi 
dent  recognized  their  claim,  and  therefore  wrote  a  polite 
and  friendly  note  to  Mr.  Cameron,  explaining  that  it  was 
impossible  to  take  him  into  the  Cabinet  under  the  cir 
cumstances,  and  suggesting  that  he  decline  the  appoint 
ment.  "  Better  do  this  at  once,"  he  wrote,  "  before 
things  change  so  that  you  cannot  honorably  decline  and 
I  be  compelled  to  openly  recall  the  tender.  No  person 
living  knows  or  has  an  intimation  that  I  write  this 
letter."  This,  of  itself,  is  sufficient  answer  to  the  fre 
quent  charge  that  there  was  a  corrupt  bargain  at  Chicago 
between  Lincoln  and  Cameron. 

As  might  be  expected,  Mr.  Cameron  was  deeply  disap 
pointed,  and  sent  a  friend  to  Springfield  to  demand  a 
further  explanation  of  the  President-elect.  Whereupon 
Lincoln  wrote  a  conciliatory  reply,  expressing  regret 
that  Mr.  Cameron's  feelings  were  wounded  by  the  toi.e 
of  his  letter,  and  saying  that  it  had  been  written  "  under 
great  anxiety,  and  perhaps  I  was  not  so  guarded  in  its 
terms  as  I  should  have  been.  My' great  object  was  to 
have  you  act  quickly,  if  possible,  before  the  matter  should 
be  complicated  with  the  Pennsylvania  Senatorial  elec 
tion.  Destroy  the  offensive  letter  or  return  it  to  me. 
I  say  to  you  now  that  I  have  not  doubted  that  you 
would  perform  the  duties  of  a  department  ably  and 
faithfully.  Nor  have  I  for  a  moment  intended  to  ostra 
cize  your  friends.  If  I  should  make  a  Cabinet  appoint 
ment  for  Penn.  before  I  reach  Washington,  I  will  not 
do  so  without  consulting  you  and  giving  all  the  weight 
to  your  views  and  wishes  which  I  consistently  can.  This 
I  have  always  intended." 

This  was  purely  personal,  and  attached  to  it  was  a 
letter  in  more  formal  language  which  Mr.  Cameron  was 
authorized  to  show  to  his  friends.  In  it  Lincoln  stated 
that  Mr.  Cameron  came  to  Springfield  by  his  invitation 
and  not  upon  any  suggestion  of  his  own;  that  he  had 

194 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

been  offered  an  appointment  in  the  Cabinet,  but  that 
complications  had  arisen  which  made  it  necessary  to 
recall  the  offer. 

In  this  way  Mr.  Cameron  was  "  let  down  easy,"  and 
while  he  did  not  conceal  his  disappointment  and  chagrin, 
he  kept  his  temper  and  conducted  himself  in  so  dignified 
a  manner  that  Lincoln  was  greatly  impressed.  Cam 
eron's  enemies,  still  fearing  that  he  might  be  taken  into 
the  Cabinet,  resorted  to  despicable  measures  to  prejudice 
Lincoln  against  him,  while,  on  the  other  hand,  he  was 
earnestly  defended  by  some  of  the  best  people  of  Penn 
sylvania;  hence  the  President  decided  to  revive  his 
original  plan,  and  placed  Mr.  Cameron's  name  on  the 
slate  as  Secretary  of  War. 

It  proved  to  be  an  unfortunate  decision,  for  before 
active  hostilities  began  it  had  been  clearly  demonstrated 
that  he  was  not  qualified  to  fill  that  important  post. 
Scandals  and  dissensions  of  the  most  serious  character 
were  immediately  developed  in  the  War  Department,  so 
that  Congress  appointed  a  special  committee  to  make 
an  investigation.  Its  report  was  sensational  and  was 
too  grave  for  Lincoln  to  overlook.  About  the  time  the 
report  was  made  Mr.  Cameron  took  the  liberty  to  an 
nounce  in  his  annual  report  the  policy  of  the  administra 
tion  in  regard  to  arming  the  negroes  and  enlisting  them 
in  the  military  service.  So  radical  an  announcement, 
without  even  consulting  him,  was  not  only  a  shock  to 
Lincoln,  but  passed  the  limits  of  his  forbearance.  For 
tunately,  Mr.  Cameron's  report  had  not  reached  the 
public.  Printed  copies  had  been  sent  to  the  press  to 
be  published  as  soon  as  the  telegraph  had  announced 
that  the  President's  message  had  been  read  in  Congress. 
Every  copy  was  recalled  to  Washington,  the  objection 
able  paragraphs  were  modified,  a  new  edition  was  pub 
lished,  and  Mr.  Cameron  expressed  a  wish  to  exchange 
the  onerous  responsibilities  of  the  War  Department  for 
a  foreign  mission.  Lincoln  wrote  him  a  brief  note, 

195 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

keeping  up  the  pretence  by  saying,  "  As  you  have  more 
than  once  expressed  a  desire  for  a  change  of  position,  I 
can  now  gratify  you  consistently  with  my  view  of  the 
public  interest.  I  therefore  propose  to  nominate  you  to 
the  Senate  next  Monday  as  Minister  to  Russia." 

As  was  the  case  with  Mr.  Blair,  the  dissolution  of 
relations  caused  no  break  in  the  friendship  between  the 
President  and  his  former  minister.  Cameron  remained 
one  of  the  most  devoted  of  Lincoln's  supporters  and  one 
of  the  most  earnest  and  effective  advocates  of  his  re- 
nomination  to  the  Presidency. 

Gideon  Welles  was  altogether  the  most  agreeable  and 
satisfactory  of  the  fifteen  members  of  Lincoln's  official 
advisers.  He  invariably  sustained  him  in  any  position 
that  he  took  or  in  any  measure  that  he  desired.  He  gave 
him  consistent  and  cordial  support  and  the  least  trouble 
and  anxiety  of  any  of  his  official  family.  Mr.  Welles 
was  selected  as  the  representative  of  New  England. 
Amos  Tuck,  of  New  Hampshire,  George  Ashmun,  of 
Boston,  and  several  other  eminent  gentlemen  were  also 
under  consideration. 

The  morning  after  his  speech  in  Hartford,  in  the 
spring  of  1860,  Lincoln  took  a  long  stroll  through  the 
principal  streets  of  that  beautiful  city.  As  he  approached 
the  hotel  he  stepped  into  a  book-store,  where  a  gentle 
man  who  had  been  in  his  audience  the  evening  before 
approached  and  introduced  himself.  There  seemed  to 
be  a  mutual  attraction,  and  for  two  hours  they  discussed 
various  subjects  of  interest,  politics,  law,  and  literature. 
The  next  time  they  met  was  after  the  Chicago  Conven 
tion,  to  which  Mr.  Welles  was  a  delegate,  and  during 
the  campaign  they  exchanged  frequent  letters,  until  Lin 
coln  was  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  fitness,  availability, 
and  character  of  the  Connecticut  lawyer  for  a  position 
in  his  Cabinet.  The  special  knowledge  of  maritime  law 
shown  by  the  latter  seems  to  have  suggested  his  assign 
ment  to  the  Navy  Department. 

196 


GIDEON    WELLES,    SECRETARY   OF   THE   NAVY 
From  a  photograph  by  Brady 


A  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS  CABINET 

Mr.  Welles  showed  a  vigorous  determination,  a  high 
sense  of  patriotism,  and  great  executive  ability  from  the 
start,  but  almost  immediately  after  the  organization  of 
the  Cabinet  came  into  collision  with  Mr.  Seward  because 
of  the  interference  of  the  latter  with  naval  affairs,  and 
they  never  became  friends.  Notwithstanding  the  inten 
sity  of  their  hostility,  however,  both  remained  through 
the  entire  administration,  and  were  the  only  members 
of  the  original  Cabinet  who  continued  in  that  relation 
until  Lincoln's  death.  Although  there  were  many  com 
plaints  of  his  arrogant  manner  and  irritable  temper,  Mr. 
Welles  always  showed  a  loyal  affection  for  the  President, 
and  in  August,  1862,  refused  to  sign  the  "  round  robin" 
which  Seward  and  Chase  had  prepared,  demanding  the 
dismissal  of  General  McClellan.  He  agreed  heartily 
with  them,  but  refused  to  sign  because  of  his  deep  re 
spect  for  the  President  and  a  fear  of  wounding  his 
feelings. 

The  first  member  of  the  Cabinet  selected  was  William 
H.  Seward.  There  was  no  delay,  doubt,  or  hesitation 
in  Lincoln's  intention  to  offer  him  the  highest  honor  in 
his  gift  from  the  hour  that  he  received  the  news  of  his 
nomination,  and  it  was  entirely  fitting  that  it  should  be 
so.  At  that  time  Mr.  Seward  was  pre-eminent  among 
the  members  of  the  Republican  party.  He  was  its  leader 
in  the  Senate  and  was  recognized  as  its  logical  candidate 
for  the  Presidency.  He  had  the  largest  number  of  sup 
porters  at  the  Convention,  and  was  defeated  only  by  a 
combination  of  the  minority.  He  had  been  longer  in 
public  life,  was  higher  in  official  rank,  and  had  been 
more  conspicuous  and  successful  in  statesmanship  than 
any  other  of  Lincoln's  supporters;  he  had  been  Gov 
ernor  of  the  greatest  State  in  the  Union,  and  was  just 
completing  his  second  term  in  the  United  States  Senate. 
He  had  the  best  organization  behind  him  that  had  ever 
been  known  in  American  politics  up  to  that  time,  with 
Thurlow  Weed,  recognized  as  the  most  consummate 

197 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

politician  in  the  country,  as  his  manager.  It  certainly 
would  have  been  strange  if  the  President-elect  had  not 
selected  such  a  man  as  Secretary  of  State.  Nevertheless, 
there  was  considerable  opposition  to  Seward's  appoint 
ment  in  his  own  State  as  well  as  elsewhere.  It  came 
from  personal  jealousy  and  enmity,  and  also  from 
patriotic  and  honorable  people  who  feared  that  he  might 
dominate  the  administration,  they  not  liking  his 
methods ;  but  Lincoln  did  not  hesitate.  He  wrote  Mr. 
Seward  at  once  after  the  election,  asking  permission  to 
nominate  him  as  Secretary  of  State,  and  saying  that  such 
had  been  his  intention  from  the  day  of  the  nomination 
at  Chicago.  "  With  the  belief  that  your  position  in  the 
public  eye,  your  integrity,  ability  and  learning  and  great 
experience,  all  combine  to  render  it  an  appointment  pre 
eminently  fit  to  be  made." 

Mr.  Seward  took  three  weeks  for  reflection,  and  with 
"  much  self-distrust"  finally  relieved  Lincoln's  anxiety 
by  admitting,  in  a  lofty  manner,  that  he  considered  it 
his  duty  to  accept.  The  tone  of  this  letter  did  not  please 
Lincoln;  and  from  that  moment,  with  the  instinct 
of  self-protection  which  he  often  displayed, — and  his 
instincts  were  exceedingly  accurate, — he  was  on  his 
guard  in  dealing  with  the  great  man  from  New  York. 
Nevertheless,  he  treated  him  with  frankness  and  delicate 
courtesy  and  continued  to  correspond  with  him  concern 
ing  confidential  matters. 

Upon  his  arrival  in  Washington  he  immediately 
handed  a  copy  of  his  inaugural  address  to  his  future 
Secretary  of  State,  and  the  latter  revised  it  in  such  a 
vigorous  and  arrogant  manner  that  the  unfavorable  im 
pression  was  deepened.  Mr.  Seward  was  always  at 
hand  to  offer  advice  and  give  directions  upon  every  sub 
ject.  Lincoln  listened  with  respectful  attention,  but  con 
tinued  to  exercise  his  own  judgment,  and  the  spirit  of 
independence  he  showed  concerning  several  matters 
which  Mr.  Seward  undertook  to  decide  for  him  so 


A  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET 

alarmed  the  latter  that  two  days  before  the  inauguration 
he  wrote  a  polite  note  asking  leave  to  withdraw  his  ac 
ceptance  of  the  office  of  Secretary  of  State.  The  note 
was  received  on  Saturday.  Any  other  man  but  Lincoln 
would  have  been  disconcerted,  at  least,  and  would  have 
immediately  sought  advice  and  assistance;  but  he  did 
not  mention  the  matter  to  any  one,  nor  did  he  make  any 
reply  until  Monday  morning.  Then,  while  waiting  at 
Willard's  Hotel  for  President  Buchanan  to  escort  him 
to  the  Capitol,  he  dictated  a  brief  note,  saying,  "  I  feel 
constrained  to  beg  that  you  will  countermand  the  with 
drawal.  The  public  interest,  I  think,  demands  that  you 
should,  and  my  personal  feelings  are  deeply  enlisted  in 
the  same  direction/' 

He  handed  the  note  to  Mr.  Nicolay,  saying,  "  I  can't 
afford  to  let  Seward  take  the  first  trick." 

After  the  return  of  the  inaugural  procession  to  the 
White  House  the  two  men  had  a  long  and  confidential 
talk.  No  one  knows  what  they  said  to  each  other,  but 
Mr.  Seward  accepted  the  office  and  his  nomination  was 
sent  to  the  Senate  the  next  morning. 

Mr.  Seward  at  once  assumed  that  he  was  Prime  Min 
ister  with  independent  and  autocratic  powers.  He  sent 
agents  upon  secret  missions,  he  indicated  to  his  visitors 
the  policy  of  the  administration, — and  made  pledges  on 
behalf  of  the  President  without  consulting  him.  He 
opened  negotiations  with  the  secession  leaders  upon  his 
own  responsibility.  He  issued  orders  to  officers  of  the 
army  and  navy  over  the  heads  of  his  associates  in  charge 
of  those  departments,  and  gave  assurances  to  the  repre 
sentatives  of  foreign  governments  without  the  approval 
or  even  the  knowledge  of  the  President.  He  seemed 
cheerfully  to  assume  responsibility  for  the  entire  govern 
ment,  and  did  not  hesitate  to  permit  the  official  repre 
sentatives  of  the  Southern  States  and  the  public  generally 
to  presume  that  he  and  not  Lincoln  was  the  highest  and 
final  authority.  He  even  attempted  to  deceive  his  wife  on 

199 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

this  subject.  "  I  will  try  to  save  freedom  and  my  coun 
try/'  he  wrote  her.  "  I  have  assumed  a  sort  of  dic 
tatorship.  ...  It  seems  to  me  if  I  am  absent  only  eight 
days,  this  administration,  the  Congress  and  the  District 
would  fall  into  consternation  and  despair.  ...  I  am  the 
only  hopeful,  calm,  and  conciliatory  person  here.  .  .  .  ' 
Again  he  writes,  "  Only  the  soothing  words  which  I 
have  spoken  have  saved  us  and  carried  us  along  thus 
far.  And  still  again  the  cares  chiefly  fall  on  me." 

Secretary  Welles  wrote  a  book  to  describe  the  contro 
versies  between  Mr.  Seward  and  the  rest  of  the  Cabinet, 
in  which  he  shows  a  good  deal  of  resentment  but  a  good 
deal  of  truth.  Mr.  Seward's  moral  perceptions  were  ob 
scured  by  the  responsibilities  and  power  that  had  been 
assumed  by  him.  Although  he  did  not  suspect  it,  he 
was  gradually  drifting  into  a  collision  with  a  stronger 
character  than  his  own,  and  but  for  the  magnanimity  and 
generous  nature  of  the  President,  his  political  career 
might  have  be£n  swallowed  up  in  his  vanity  and  arro 
gance. 

Upon  April  i,  after  the  new  administration  had  been 
in  control  for  a  little  more  than  three  weeks,  under  the 
title  "  Some  Thoughts  for  the  President's  Considera 
tion,"  he  submitted  the  most  extraordinary  proposition 
that  appears  among  the  archives  of  the  Department  of 
State.  Assuming  that  he,  and  not  Lincoln,  was  respon 
sible  for  the  conduct  of  the  administration  and  the  man 
agement  of  the  government;  writing  as  if  he  were  the 
Prime  Minister  and  Lincoln  an  impotent  king;  he  laid 
down  his  plan  of  action  and  the  line  of  policy  he  intended 
to  pursue.  He  proposed  that  Lincoln  should  practically 
relinquish  his  Presidential  responsibilities  and  authority ; 
that  he  should  repudiate  the  party  that  had  elected  him ; 
that  he  should  ignore  the  principles  upon  which  the 
Presidential  campaign  had  been  fought  and  surrender 
the  moral  triumph  of  the  victory;  that  he  should  con 
vene  Congress  and  declare  war  against  Great  Britain, 

200 


WILLIAM    H.    SEWARD,    SECRETARY    OF    STATE 
From  a  photograph  by  Brady 


A  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET 

Russia,  France,  and  Spain,  and  endeavor  to  negotiate 
for  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance  with  Canada, 
Mexico,  and  Central  America  against  Europe.  The  fol 
lowing  is  the  text : 

"  SOME  THOUGHTS  FOR  THE  PRESIDENT'S  CONSIDERATION, 
APRIL  I,  l86l. 

"  First.  We  are  at  the  end  of  a  month's  administra 
tion,  and  yet  without  a  policy,  either  domestic  or  foreign. 

"  Second.  This,  however,  is  not  culpable,  and  it  has 
even  been  unavoidable.  The  presence  of  the  Senate, 
with  the  need  to  meet  applications  for  patronage,  have 
prevented  attention  to  other  and  more  grave  matters. 

"  Third.  But  further  delay  to  adopt  and  prosecute 
our  policies  for  both  domestic  and  foreign  affairs  would 
not  only  bring  scandal  on  the  administration,  but  danger 
upon  the  country. 

"  Fourth.  To  do  this  we  must  dismiss  the  applicants 
for  office.  But  how  ?  I  suggest  that  we  make  the  local 
appointments  forthwith,  leaving  foreign  or  general  ones 
for  ulterior  and  occasional  action. 

"Fifth.  The  policy  at  home.  I  am  aware  that  my 
views  are  singular,  and  perhaps  not  sufficiently  ex 
plained.  My  system  is  built  upon  this  idea  as  a  ruling 
one, — namely,  that  we  must 

"  CHANGE  THE  QUESTION  BEFORE  THE  PUBLIC  FROM 

ONE  UPON   SLAVERY,   OR   ABOUT   SLAVERY,    for   a   question 

upon  UNION  OR  DISUNION  : 

"  In  other  words,  from  what  would  be  regarded  as  a 
party  question,  to  one  of  patriotism  or  union. 

"  The  occupation  or  evacuation  of  Fort  Sumter, 
although  not  in  fact  a  slavery  or  a  party  question,  is  so 
regarded.  Witness  the  temper  manifested  by  the  Re 
publicans  in  the  free  States,  and  even  by  the  Union  men 
in  the  South. 

"  I  would  therefore  terminate  it  as  a  safe  means  for 

201 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

changing  the  issue.  I  deem  it  fortunate  that  the  last 
administration  created  the  necessity. 

"  For  the  rest,  I  would  simultaneously  defend  and  re- 
enforce  all  the  ports  in  the  Gulf,  and  have  the  navy 
recalled  from  foreign  stations  to  be  prepared  for  a  block 
ade.  Put  the  island  of  Key  West  under  martial  law. 

"  This  will  raise  distinctly  the  question  of  union  or 
disunion.  I  would  maintain  every  fort  and  possession 
in  the  South. 


"  I  would  demand  explanations  from  Spain  and 
France,  categorically,  at  once. 

"  I  would  seek  explanations  from  Great  Britain  and 
Russia,  and  send  agents  into  Canada,  Mexico,  and  Cen 
tral  America  to  rouse  a  vigorous  continental  spirit  of 
independence  on  this  continent  against  European  inter 
vention. 

"  And,  if  satisfactory  explanations  are  not  received 
from  Spain  and  France, 

"  Would  convene  Congress  and  declare  war  against 
them. 

"  But  whatever  policy  we  adopt,  there  must  be  an 
energetic  prosecution  of  it. 

"  For  this  purpose  it  must  be  somebody's  business  to 
pursue  and  direct  it  incessantly. 

"  Either  the  President  must  do  it  himself,  and  be  all 
the  while  active  in  it,  or 

"  Devolve  it  on  some  member  of  his  Cabinet.  Once 
adopted,  debates  on  it  must  end,  and  all  agree  and  abide. 

"  It  is  not  my  especial  province ;  but  I  neither  seek  to 
evade  nor  assume  responsibility." 

It  is  impossible  for  any  one  to  conceive  the  feelings  of 
the  President  when  he  read  this  boastful  and  insolent 
document.  But  his  self-control  was  so  perfect,  his  anx 
iety  to  preserve  harmony  among  those  who  were  trying 

202 


A  PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET 

to  save  the  Union  was  so  great,  and  his  patience  so 
limitless  that  he  returned  the  memorandum  to  Mr. 
Seward  with  the  following  firm  and  conclusive  but  cour 
teous  rebuke,  and  the  subject  was  never  alluded  to  again 
by  either  of  them : 

"  EXECUTIVE  MANSION,  April  i,   1861. 

"  HON.  W.  H.  SEWARD. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  :  Since  parting  with  you,  I  have  been 
considering  your  paper  dated  this  day,  and  entitled 
'  Some  Thoughts  for  the  President's  Consideration.' 
The  first  proposition  in  it  is,  '  First.  We  are  at  the  end 
of  a  month's  administration,  and  yet  without  a  policy, 
either  domestic  or  foreign.' 

"  At  the  beginning  of  that  month,  in  the  inaugural, 
I  said,  '  The  power  confided  to  me  will  be  used  to  hold, 
occupy,  and  possess  the  property  and  places  belonging 
to  the  government,  and  to  collect  the  duties  and  imposts.' 
This  had  your  distinct  approval  at  the  time ;  and  taken 
in  connection  with  the  order  I  immediately  gave  Gen 
eral  Scott,  directing  him  to  employ  every  means  in  his 
power  to  strengthen  and  hold  the  forts,  comprises  the 
exact  domestic  policy  you  now  urge,  with  the  single 
exception  that  it  does  not  propose  to  abandon  Fort 
Sumter. 

"  Again,  I  do  not  perceive  how  the  reinforcement  of 
Fort  Sumter  would  be  done  on  a  slavery  or  party  issue, 
while  that  of  Fort  Pickens  would  be  on  a  more  national 
and  patriotic  one. 

"  The  news  received  yesterday  in  regard  to  San 
Domingo  certainly  brings  a  new  item  within  the  range 
of  our  foreign  policy ;  but  up  to  that  time  we  have  been 
preparing  circulars  and  instructions  to  ministers  and 
the  like,  all  in  perfect  harmony,  without  even  a  sugges 
tion  that  we  had  no  foreign  policy. 

"  Upon  your  closing  proposition — that  '  whatever  pol 
icy  we  adopt,  there  must  be  an  energetic  prosecution 
of  it. 

203 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

" '  For  this  purpose  it  must  be  somebody's  business 
to  pursue  and  direct  it  incessantly. 

"  '  Either  the  President  must  do  it  himself,  and  be  all 
the  while  active  in  it,  or 

"  '  Devolve  it  on  some  member  of  his  Cabinet.  Once 
adopted,  debates  on  it  must  end,  and  all  agree  and  abide/ 
— I  remark  that  if  this  must  be  done,  I  must  do  it. 
When  a  general  line  of  policy  is  adopted,  I  apprehend 
that  there  is  no  danger  of  its  being  changed  without  good 
reason,  or  continuing  to  be  a  subject  of  unnecessary 
debate ;  still,  upon  points  arising  in  its  progress  I  wish, 
and  suppose  I  am  entitled  to  have,  the  advice  of  all  the 
Cabinet. 

"  Your  obedient  servant, 

"  A.  LINCOLN." 

The  President  never  revealed  this  amazing  incident 
to  anybody  but  Mr.  Nicolay,  and  it  was  never  suspected 
by  any  member  of  his  Cabinet  until  the  correspondence 
was  published  by  Nicolay  and  Hay  in  the  Century  Maga 
zine,  nearly  thirty  years  after.  Mr.  Seward  recognized 
his  master  at  last  and  wrote  his  wife,  "  Executive  force 
and  vigor  are  rare  qualities.  The  President  is  the  best 
of  us." 

From  that  time  there  were  no  serious  differences 
between  the  President  and  his  Secretary  of  State, 
although  they  frequently  differed  upon  matters  of  policy 
as  well  as  details  of  administration.  Mr.  Seward  was 
loyal,  devoted,  and  always  respectful  to  his  chief. 

The  same  cannot  be  said  of  Secretary  Chase.  He 
also  had  been  a  rival  of  Lincoln  for  the  Presidential 
nomination  in  1860,  and  had  gone  into  the  Cabinet  feel 
ing  that  his  supporters  from  Ohio  had  made  Lincoln's 
nomination  possible  and  that  he  was  entitled  to  special 
consideration  for  that  reason,  He  supported  Lincoln 
cordially  through  the  campaign,  and  among  the  first 
telegrams  of  congratulation  received  by  the  President- 

204 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

elect  was  one  from  him  which  read,  "  I  congratulate  you 
and  thank  God.  The  great  object  of  my  wishes  and 
labors  for  nineteen  years  is  accomplished  in  the  over 
throw  of  the  slave  power.  The  space  is  now  clear  for 
the  establishment  of  the  policy  of  freedom  on  safe  and 
firm  grounds.  The  lead  is  yours.  The  responsibility  is 
great.  May  God  strengthen  you  for  your  great  duties." 
After  January  I  following  the  election,  Mr.  Chase 
was  invited  to  Springfield,  and  upon  his  arrival  the 
President-elect  waived  all  ceremony  and  called  upon  him 
at  his  hotel.  "  I  have  done  with  you,"  said  he,  "  what  I 
would  not  have  ventured  to  do  with  any  other  man  in  the 
country,— sent  for  you  to  ask  you  whether  you  will  ac 
cept  the  appointment  of  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  with 
out,  however,  being  exactly  prepared  to  offer  it  to  you." 
Concerning  this  conversation  Mr.  Chase  wrote  to  a 
friend  as  follows : 

"  He  said  he  had  felt  bound  to  offer  the  position  of 
Secretary  of  State  to  Mr.  Seward  as  the  generally  rec 
ognized  leader  of  the  Republican  party,  intending,  if  he 
declined  it,  to  offer  it  to  me.  He  did  not  wish  that  Mr. 
Seward  should  decline  it,  and  was  glad  that  he  had 
accepted,  and  now  desired  to  have  me  take  the  place  of 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury." 

Mr.  Chase  told  the  President-elect  that  he  was  not 
prepared  to  give  a  definite  answer  because  he  wanted 
to  ask  the  advice  of  friends  and  be  governed  by  the 
course  of  events.  He  valued  the  trust  and  its  opportu 
nities,  but  was  reluctant  to  leave  the  Senate.  No  further 
communication  took  place  between  the  two  on  the  sub 
ject;  but,  assuming  that  Mr.  Chase  had  accepted,  Lin 
coln  sent  his  name  to  the  Senate  on  March  5  with  those 
of  other  members  of  his  Cabinet. 

From  the  beginning  of  the  administration  Mr.  Chase 
advocated  a  radical  policy;    was  very  urgent  in  advo 
cating  the  relief  of  Fort  Sumter  and  pushing  the  war, 
while  Seward  hung  back.    Mr.  Chase's  policy  was  pre- 
205 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

sented  in  a  memorandum,  with  similar  ones  from  other 
members  of  the  Cabinet,  at  the  request  of  the  President, 
in  March,  and  reads  as  follows : 

"If  war  is  to  be  the  consequence  of  an  attempt  to 
provision  Fort  Sumter,  war  will  just  as  certainly  result 
from  the  attempt  to  maintain  possession  of  Fort  Pickens. 

"  I  am  clearly  in  favor  of  maintaining  Fort  Pickens 
and  just  as  clearly  in  favor  of  provisioning  Fort  Sumter. 
If  that  attempt  should  be  resisted  by  military  force,  Fort 
Sumter  should,  in  my  judgment,  be  reinforced. 

"If  war  is  to  be  the  result,  I  perceive  no  reason  why 
it  may  not  be  best  begun  by  military  resistance  to  the 
efforts  of  the  administration  to  sustain  troops  of  the 
Union,  stationed  under  the  authority  of  the  government, 
in  a  fort  of  the  Union,  in  the  ordinary  course  of  service." 

In  the  beginning  Mr.  Chase  was  a  very  strong  sup 
porter  of  General  McClellan  and  frequently  called  the 
attention  of  the  latter  to  his  obligations  to  him.  "  The 
country  was  indebted  to  me,"  he  wrote  McClellan,  "  in 
some  considerable  degree  for  the  change  of  your  com 
mission  from  Ohio  into  a  commission  of  major-general 
of  the  army  of  the  Union;"  and  he  wrote  a  friend  the 
good  news,  "  McClellan  is  Commander-in-Chief !  let  us 
thank  God  and  take  courage!"  but  this  was  his  habit. 
He  invariably  worshipped  the  rising  sun,  and  was 
usually  one  of  the  first  to  turn  his  back  upon  old  friends 
when  they  met  with  misfortunes.  He  usually  cultivated 
the  closest  relations  with  those  generals  who  had  griev 
ances  against  the  administration.  His  correspondence 
and  his  diary,  as  published  by  his  chosen  biographer,  are 
full  of  caustic  and  unkind  criticisms  of  his  chief.  He 
received  many  letters  containing  violent  abuse  of  the 
President  and  his  colleagues  in  the  government,  and 
neither  defended  them  nor  rebuked  the  writers.  He 
records  in  his  diary  a  conversation  with  an  officer  who, 
meeting  him,  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  for  the  first 
time,  was  rude  enough  to  utter  a  gross  insult  directed 

206 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

at  the  President.  In  his  comments  Mr.  Chase  seems  to 
approve  the  remarks,  and  describes  the  President's  as 
sailant  as  "  well  read  and  extremely  intelligent."  But 
Mr.  Chase  never  defended  his  colleagues  when  they  were 
attacked.  In  reply  to  a  violent  criticism  from  an  enemy 
of  the  administration,  he  wrote,  "  I  am  not  responsible 
for  the  management  of  the  war  and  have  no  voice  in  it, 
except  that  I  am  not  forbidden  to  make  suggestions, 
and  do  so  now  and  then  when  I  can't  help  it." 

He  soon  lost  his  confidence  in  and  admiration  for 
McClellan,  however,  and  in  his  criticisms  concerning  his 
dilatory  tactics  was  the  most  bitter  of  all  the  Cabinet. 
He  once  drew  up  a  paper,  which  he  induced  several  of 
his  colleagues  to  sign,  demanding  McClellan's  removal. 
He  continually  offered  advice  and  suggestions,  and  when 
they  were  not  accepted  he  usually  took  the  trouble  to 
record  his  resentment  in  his  diary  or  to  express  it  in 
vigorous  terms  in  a  letter  to  some  friend. 

Chase  was  in  favor  of  the  unconditional  emancipation 
of  the  slaves,  and  when  the  President  laid  before  the 
Cabinet  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  he  writes  in  his 
diary,  "  I  said  that  I  should  give  to  such  a  measure  my 
cordial  support,  but  I  should  prefer  that  no  expression 
on  the  subject  of  compensation  should  be  made,  and  I 
thought  that  the  measure  of  emancipation  could  be  better 
and  more  quickly  accomplished  by  allowing  generals  to 
organize  and  arm  the  slaves  and  by  directing  the  com 
manders  of  departments  to  proclaim  emancipation  within 
their  districts  as  soon  as  practicable.  But  I  regarded 
this  as  so  much  better  than  inaction  on  the  subject  that 
I  could  give  it  my  entire  support." 

The  President  was  not  unaware  of  the  disposition  of 
Mr.  Seward  to  criticise  himself  and  the  members  of 
his  Cabinet,  but  placed  so  high  a  value  upon  his  ability 
and  his  importance  to  the  government  that  he  treated 
him  with  the  same  patience  that  he  did  Mr.  Stanton  and 
others  who  were  critical  and  petulant  concerning  his 

207 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

deliberation  and  other  peculiarities.  The  extent  to  which 
this  forbearance  was  exercised  may  be  illustrated  by  a 
note  addressed  to  the  President  by  his  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  April  25,  1861,  in  which  the  latter  was  guilty 
of  such  bad  taste  and  impertinence  that  Lincoln  would 
have  been  justified  in  asking  his  instant  resignation. 
Mr.  Chase  held  the  President  practically  responsible  for 
the  demoralized  condition  of  affairs  in  the  country  and 
for  all  that  had  happened  before  his  inauguration  as 
well  as  since,  and  said,  "  Let  me  beg  of  you  to  remember 
that  the  disunionists  have  anticipated  us  in  everything, 
and  that  as  yet  we  have  accomplished  nothing  but  the 
destruction  of  our  own  property.  Let  me  beg  of  you  to 
remember  also  that  it  has  been  a  darling  object  with  the 
disunionists  to  secure  the  passage  of  a  secession  ordi 
nance  by  Maryland.  .  .  .  Save  us  from  this  new  humil 
iation.  You  alone  can  give  the  word." 

Mr.  Chase  was  in  consultation  with  the  President 
daily,  he  had  been  consulted  about  every  situation  and 
movement,  he  was  quite  as  familiar  with  what  had  been 
done  and  what  was  intended  as  the  President  himself, 
and  the  reasons  which  prompted  him  to  address  his 
chief  in  such  a  manner  can  only  be  conjectured.  It  is 
believed  that  he  was  prompted  to  do  so  by  one  of  the 
many  hostile  critics  of  the  administration,  and  wrote  the 
letter  without  realizing  its  tone  and  impertinence.  But 
Lincoln  received  it  with  his  usual  complacency,  made 
no  complaint  to  any  one  about  it,  and  calmly  filed  it 
away  among  his  other  correspondence. 

Like  Mr.  Seward,  he  went  into  the  Cabinet  with  the 
opinion  that  the  President  was  incapable  and  inexpe 
rienced,  and  that  it  was  his  duty  to  support  and  assist 
him  in  the  management  of  the  government ;  but,  unlike 
Mr.  Seward,  he  was  never  able  to  rid  himself  of  a  sense 
of  his  own  superiority.  He  had  an  honest  conviction 
that  he  was  more  competent  and  would  make  a  much 
better  President  himself,  and  that  if  his  advice  were 

208 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

accepted  and  his  suggestions  carried  out,  the  war  would 
be  brought  to  a  close  much  sooner  than  otherwise.  He 
lacked  confidence  in  his  colleagues  also  and  never  lost 
an  opportunity  to  express  it.  He  considered  himself 
their  superior  in  zeal,  ability,  and  devotion  to  the  general 
welfare.  He  imagined  that  every  disaster  which  oc 
curred  in  the  field  was  due  to  the  refusal  of  the  President 
and  the  Secretary  of  War  to  carry  out  the  plans  he  sug 
gested,  and  that  every  victory  could  be  directly  attrib 
uted  to  his  wise  counsel.  This  was  not  known  at  the 
time.  Had  it  been,  the  people  of  the  country  would 
have  been  less  charitable  towards  Mr.  Chase.  His  ego 
tism,  jealousy,  contempt,  and  hostility  towards  Lincoln 
and  his  fellow-members  of  the  Cabinet  were  not  fully 
disclosed  until  the  publication  of  his  biography,  which 
contained  extracts  from  his  diary  and  copies  of  his 
voluminous  correspondence. 

The  President  would  not  allow  the  conduct  or  the  dis 
position  of  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  to  make  the 
slightest  difference  in  his  treatment  of  that  official  or  to 
affect  the  policy  of  his  administration,  for  in  his  man 
agement  of  the  finances,  without  previous  experience  or 
preparation,  Mr.  Chase  had  shown  genius  equal  to  that 
of  Alexander  Hamilton,  unswerving  integrity,  and  un 
tiring  industry.  So  highly  did  Lincoln  esteem  his  public 
services  in  this  respect  that  he  would  have  forgiven  him 
anything;  and  Mr.  Chase  not  only  had  his  constant 
support,  but  he  was  less  interfered  with  in  the  adminis 
tration  of  his  department  than  any  other  member  of  the 
Cabinet. 

Mr.  Chase  began  a  serious  and  systematic  canvass 
for  the  Presidential  nomination  as  early  as  the  fall  of 
1863,  and  although  he  continued  to  delude  himself  and 
assure  his  friends  that  he  was  indifferent  to  advance 
ment  and  anxious  only  for  the  public  good,  he  found 
plenty  of  leisure  in  the  midst  of  his  arduous  duties  and 
immense  responsibilities  to  write  hundreds  of  letters  to 
14  209 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

friends  in  different  parts  of  the  Union  pointing  out  the 
mistakes  of  the  President  and  leaving  the  irresistible 
conclusion  that  he  was  the  only  man  capable  of  saving 
the  country.  Many  of  these  letters  are  published  in 
his  biography,  and  it  is  inexplicable  that  he  preserved 
the  documentary  evidence  of  his  treachery,  and  even 
more  remarkable  that  his  family  thus  exposed  him  to 
public  censure  and  contempt. 

Although  Lincoln  had  the  full  confidence  of  the  loyal 
people  of  the  North,  many  disappointed  politicians  and 
other  citizens  in  different  parts  of  the  country  were 
dissatisfied  with  his  management  of  affairs.  The  critics 
naturally  gravitated  together  and  sought  to  organize  a 
movement  to  prevent  his  renomination.  They  found  it 
difficult  to  contend  against  the  popularity  of  the  Presi 
dent,  and  looked  among  the  discordant  elements  for  a 
standard-bearer.  Neither  in  Congress  nor  in  the  army 
was  there  any  one  who  was  willing  to  undertake  the 
hopeless  task  until  some  of  the  leaders  consulted  Mr. 
Chase  and,  to  their  surprise,  found  him  so  indiscreet 
and  disloyal  as  to  encourage  their  opposition  to  the  ad 
ministration  of  which  he  was  a  member,  and  so  foolish 
as  to  believe  that  he  was  strong  enough  to  lead  them 
to  victory. 

Mr.  Chase  fell  willingly  into  the  trap,  although  he 
continued  to  protest  his  loyalty  and  attachment  to  Lin 
coln.  His  only  excuse  was  that  the  President's  intellect 
and  capacity  for  government  were  inferior  to  his  own, 
and  in  its  great  emergency  his  beloved  country  needed 
the  strongest  man.  He  wrote  his  son-in-law,  Governor 
Sprague,  of  Rhode  Island,  "  If  I  were  controlled  by 
merely  personal  sentiments  I  would  prefer  the  re-elec 
tion  of  Mr.  Lincoln  to  that  of  any  other  man,  but  I  think 
a  man  of  different  qualities  from  those  the  President  has 
will  be  needed  for  the  next  four  years." 

President  Lincoln  was  fully  informed  concerning 
every  movement  Mr.  Chase  made,  for  the  latter  was  sur- 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

rounded  by  false  friends  who  were  willing  to  destroy 
him.  However,  he  rebuked  the  tale-bearers  and  dis 
couraged  all  conversation  concerning  the  ambition  of 
his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  and  when  the  criticisms 
uttered  by  Mr.  Chase  of  himself  and  the  members  of  his 
Cabinet  were  brought  to  his  attention,  he  declined  to 
listen  to  them. 

"  I  have  determined,"  he  said,  "  to  shut  my  eyes  so 
far  as  possible  to  everything  of  the  sort.  Mr.  Chase 
makes  a  good  Secretary  and  I  shall  keep  him  where  he 
is.  If  he  becomes  President,  all  right.  I  hope  we  may 
never  have  a  worse  man.  I  am  entirely  indifferent  as 
to  his  success  or  failure  in  these  schemes  as  long  as  he 
does  his  duty  at  the  head  of  the  Treasury  Department." 
He  appointed  Chase's  partisans  and  wire-pullers  to  office 
as  fast  as  the  latter  proposed  them,  although  he  knew 
perfectly  well  what  he  was  doing.  He  was  more  amused 
than  otherwise  at  the  protestations  of  his  own  friends; 
but  all  the  time  he  was  conscious  that  he  had  every 
reason  for  magnanimity.  With  his  usual  political  per 
spicuity,  he  was  perfectly  confident  of  his  own  nomina 
tion  and  re-election,  and  recognized  that  Chase  was 
daily  making  mistakes  that  were  fatal  to  his  own  political 
prospects.  He  endeavored  to  conceal  his  knowledge, 
and  avoided  explanations  from  his  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  until  the  publication  of  a  secret  circular  in  the 
Washington  newspapers  signed  by  Senator  Pomeroy, 
of  Kansas,  compelled  Mr.  Chase  to  allude  to  the  subject. 
It  was  a  spiteful,  unjust,  and  untruthful  attack  upon  the 
President,  and  proposed  the  nomination  of  Mr.  Chase 
as  his  successor,  appealing  to  patriotic  citizens  to  organ 
ize  in  his  support  and  correspond  with  the  chairman  of 
his  committee. 

Mr.  Chase  at  once  disavowed  all  knowledge  of  or 
responsibility  for  this  circular,  but  explained  that  he 
had  yielded  to  the  urgent  solicitations  of  friends  and  had 
consented  to  be  a  candidate  for  the  Presidential  nomina- 

211 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

tion.  "  If  there  is  anything  in  my  action  or  position 
which  in  your  judgment  will  prejudice  the  public  interest 
under  my  charge,  I  beg  you  to  say  so.  I  do  not  wish 
to  administer  the  Treasury  Department  one  day  without 
your  entire  confidence.  For  yourself  I  cherish  sincere 
respect  and  esteem  and,  permit  me  to  add,  affection." 

The  next  day  the  President  acknowledged  the  receipt 
of  this  letter  and  promised  to  answer  it  more  fully  later, 
which  he  did,  saying, — 

"  .  .  .  My  knowledge  of  Mr.  Pomeroy's  letter  having 
been  made  public  came  to  me  only  the  day  you  wrote; 
but  I  had,  in  spite  of  myself,  known  of  its  existence 
several  days  before.  I  have  not  yet  read  it,  and  I  think 
I  shall  not.  I  was  not  shocked  or  surprised  by  the  ap 
pearance  of  the  letter,  because  I  had  had  knowledge  of 
Mr.  Pomeroy's  committee,  and  of  secret  issues  which  I 
supposed  came  from  it,  and  of  secret  agents  who  I  sup 
posed  were  sent  out  by  it,  for  several  weeks.  I  have 
known  just  as  little  of  these  things  as  my  friends  have 
allowed  me  to  know.  They  bring  the  documents  to 
me,,  but  I  do  not  read  them;  they  tell  me  what  they 
think  fit  to  tell  me,  but  I  do  not  inquire  for  more.  .  . 

"  Whether  you  shall  remain  at  the  head  of  the  Treas 
ury  Department  is  a  question  which  I  will  not  allow 
myself  to  consider  from  any  stand-point  other  than  my 
judgment  of  the  public  service,  and,  in  that  view,  I  do 
not  perceive  occasion  for  a  change." 

If  anything  was  needed  to  complete  the  collapse  of 
the  plans  of  Mr.  Chase,  the  reputation  of  the  man  who 
signed  the  circular  was  sufficient.  As  fast  as  conven 
tions  were  held  delegations  were  instructed  for  Lin 
coln.  The  Republican  members  of  the  Ohio  Legislature 
were  so  fearful  lest  they  might  be  suspected  of  sym 
pathizing  with  the  ambition  of  Mr.  Chase  that  they  held 
a  caucus  and  unanimously  endorsed  the  President.  Even 
little  Rhode  Island,  supposed  to  be  a  pocket  borough 
absolutely  controlled  by  its  Governor,  who  was  a  son-in- 

212 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

law  of  Mr.  Chase,  bolted  and  declared  for  Lincoln.  The 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  left  without  a  supporter  in 
the  Republican  party,  sought  consolation  from  the 
Democrats,  but  they  repudiated  him  and  selected  as 
their  candidate  General  McClellan,  a  man  who  had  been 
alternately  eulogized  and  anathematized  by  him. 

The  retirement  of  Mr.  Chase  from  the  Cabinet  was 
due  to  his  determination  to  control  the  patronage  of 
the  Treasury  Department  in  the  State  of  New  York 
without  reference  to  the  wishes  of  Mr.  Morgan  and 
Mr.  Harris,  the  Senators  from  that  State.  There  was 
also  friction  over  Treasury  appointments  in  other  parts 
of  the  country.  Mr.  Chase's  failure  as  a  Presidential 
candidate  made  him  very  irritable,  and  whenever  the 
President  or  any  member  of  the  Cabinet  offered  the 
slightest  opposition  to  his  plans  or  wishes,  he  showed 
so  much  temper  that  it  was  impossible  to  get  along  with 
him  except  by  conceding  all  his  demands.  Lincoln, 
valuing  his  services  in  the  Treasury  so  highly,  en 
deavored  to  gratify  him  as  far  as  possible,  and  assured 
other  members  of  his  Cabinet  that,  as  Mr.  Chase's 
ability,  industry,  and  integrity  were  beyond  question,  he 
had  a  right  to  select  men  for  whose  proper  conduct  he 
was  responsible.  But  when  Mr.  Chase  invaded  the 
political  provinces  of  the  members  of  the  Senate,  the 
President  found  it  difficult  to  reconcile  the  differences, 
and  on  two  occasions  the  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  cen- 
dered  his  resignation  rather  than  yield  what  he  con 
sidered  to  be  his  right  to  select  all  of  his  subordinates. 
Maunsell  B.  Field,  the  Assistant  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury,  quotes  Lincoln  as  saying,  "  I  went  directly 
up  to  him  [Chase]  with  the  resignation  in  my  hand, 
and  putting  my  arm  around  his  neck,  said,  '  Here  is  a 
paper  with  which  I  wish  to  have  nothing  to  do.  Take 
it  back  and  be  reasonable.'  I  had  to  plead  with  him  a 
long  time,  but  I  finally  succeeded,  and  heard  nothing 
more  of  that  resignation." 

213 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

But  this  state  of  affairs  could  not  endure.  There 
came  an  occasion  upon  which  the  President  was  not  able 
to  give  way,  and  when  the  two  New  York  Senators 
objected  to  the  appointment  of  the  same  Maunsell  B. 
Field  as  Assistant  Treasurer  of  New  York,  he  was  com 
pelled  to  recognize  their  wishes.  He  wrote  Mr.  Chase, 
"  As  the  proverb  goes,  no  man  knows  so  well  where 
the  shoe  pinches  as  he  who  wears  it.  I  do  not  think 
Mr.  Field  a  very  proper  man  for  the  place,  but  I  would 
trust  your  judgment  and  forego  this  were  the  greater 
difficulty  out  of  the  way.  .  .  .  Strained  as  I  already  am 
at  this  point,  I  do  not  think  that  I  can  make  this  ap 
pointment  in  the  direction  of  still  greater  strain."  But 
Mr.  Chase  felt  that  the  President  was  acting  badly  and 
must  be  disciplined,  and  so  he  resigned  again.  To  sub 
mit  to  Mr.  Chase  under  the  circumstances  would  be  to 
abdicate  in  his  favor  and  to  offend  his  loyal  supporters 
in  New  York ;  hence,  without  hesitation,  he  wrote  Mr. 
Chase  as  follows :  "  Of  all  I  have  said  in  commenda 
tion  of  your  ability  and  fidelity  I  have  nothing  to  unsay, 
yet  you  and  I  have  reached  a  point  of  mutual  embarrass 
ment  in  our  official  relations  which  it  seems  cannot  be 
overcome  or  longer  sustained  consistently  with  the  public 
service." 

Mr.  Chase  was  taken  entirely  by  surprise.  He  sup 
posed  that  the  President,  like  himself,  believed  that  his 
presence  in  the  Treasury  Department  was  indispensable 
to  the  salvation  of  the  government.  Governor  Todd,  of 
Ohio,  was  nominated  as  his  successor,  but  declined,  and 
the  President  then  sent  to  the  Senate  the  nomination 
of  William  Pitt  Fessenden,  a  Senator  from  Maine  and 
chairman  of  the  Committee  on  Finance,  entirely  without 
that  gentleman's  knowledge. 

After  the  President's  secretary  had  left  for  the  Capitol 
with  the  nomination,  Mr.  Fessenden  appeared  at  the 
White  House  and,  after  preliminary  conversation,  sug 
gested  the  appointment  of  Hugh  McCulloch,  who  had 

214 


A   PRESIDENT  AND   HIS   CABINET 

served  with  great  ability  since  the  beginning  of  the 
war  as  Comptroller  of  the  Currency.  Lincoln  listened 
to  his  eulogy  of  Mr.  McCulloch  with  a  gentle  smile,  and 
then  informed  him  that  he  had  already  sent  his  own 
name  to  the  Senate.  Mr.  Fessenden  protested  and  de 
clared  that  he  would  decline. 

"  If  you  decline,"  replied  the  President,  "  you  must 
do  it  in  open  day,  for  I  cannot  recall  the  nomination." 

The  significance  and  appropriateness  of  Mr.  Fessen- 
den's  nomination  to  succeed  Mr.  Chase  was  immediately 
recognized  as  a  coup  d'etat  on  the  part  of  the  President, 
and  the  former  could  not  decline  the  responsibility.  He 
served  for  only  a  few  months,  however,  and  was  suc 
ceeded  by  Hugh  McCulloch. 

Mr.  Chase  could  not  suppress  his  sense  of  injury  or 
cease  talking  about  it.     After  he  left  the  Cabinet,  his 
criticisms  of  the  President  personally  and  the  adminis 
tration  of  the  government  became  more  frequent  and 
bold  than  ever;    but  as  soon  as  the  death  of   Chief- 
Justice  Taney  of  the  Supreme  Court  was  announced,  he 
immediately  claimed  the  vacancy.     Notwithstanding  all 
that  had  occurred,  he  was  willing  to  forgive  and  forget, 
provided  the  President  would  make  him  Chief-Justice. 
Samuel  Bowles,  editor  of  the  Springfield  Republican, 
writes  on  December  4,  1864,  two  months  after  Taney 's 
death,  "  Chase  is  going  around  peddling  his  grief  in 
private  ears  and  sowing  dissatisfaction  about  Lincoln. 
Oh,  how  little  great  men  can  be!"     The  President  at 
once  made  up  his  mind  to  appoint  Mr.  Chase,  but  would 
not  announce  his  intention  until  he  had  heard  the  views 
of  every  Republican  of  importance.     In  the  mean  time 
Mr.  Chase  was  appealing  to  his  friends  for  support  and 
endorsement  and  prophesying  disasters  for  the  govern 
ment  unless  his  appointment  was  made.     One  day  Mr. 
Nicolay  brought  the  President  a  letter  from  Mr.  Chase. 
"  What  is  it  about?"  inquired  Lincoln. 
"  Simply  a  kind  and  friendly  letter." 
215 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  File  it  with  the  other  recommendations,"  was  the 
laconic  reply. 

On  December  6,  when  the  Senate  met,  Mr.  Chase's 
nomination  appeared  among  others.  It  was  written  out 
in  Lincoln's  own  hand  instead  of  upon  a  printed  blank, 
as  was  customary.  The  nomination  was  confirmed  with 
out  reference  to  a  committee,  and  the  same  evening  Mr. 
Chase  wrote  the  President  a  very  grateful  acknowledg 
ment.  "  Be  assured,"  he  said,  "  that  I  apprize  your  con 
fidence  and  good-will  more  than  any  nomination  to 
office." 

Lincoln  afterwards  told  Mr.  Boutwell  that  he  never 
had  any  intention  of  refusing  the  office  to  Mr.  Chase. 
"  There  were  three  reasons  why  he  should  be  appointed 
and  one  reason  why  he  should  not  be,"  said  the  Presi 
dent.  "  In  the  first  place,  he  occupies  a  larger  space  in 
the  public  mind  with  reference  to  the  offce  than  any 
other  person.  Then  we  want  a  man  who  will  sustain 
the  Legal  Tender  Act  and  the  Proclamation  of  Emanci 
pation.  We  cannot  ask  a  candidate  what  he  would  do, 
and  if  we  did  and  he  should  answer  we  should  only 
despise  him  for  it.  But  Chase  wants  to  be  President, 
and  if  he  does  not  give  that  up  it  will  be  a  great  injury 
to  him  and  a  great  injury  to  me.  He  can  never  be 
President." 

Among  the  most  urgent  friends  of  Mr.  Chase  were 
Senator  Sumner  and  Representative  Alley,  of  Massa 
chusetts,  who  went  to  Washington  to  plead  with  the 
President  in  his  behalf. 

"  We  found,  to  our  dismay,"  said  Mr.  Alley,  "  that 
the  President  had  heard  of  the  bitter  criticisms  of  Mr. 
Chase  upon  himself  and  his  administration.  Mr.  Lin 
coln  urged  many  of  Mr.  Chase's  defects,  to  discover, 
as  we  afterwards  learned,  how  his  objection  could  be 
answered.  We  were  both  discouraged  and  made  up 
our  minds  that  the  President  did  not  mean  to  appoint 
Mr.  Chase.  It  really  seemed  too  much  to  expect  of  poor 

216 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

human  nature.  But  early  one  morning  in  the  following 
December  I  went  to  the  White  House,  found  the  Presi 
dent  in  his  library,  and  was  cordially  received.  As  I 
entered  he  made  to  me  this  declaration : 

"  '  I  have  something  to  tell  you  that  will  make  you 
happy.  I  have  just  sent  Mr.  Chase  word  that  he  is  to 
be  appointed  Chief-Justice,  and  you  are  the  first  man 
I  have  told  of  it.' 

"  I  said,  '  Mr.  President,  this  is  an  exhibition  of  mag 
nanimity  and  patriotism  that  could  hardly  be  expected 
of  any  one.  After  what  he  has  said  against  your  ad 
ministration,  which  has  undoubtedly  been  reported  to 
you,  it  was  hardly  to  be  expected  that  you  would  bestow 
the  most  important  office  within  your  gift  on  such  a 
man/ 

"  His  quaint  reply  was,  '  Although  I  may  have  ap 
peared  to  you  and  to  Mr.  Sumner  to  have  been  opposed 
to  Chase's  appointment,  there  never  has  been  a  moment 
since  the  breath  left  old  Taney's  body  that  I  did  not 
conceive  it  to  be  the  best  thing  to  do  to  appoint  Mr. 
Chase  to  that  high  office;  and  to  have  done  otherwise 
I  should  have  been  recreant  to  my  convictions  of  duty 
to  the  Republican  party  and  to  the  country/ 

"  I  repeated  again  my  sense  of  his  magnanimity  and 
his  patriotism  in  making  the  appointment. 

"  He  replied,  '  As  to  his  talk  about  me,  I  do  not 
mind  that.  Chase  is,  on  the  whole,  a  pretty  good  fellow 
and  a  very  able  man.  His  only  trouble  is  that  he  has 
"  the  White  House  fever"  a  little  too  bad,  but  I  hope  this 
may  cure  him  and  that  he  will  be  satisfied.' ' 

One  would  suppose,  after  this  exhibition  of  magna 
nimity  on  the  part  of  the  President,  that  he  would  escape 
the  criticism  of  Mr.  Chase  at  least,  but  the  latter  still 
considered  himself  the  inspired  critic  of  the  administra 
tion  and  sought  the  Democratic  nomination  for  the 
Presidency.  Nor  was  this  all.  His  decisions  upon  the 
bench  were  in  direct  contradiction  to  the  positions  he 

217 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

had  taken  as  a  member  of  the  Cabinet.  He  had  criti 
cised  the  President  for  his  weakness  in  refusing  to  attack 
the  doctrine  of  State  rights,  yet,  on  the  first  opportunity, 
he  appeared  as  the  judicial  champion  and  defender  of 
that  doctrine ;  from  his  place  on  the  bench  he  declared 
unconstitutional  the  Legal  Tender  Act  which  he  had 
himself  assisted  in  preparing  and  whose  passage  through 
the  House  of  Representatives  had  been  secured  by  his 
personal  influence.  While  he  was  Secretary  of  the 
Treasury  he  sustained  and  encouraged  Mr.  Stanton  in 
the  exercise  of  the  "  war  power"  more  earnestly  and 
took  more  radical  grounds  than  any  other  member  of 
the  Cabinet,  yet  when  those  very  transactions  came 
before  the  Supreme  Court  he  denounced  them  as  illegal 
and  unjustified.  The  only  explanation,  the  only  apology 
that  could  be  made  by  the  friends  of  Mr.  Chase  was  that 
his  mind  was  soured  by  disappointment.  He  was  a  man 
of  unbounded  ambition,  he  had  been  working  all  his 
life  to  become  President,  he  was  convinced  of  his  own 
great  talents,  and  could  not  reconcile  himself  to  dis 
appointment. 

President  Lincoln's  character  and  methods  are 
nowhere  better  illustrated  than  in  the  story  of  his  rela 
tions  with  Edwin  M.  Stanton,  his  great  Secretary  of 
War,  a  man  of  intense  personality,  of  arbitrary  disposi 
tion,  impetuous  in  action,  impatient  under  restraint,  and 
intolerant  of  opposition.  Combined  with  these  qualities 
Mr.  Stanton  had  great  learning,  unselfish  patriotism, 
and  conscientious  convictions  of  duty.  He  was  a  native 
of  Ohio,  a  graduate  of  Kenyon  College,  and  when  still 
young  in  years  attained  a  high  rank  in  the  practice  of 
his  profession  of  the  law,  making  his  head-quarters  first 
at  Pittsburgh  and  in  1856  at  Washington.  He  was  born 
and  bred  in  Democratic  principles,  but  had  a  profound 
hatred  of  slavery,  and  during  the  administration  of  Pres 
ident  Buchanan  was  pronounced  in  his  opposition  to  the 
disunion  schemes  of  the  Southern  politicians. 

218 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

Shortly  after  the  election  in  1860,  when  the  situation 
at  Washington  was  becoming  critical,  President  Bu 
chanan  sought  his  advice,  and  Mr.  Stanton  prepared 
an  argument  to  prove  that  a  State  could  be  coerced  into 
remaining  in  the  Union.  A  few  weeks  later  Mr. 
Buchanan  called  him  into  his  Cabinet  as  Attorney-Gen 
eral,  and  he  immediately  joined  with  the  loyal  members 
of  the  Cabinet  and  the  Republican  leaders  in  Congress 
in  vigorous  efforts  to  save  the  Union.  But  after  Lincoln 
was  inaugurated  Mr.  Stanton  became  the  most  scornful 
and  unsparing  critic  of  the  new  administration.  He 
called  the  President  an  imbecile,  charged  Cameron  with 
corruption,  and  declared  that  the  administration  was 
treating  the  treasure  of  the  nation  as  booty  to  be  divided 
among  thieves.  He  predicted  disaster  in  every  direc 
tion  ;  he  declared  that  in  less  than  thirty  days  Jefferson 
Davis  would  be  in  possession  of  Washington,  and  used 
the  most  intemperate  and  unjust  language  that  his  lips 
could  frame  in  his  comments  upon  the  character  and  the 
conduct  of  the  President  and  his  advisers.  Therefore, 
when  he  was  invited  to  succeed  Mr.  Cameron,  the  chief 
object  of  his  detestation  and  attack,  he  was  placed  in  a 
peculiar  situation,  but  was  broad-minded  enough  to 
appreciate  Lincoln's  magnanimity,  and  accepted  the  war 
portfolio  as  the  highest  duty  that  could  be  assigned  to  a 
citizen.  He  wrote  ex-President  Buchanan,  "  My  acces 
sion  to  my  present  position  was  quite  as  sudden  and 
unexpected  as  the  confidence  you  bestowed  upon  me  in 
calling  me  to  your  Cabinet.  And  the  responsible  trust 
was  accepted  in  both  instances  from  the  same  motives 
and  will  be  executed  with  the  same  fidelity  to  the  Consti 
tution  and  the  laws."  In  another  letter  he  wrote,  "  I 
knew  that  everything  that  I  cherish  and  hold  dear  would 
be  sacrificed  by  accepting  office,  but  I  thought  I  might 
help  to  save  the  country,  and  for  that  I  was  willing  to 
perish." 

When  some  one  objected  to  Stanton's  appointment  on 
219 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

account  of  his  ungovernable  temper,  and  stated  that  he 
was  in  the  habit  of  jumping  up  and  down  when  he  lost 
his  patience,  Lincoln  replied, — 

"  Well,  if  he  gets  to  jumping  too  much,  we  will  treat 
him  as  they  used  to  treat  a  minister  I  knew  out  West. 
He  would  get  so  excited  and  wrought  up  at  revival 
meetings  that  they  had  to  put  bricks  in  his  pockets  to 
keep  him  down.  But  I  guess  we  will  let  Stanton  jump 
a  while  first." 

Lincoln  and  his  new  Secretary  of  War  had  met  before, 
and  the  President  had  no  reason  to  be  friendly  towards 
him.  The  story  is  told  in  the  chapter  relating  to  Lin 
coln's  legal  career.  But  the  President  was  willing  to 
submerge  his  personal  feelings  in  his  patriotism  in  order 
to  secure  the  support  and  assistance  of  a  man  for  whose 
ability,  energy,  and  patriotism  he  had  the  highest  respect. 
He  selected  Mr.  Stanton  for  the  same  reason  that  he 
retained  McClellan  in  command  and  postponed  the 
Emancipation  Proclamation.  He  was  not  thinking  of 
himself,  but  of  his  country.  He  was  not  seeking  a 
friend  or  an  agreeable  companion,  but  a  man  of  execu 
tive  ability,  iron  will,  stern  integrity,  and  physical  en- 
durance  to  relieve  him  from  what  was  becoming  an 
unendurable  burden ;  for,  up  to  this  time,  he  had  borne 
almost  alone  the  responsibility  for  military  movements 
in  the  field  as  well  as  the  organization  and  equipment  of 
the  army.  Months  before  he  had  foreseen  that  Mr. 
Cameron  must  soon  leave  the  Cabinet,  and  had  been  on 
the  lookout  for  a  suitable  Secretary  of  War.  With  the 
silent  sagacity  and  foresight  that  were  among  his  most 
remarkable  characteristics,  he  had  searched  the  list  of 
public  men,  and,  finding  no  one  available  among  his 
friends,  had  gone  over  into  the  ranks  of  his  opponents 
and  had  chosen  perhaps  the  most  unfriendly  and  vigor 
ous  critic  of  his  administration.  He  had  learned  of  Mr. 
Stanton's  tremendous  energy  and  keen  perceptions  and 
recognized  at  once  how  useful  those  traits  would  be  in 

220 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

the  War  Department;  while  his  fearless  candor,  his 
indifference  to  criticism,  and  the  public  confidence  in 
his  integrity  were  qualities  equally  valuable  under  the 
circumstances. 

Within  a  few  weeks  he  was  satisfied  of  the  accuracy 
of  his  judgment  in  making  the  selection,  and  their  daily 
intercourse  brought  the  two  men  into  relations  which 
could  not  have  existed  between  men  of  weaker  character. 
Unlike  Mr.  Chase,  his  colleague  of  the  Treasury  Depart 
ment,  Mr.  Stanton  had  the  highest  admiration  for  Lin 
coln's  ability  and  judgment,  and  his  imperious  will  and 
stubborn  convictions  would  not  have  yielded  to  any  one 
else.  On  the  other  hand,  no  one  appreciated  so  much 
as  Lincoln  the  genuine  worth,  the  deep  sincerity,  and  the 
rare  ability  to  organize  and  execute  that  existed  in  his 
new  Secretary  of  War.  There  were  continual  differ 
ences  of  opinion  between  them.  Men  of  strong  char 
acter  seldom  think  alike,  and  with  his  peculiar  tempera 
ment  and  impulsive  disposition  Mr.  Stanton  could  not 
have  served  under  a  chief  less  amiable  and  considerate 
than  Lincoln. 

There  is  no  doubt  that  the  President's  patience  was 
often  sorely  tried,  but  the  same  spirit  that  governed  him 
when  he  invited  Mr.  Stanton  into  the  Cabinet  continued 
to  recognize  the  necessity  of  toleration  and  forbearance. 
While  he  usually  yielded  to  his  War  Secretary  in  details, 
in  matters  of  supreme  importance  he  invariably  insisted 
upon  following  his  own  judgment,  and  with  a  gentle 
but  unyielding  firmness  compelled  Mr.  Stanton  to  sub 
mit  to  his  will.  For  example,  Mr.  Stanton  refused  to 
carry  out  an  order  of  the  President  concerning  the  enlist 
ment  of  rebel  prisoners  of  war  who  wished  to  enter  the 
service  of  the  Union,  and  when  the  order  was  repeated, 
refused  a  second  time.  General  Fry,  the  Provost-Mar 
shal-General,  who  was  present  at  the  interview,  describes 
the  incident  as  follows : 

"  '  Now,  Mr.  President,  those  are  the  facts,  and  you 
221 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

must  see  that  your  order  cannot  be  executed/  exclaimed 
Stanton. 

"  Lincoln  sat  upon  a  sofa  with  his  legs  crossed,  and 
did  not  say  a  word  until  the  Secretary's  last  remark. 
Then  he  said,  in  a  somewhat  positive  tone,  '  Mr.  Secre 
tary,  I  reckon  you'll  have  to  execute  the  order/ 

"  Stanton  replied  with  asperity,  '  Mr.  President,  I 
cannot  do  it.' 

"  Lincoln  fixed  his  eyes  upon  Stanton,  and  in  a  firm 
voice,  and  with  an  accent  that  clearly  showed  his  deter 
mination,  he  said,  '  Mr.  Secretary,  it  will  have  to  be 
done.' 

"  Stanton  realized  that  he  was  overmatched.  He  had 
made  a  square  issue  with  the  President  and  had  been 
defeated,  notwithstanding  the  fact  that  he  was  in  the 
right.  Upon  an  intimation  from  him  I  withdrew  and 
did  not  witness  his  surrender.  A  few  minutes  after  I 
reached  my  office  I  received  instructions  from  the  Secre 
tary  to  carry  out  the  President's  order." 

The  President  "  always  liked  to  get  something  on 
Stanton,"  as  he  used  to  say.  Judge  Shellabarger,  of 
Ohio,  relates  this  incident: 

"  A  young  man  in  the  army,  Ben  Tappan,  wanted  a 
transfer  from  the  volunteer  service  to  the  regular  army, 
retaining  his  rank  of  Lieutenant  and  with  staff  duty. 
There  was  some  regulation  against  such  transfer ;  but 
Tappan's  step-father,  Frank  Wright,  thought  it  could 
be  done.  He  had  been  to  Secretary  Stanton,  who  was 
an  uncle  of  Tappan  by  marriage,  and,  on  account  of  this 
so-called  relationship,  the  Secretary  declined  to  act  in 
the  matter.  Wright  and  I  therefore  went  up  to  the 
White  House  to  see  the  President  about  it.  After  talk 
ing  it  over,  Mr.  Lincoln  told  a  story,  the  application  of 
which  was  that  the  army  was  getting  to  be  all  staff  and 
no  army,  there  was  such  a  rush  for  staff  duty  by  young 
officers.  However,  he  looked  over  Lieutenant  Tappan's 
paper,  heard  what  Secretary  Stanton  had  told  us  about 

222 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

his  delicacy  in  transferring  Lieutenant  Tappan  against 
the  regulation  because  of  his  relationship  by  marriage. 
Then  Mr.  Lincoln  wrote  across  the  application  some 
thing  like  the  following  endorsement : 

"  '  Lieutenant  Tappan,  of Regiment  Volunteers, 

desires  transfer  to Regiment,  Regular  service,  and 

assigned  to  staff  duty  with  present  rank.  If  the  only 
objection  is  Lieutenant  Tappan's  relationship  to  the  Sec 
retary  of  War,  that  objection  is  overruled. 

" '  A.  LINCOLN.' 

"  Of  course  this  threw  the  responsibility  of  breaking 
the  regulation  on  Secretary  Stanton.  We  never  heard 
anything  more  about  the  transfer." 

General  Fry  says,  "  A  story  has  long  been  current 
that  Lincoln  sent  an  application  for  office  with  a  note  to 
the  Secretary  of  War,  directing  that  a  letter  of  appoint 
ment  be  prepared  for  the  man  to  the  office  he  sought; 
that  the  applicant  returned  to  the  President  and  an 
nounced  that  Stanton  refused  to  obey  the  order;  that 
the  President  looked  disappointed,  but  merely  expressed 
his  regret  at  the  result,  and  remarked  that  he  had  not 
much  influence  with  the  administration.  The  anecdote 
has  generally  been  interpreted  as  meaning  that  Lincoln 
could  not  control  Stanton.  The  inference  is  erroneous. 
Lincoln,  so  far  as  I  could  discover,  was  in  every  respect 
the  actual  head  of  the  administration,  and  whenever  he 
chose  to  do  so  he  controlled  Stanton  as  well  as  all  the 
other  Cabinet  ministers." 

Ex-Representative  John  A.  Kasson,  of  Iowa,  says, 
"  Numerous  officers  in  the  field  had  written  me  to  have 

Colonel  ,  of Iowa  Regiment,  promoted  to  be 

a  brigadier-general.  The  colonel  deserved  the  promo 
tion,  but  it  was  difficult  to  obtain.  At  last  there  came  an 
Iowa  resignation,  and  I  went  to  the  President,  who 
signed  an  order  to  the  Secretary  of  War  to  let  Colonel 

223 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

have  the  commission  in  place  of  the  resigning  brig 
adier.  Mr.  Stanton  was  seated  on  a  sofa  talking  with  a 
friend.  I  told  him  my  errand,  and  handed  him  the 
President's  order.  He  glanced  at  it,  and  said,  in  an 
angry  tone, — • 

"  '  I  shan't  do  it,  sir ;  I  shan't  do  it !'  and  passed  the 
paper  up  to  his  clerk. 

"  Utterly  amazed  at  these  words,  and  indignant  at  his 
tone,  I  inquired  why  he  refused  to  obey  the  President's 
order. 

"  '  It  isn't  the  way  to  do  it,  sir,  and  I  shan't  do  it.' 

"  I  was  going  on  to  speak  of  the  merits  of  the  officer 
and  of  the  proceeding,  my  wrath  rising,  when  he  cut 
me  off  with, — 

' '  I  don't  propose  to  argue  the  question  with  you,  sir ; 
I  shan't  do  it.' 

"  Utterly  indignant,  I  turned  to  the  clerk  and  asked 
to  withdraw  the  paper. 

"  '  Don't  you  let  him  have  it,  sir/  said  Stanton ;  '  don't 
let  him  have  it.' 

"  The  clerk,  whose  hands  were  trembling  like  an  East 
ern  slave  before  his  pasha,  withdrew  the  document  which 
he  was  in  the  act  of  giving  to  me.  I  felt  my  indignation 
getting  too  strong  for  me,  and,  putting  on  my  hat  and 
turning  my  back  to  the  Secretary,  I  slowly  went  to  the 
door,  with  set  teeth,  saying  to  myself,  '  As  you  will  not 
hear  me  in  your  own  forum,  you  shall  hear  from  me 
in  mine/ 

"A  few  days  later,  after  recovering  my  coolness,  I 
reported  the  affair  to  the  President.  A  look  of  vexation 
came  over  his  face.  Then  he  gave  me  a  positive  order 
for  the  promotion  of  the  colonel  to  be  a  brigadier,  and 
told  me  to  take  it  over  to  the  War  Department.  I  replied 
that  I  could  not  speak  again  with  Mr.  Stanton  till  he 
apologized  for  his  insulting  manner  to  me  on  the  pre 
vious  occasion. 

' '  Oh/  said  the  President,  '  Stanton  has  gone  to  Fort- 
224 


EDWIN    M.    STANTON,    SECRETARY   OF    WAR 
From  a  photograph  by  Brady 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

ress  Monroe  and  Dana  is  acting.    He  will  attend  to  it 
for  you.'  " 

Judge  Usher,  Lincoln's  Secretary  of  the  Interior, 
says,  "  Chief  among  his  great  characteristics  were  his 
gentleness  and  humanity,  and  yet  he  did  not  hesitate 
promptly  to  approve  the  sentences  of  Kennedy  and  Beall. 
During  the  entire  war  there  are  but  few  other  evidences 
to  be  found  of  a  willingness  on  his  part  that  any  one 
should  suffer  the  penalty  of  death.  His  great  effort 
seemed  to  be  to  find  some  excuse,  some  palliation  for 
offences  charged.  He  strove  at  all  times  to  relieve  the 
citizens  on  both  sides  of  the  inconveniences  and  hard 
ships  resulting  from  the  war.  It  has  often  been  re 
ported  that  Secretary  of  War  Stanton  arbitrarily  refused 
to  carry  out  his  orders.  In  all  such  cases  reported  it  will 
be  found  that  the  President  had  given  directions  to  him 
to  issue  permits  to  persons  who  had  applied  to  go 
through  the  lines  into  the  insurgent  districts.  The  Presi 
dent  said  at  one  time,  referring  to  Stanton's  refusal  to 
issue  the  permits  and  the  severe  remarks  made  by  the 
persons  who  were  disobliged, — 

" '  I  cannot  always  know  whether  a  permit  ought  to 
be  granted,  and  I  want  to  oblige  everybody  when  I  can, 
and  Stanton  and  I  have  an  understanding  that  if  I  send 
an  order  to  him  that  cannot  be  consistently  granted,  he  is 
to  refuse  it,  which  he  sometimes  does ;  and  that  led  to 
a  remark  which  I  made  the  other  day  to  a  man  who  com 
plained  of  Stanton,  that  I  hadn't  much  influence  with 
this  administration,  but  expected  to  have  more  with  the 
next/  " 

Mr.  George  W.  Julian,  a  Representative  in  Congress, 
said,  "  I  called  on  the  President  respecting  the  appoint 
ments  I  had  recommended  under  the  conscription 
law,  and  took  occasion  to  refer  to  the  failure  of  Gen 
eral  Fremont  to  get  a  command.  He  said  he  did  not 
know  where  to  place  him,  and  that  it  reminded  him 
of  the  old  man  who  advised  his  son  to  take  a  wife, 
15  22S 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

to  which  the  young  man  responded,  '  Whose  wife  shall 
I  take?' 

"At  another  time,"  said  Mr.  Julian,  "a  committee 
of  Western  men,  headed  by  Mr.  Lovejoy,  procured  from 
the  President  an  important  order  looking  to  the  ex 
change  of  Eastern  and  Western  soldiers,  with  a  view 
to  more  effective  work.  Repairing  to  the  office  of  the 
Secretary,  Mr.  Lovejoy  explained  the  scheme,  as  he  had 
done  before  the  President,  but  was  met  by  a  flat  refusal. 

"  '  But  we  have  the  President's  order,  sir,'  said  Love- 
joy. 

" '  Did  Lincoln  give  you  an  order  of  that  kind  ?'  said 
Stanton. 

"  '  He  did,  sir/ 

"  '  Then  he  is  a  d— d  fool/  said  the  irate  Secretary. 

"  '  Do  you  mean  to  say  the  President  is  a  d — d  fool  ?' 
asked  Lovejoy  in  amazement. 

"  '  Yes,  sir,  if  he  gave  you  such  an  order  as  that/ 

"  The  bewildered  Congressman  from  Illinois  betook 
himself  at  once  to  the  President  and  related  the  result 
of  his  conference. 

"  '  Did  Stanton  say  I  was  a  d — d  fool  ?'  asked  Lincoln, 
at  the  close  of  the  recital. 

"  '  He  did,  sir,  and  repeated  it/ 

"  After  a  moment's  pause,  and  looking  up,  the  Presi 
dent  said, — 

" '  If  Stanton  said  I  was  a  d — d  fool,  then  I  must  be 
one,  for  he  is  nearly  always  right,  and  generally  says 
what  he  means.  I  will  step  over  and  see  him/  J: 

Mr.  Stanton  was  entirely  without  a  sense  of  humor, 
and  was  the  only  member  of  the  Cabinet  who  could  not 
tolerate  and  could  never  understand  Lincoln's  stories 
and  the  reasons  for  his  frequent  resort  to  comic  anec 
dotes  and  books  of  humor  to  relieve  his  mind  from 
anxiety  and  the  terrible  strain  that  was  always  upon 
him.  He  never  told  a  story  himself,  and  would  not 
waste  his  time  listening  to  stories  from  others.  With 

226 


A   PRESIDENT   AND   HIS   CABINET 

his  unsympathetic  disposition  and  nerveless  constitution 
he  could  not  understand  the  need  of  relaxation,  and  his 
serious  mind  regarded  with  disapproval  and  even  con 
tempt  the  simple  remedies  which  the  President  applied 
as  relief  to  his  anxieties  and  care.  Charles  A.  Dana, 
who  was  Mr.  Stanton's  assistant  in  the  War  Depart 
ment,  referring  to  this  fact  in  his  reminiscences,  says, — 

''The  political  struggle  (November,  1864)  had  been 
most  intense,  and  the  interest  taken  in  it,  both  in  the 
White  House  and  in  the  War  Department,  had  been 
almost  painful.  I  went  over  to  the  War  Department 
about  half-past  eight  in  the  evening  and  found  the 
President  and  Mr.  Stanton  together  in  the  Secretary's 
office.  General  Eckert,  who  then  had  charge  of  the  tele 
graph  department  of  the  War  Office,  was  coming  in 
continually  with  telegrams  containing  election  returns. 
Mr.  Stanton  would  read  them  and  the  President  would 
look  at  them  and  comment  upon  them.  Presently  there 
came  a  lull  in  the  returns,  and  Mr.  Lincoln  called  me 
up  to  a  place  by  his  side. 

"  '  Dana/  said  he,  '  have  you  ever  read  any  of  the 
writings  of  Petroleum  V.  Nasby?' 

"  '  No,  sir,'  I  said.  '  I  have  only  looked  at  some  of 
them,  and  they  seemed  to  me  quite  funny/ 

"  '  Well/  said  he,  '  let  me  read  you  a  specimen/  and, 
pulling  out  a  thin  yellow-covered  pamphlet  from  his 
breast-pocket,  he  began  to  read  aloud.  Mr.  Stanton 
viewed  this  proceeding  with  great  impatience,  as  I 
could  see,  but  Mr.  Lincoln  paid  no  attention  to  that. 
He  would  read  a  page  or  a  story,  pause  to  con  a  new 
election  telegram,  and  then  open  the  book  again  and 
go  ahead  with  a  new  passage.  Finally  Mr.  Chase  came 
in  and  presently  Mr.  Whitelaw  Reid,  and  then  the  read 
ing  was  interrupted.  Mr.  Stanton  went  to  the  door  and 
beckoned  me  into  the  next  room.  I  shall  never  forget 
the  fire  of  his  indignation  at  what  seemed  to  him  to  be 
mere  nonsense.  The  idea  that  when  the  safety  of  the 

227 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

republic  was  thus  at  issue,  when  the  control  of  an  em 
pire  was  to  be  determined  by  a  few  figures  brought  in 
by  the  telegraph,  the  leader,  the  man  most  deeply  con 
cerned,  not  merely  for  himself  but  for  his  country, 
could  turn  aside  to  read  such  balderdash  and  to  laugh 
at  such  frivolous  jests,  was  to  his  mind  something  most 
repugnant  and  damnable.  He  could  not  understand, 
apparently,  that  it  was  by  the  relief  which  these  jests 
afforded  to  the  strain  of  mind  under  which  Lincoln  had 
so  long  been  living  and  to  the  natural  gloom  of  a 
melancholy  and  desponding  temperament — this  was  Mr. 
Lincoln's  prevailing  characteristic — that  the  safety  and 
sanity  of  his  intelligence  were  maintained  and  pre 
served." 


228 


VI 

A   COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF   AND   HIS   GENERALS 

WHEN  President  Lincoln,  confronted  by  the  infirmi 
ties  and  incapacity  of  General  Scott  and  the  jealousy 
and  rivalry  of  the  younger  officers  of  the  army,  was 
compelled  to  assume  the  direction  of  the  conduct  of  the 
war,  he  was  entirely  ignorant  of  military  affairs,  except 
for  the  experience  he  had  gained  in  his  youth  during 
the  Black  Hawk  War,  which,  however,  was  more  of  a 
frontier  frolic  than  a  serious  campaign.  His  own  ac 
count  of  it  is  found  in  the  autobiography  he  furnished 
to  the  press  after  his  nomination  to  the  Presidency : 

"  Abraham  joined  a  volunteer  company,  and  to  his 
own  surprise  was  elected  captain  of  it.  He  says  he  has 
not  since  had  any  success  in  life  which  gave  him  so 
much  satisfaction.  He  went  into  the  campaign,  served 
nearly  three  months,  met  the  ordinary  hardships  of  such 
an  expedition,  but  was  in  no  battle." 

We  know  from  others  that  Lincoln  was  one  of  the 
first  to  enlist,  and  that  it  was  something  besides  ambition 
which  led  him  to  seek  the  captaincy  of  his  company. 
During  his  first  year  in  Illinois  he  worked  for  a  time  in 
a  saw-mill  run  by  a  man  named  Kirkpatrick,  who  prom 
ised  to  buy  him  a  cant-hook  with  which  to  move  heavy 
logs.  Lincoln  offered  to  move  the  logs  with  his  own 
common  handspike,  provided  Kirkpatrick  would  give 
him  in  cash  the  two  dollars  which  a  cant-hook  would 
cost.  Kirkpatrick  agreed  to  do  so,  but  never  did,  and 
Lincoln  always  bore  him  a  grudge.  When  the  volun 
teers  from  Sangamon  County  assembled  on  the  green 
to  elect  their  officers,  Lincoln  discovered  that  Kirkpat 
rick  was  the  only  candidate  for  captain,  and  remarked 
to  his  friend  and  neighbor,  Green, — 

229 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  Bill,  I  believe  I  can  make  Kirkpatrick  pay  me  that 
two  dollars  he  owes  me  on  the  cant-hook  or  I'll  run 
against  him  for  captain." 

So  he  and  Green  began  immediately  to  "  hustle"  for 
votes,  and  when  the  order  was  given  for  the  men  to 
assemble  at  the  side  of  their  favorite  candidate  for  cap 
tain,  three-fourths  of  them  came  to  Lincoln,  and  he  led 
them  over  the  prairies  and  through  the  wilderness  to  the 
rendezvous.  He  had  no  knowledge  of  military  tactics 
and  did  not  even  know  the  order  to  give.  He  used  to 
describe  his  blunders  with  great  amusement,  and  one 
that  he  enjoyed  particularly  was  a  device  to  get  his  men 
through  a  gate-way  into  an  enclosure.  They  were 
marching  across  a  field  four  abreast,  and  Lincoln  could 
not  remember  the  proper  command  for  changing  them 
into  single  file,  "  or  getting  the  company  through  the 
gate  endwise,"  as  he  described  it.  "  So,  as  we  came 
near  the  gate,  I  shouted,  '  The  company  is  dismissed  for 
two  minutes,  when  it  will  fall  in  again  on  the  other  side 
of  the  gate/  " 

This  ingenuity  did  not  save  him  from  disgrace  on 
other  occasions,  and  once  he  was  severely  punished  by 
being  deprived  of  his  sword  on  account  of  a  violation  of 
discipline.  But  these  punishments  did  not  seem  to 
diminish  the  respect  in  which  he  was  held  by  his  com 
pany.  They  were  proud  of  his  wit,  his  strength,  and 
his  learning,  and  throughout  their  lives  they  remained 
devotedly  attached  to  him  because  of  his  personal  quali 
ties.  One  day  an  Indian  fugitive  took  refuge  in  the 
camp,  and  the  soldier  frontiersmen,  with  more  or  less 
experience  of  the  treachery  and  cruelty  of  the  savage, 
saw  no  reason  why  they  should  not  put  him  out  of  the 
way  at  once,  especially  as  they  had  come  out  to  kill 
Indians;  but  Lincoln's  humanity  and  sense  of  justice 
revolted  at  the  murder  of  a  helpless  savage,  and,  at  the 
risk  of  his  life,  he  defied  the  entire  camp  and  saved  the 
Indian. 

230 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

At  the  end  of  their  term  of  service  his  company  was 
mustered  out,  and  most  of  the  volunteers,  seeing  no 
prospect  of  glory  or  profit,  started  towards  home;  but 
Captain  Lincoln  re-enlisted  the  same  day  as  a  private, 
and  often  spoke  of  the  satisfaction  he  felt  when  relieved 
of  the  responsibility  of  command.  He  served  through 
the  campaign.  He  was  the  strongest  man  in  the  army 
and  the  best  wrestler,  with  the  exception  of  a  man  named 
Thompson,  who  once  threw  him  on  the  turf. 

Black  Hawk  was  captured  through  the  treachery  of 
his   allies.      Lincoln's   battalion   was   mustered    out   at 
Whitewater,  Wisconsin,  by  Lieutenant  Robert  Ander 
son,  who,  twenty-nine  years  later,  was  to  stand  wit 
him  as  the  most  interesting  figure  upon  the  national 
stage.     A  story  that  Lincoln  was   mustered   into  the 
service  by  Jefferson  Davis  has  been  widely  pubhshec 
It  was  a  natural  mistake,  however,  because  Davis,  then 
a  lieutenant  in  the  army,  was  stationed  at  a  fort  near 
Rock  Island,  but  during  the  summer  of  the  Black  Hawk 
War  he  was  on  leave  of  absence  and  did  not  join  his 
regiment  until  long  after  the  Sangamon  County  volun 
teers  had  returned  to  their  homes.     However,  Lincoln 
was  to  see  and  meet  several  interesting  characters,  in 
cluding  Colonel  Zachary  Taylor,  whom  he  afterwards 
supported  for  President,  General  Winfield  Scott,  another 
Whig  candidate  for  the  Presidency  and  the  commander 
of  the  army  at  the  beginning  of  his  administration,  Lieu 
tenant  Albert  Sidney  Johnston,  afterwards  a  Confederate 
general,  and  others  of  fame. 

Lincoln  never  permitted  any  one  to  call  him  cap 
tain/'  and  when  in  Congress  in  1848  he  made  a  political 
speech  in  which  he  ridiculed  the  efforts  of  the  friends  of 
General  Cass  to  obtain  some  political  advantage  from 
that  eminent  gentleman's  services  in  a  similar  capacity. 

He  said, —  .     . 

"If  General  Cass  went  in  advance  of  me  picking 
whortleberries,  I  guess  I  surpassed  him  in  charges  on 

231 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  wild  onions.  If  he  saw  any  live,  fighting  Indians, 
it  was  more  than  I  did,  but  I  had  a  good  many  bloody 
struggles  with  the  mosquitoes;  and  although  I  never 
fainted  from  loss  of  blood,  I  can  truly  say  I  was  often 
very  hungry.  If  ever  I  should  conclude  to  doff  whatever 
our  Democratic  friends  may  suppose  there  is  of  black- 
cockade  Federalism  about  me,  and  thereupon  they  shall 
take  me  up  as  their  candidate  for  the  Presidency,  I 
protest  that  they  shall  not  make  fun  of  me,  as  they  have 
of  General  Cass,  by  attempting  to  write  me  into  a  mili 
tary  hero." 

When  compelled  to  supervise  the  enlisting  and  equip 
ment  of  a  great  army  and  plan  campaigns  that  were  to 
determine  the  destiny  and  the  happiness  and  prosperity 
of  the  people,  he  was  entirely  without  preparation  or 
technical  knowledge  of  the  science  of  war,  and  could 
only  rely  upon  his  common  sense  and  apply  to  military 
affairs  the  experience  he  had  gained  in  politics.  His 
talent  developed  rapidly,  however,  until  he  became  rec 
ognized  as  the  ablest  strategist  of  the  war,  not  excepting 
Grant  or  Sherman.  His  correspondence  with  his  gen 
erals,  his  memoranda  concerning  the  movements  of 
troops,  his  instructions  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  the 
plans  he  suggested,  and  the  comments  and  criticisms  he 
made  upon  those  of  others  indicate  the  possession  of  a 
military  genius  which  in  actual  service  would  have  given 
him  a  high  reputation.  In  times  of  crisis  his  generals 
found  him  calm  and  resourceful;  in  great  emergencies 
he  was  prompt,  cool,  and  clear-sighted;  and  under  the 
shock  of  defeat  he  was  brave,  strong,  and  hopeful. 

Soon  after  his  inauguration  he  began  to  realize  the 
magnitude  of  the  struggle  and  the  responsibilities  which 
rested  upon  him.  He  was  convinced  that  the  govern 
ment  was  in  the  right,  but  determined  that  there  should 
be  no  mistake  on  this  point ;  therefore  he  gave  the  South 
every  liberty  and  indulgence  that  could  possibly  be 
granted.  He  determined  that  the  "  overt  act"  should  be 

232 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

committed  by  the  South,  that  there  should  be  no  excuse 
to  accuse  the  government  of  "  invasion"  or  an  attempt 
at  "  subjugation,"  and  for  that  reason  he  delayed  the 
attempt  to  reinforce  and  provision  Fort  Sumter.  When 
the  public  understood  the  moral  issues  involved  he  gave 
the  order,  because  he  knew  that  he  would  be  supported 
by  a  united  North.  In  his  inaugural  address  he  said, 
"  In  your  hands,  my  dissatisfied  fellow-countrymen,  and 
not  in  mine,  is  the  momentous  issue  of  civil  war.  The 
government  will  not  assail  you.  You  can  have  no  con 
flict  without  being  yourselves  the  aggressors."  And  that 
solemn  pledge  he  endeavored  to  fulfil  even  at  the  risk 
of  Northern  criticism  and  the  loss  of  the  military  posts 
at  Charleston  and  other  points  in  the  South. 

It  was  a  disheartening  and  almost  impossible  situation 
for  the  new  administration.  President  Lincoln  and  Gen 
eral  Scott  were  left  almost  entirely  dependent  upon 
strangers  and  men  of  no  experience  who  had  been  ap 
pointed  for  political  reasons  rather  than  for  capacity  or 
knowledge.  Nearly  all  the  trained  officers  of  the  army 
resigned  as  fast  as  their  native  States  seceded;  officers 
of  Northern  birth  and  sympathies  had  been  sent  to  dis 
tant  posts  so  that  they  could  not  interfere  with  the  trea 
sonable  designs  of  Secretary  Floyd  during  the  Buchanan 
administration.  Confusion,  corruption,  and  complica 
tions  were  unavoidable,  and  caused  the  President  unut 
terable  anxiety  and  distress.  Ignorance  and  zeal  often 
provoked  more  trouble  than  could  be  corrected,  and 
jealousy,  rivalry,  and  partisanship  made  matters  worse. 

The  political  problems  alone  would  have  been  as  great 
a  load  as  mortal  man  might  have  been  expected  to  carry, 
but  his  perplexities  were  increased,  his  time  occupied, 
and  his  patience  sorely  tested  by  such  an  undignified 
and  unpatriotic  clamor  for  offices  as  has  never  been 
exceeded  in  the  history  of  our  government.  The  Demo 
cratic  party  had  been  in  power  for  many  years.  Every 
position  in  the  gift  of  President  Buchanan  had  been 

233 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

filled  with  a  Democrat,  many  of  them  Southern  sympa 
thizers,  and  now  hordes  of  hungry  Republicans  be 
sieged  the  White  House  demanding  appointments.  The 
situation  was  described  by  the  President  in  a  single 
ejaculation.  A  Senator  who  noticed  an  expression  of 
anxiety  and  dejection  upon  his  face,  inquired, — 

^Has  anything  gone  wrong,  Mr.  President?     Have 
you  heard  bad  news  from  Fort  Sumter  ?" 

"  No,"  answered  the  President,  solemnly.     "  It's  the 
post-office  at  Jonesville,  Missouri." 

The  area  of  the  country  was  vast;  the  seat  of  war 
stretched  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Missouri  River,  with 
a  strip  of  States  undecided  in  their  purpose  which  must 
be  carefully  handled  to  prevent  them  from  joining  the 
Confederacy.  With  inexperienced  and  incompetent 
commanders,  a  divided  Cabinet,  public  clamor  dinning 
in  his  ears,  and  his  mind  harassed  by  other  cares  and 
perplexities,  it  was  difficult  to  develop  a  military  policy 
and  plan  a  campaign  for  the  suppression  of  the  rebellion. 
Even  if  the  situation  had  been  divested  of  political  sig 
nificance,  it  would  have  taxed  the  genius  of  a  Napoleon. 
The  coast  line  to  be  protected  was  more  than  three  thou 
sand  six  hundred  miles  long,  the  frontier  line  was  nearly 
eight  thousand  miles,  and  the  field  of  operation  covered 
an  area  larger  than  the  whole  of  Europe.  Furthermore, 
it  was  a  political  war,  and  everything  must  be  planned 
with  a  view  to  political  consequences.  It  was  not  a 
struggle  between  rival  powers,  nor  for  conquest,  but  for 
the  preservation  of  the  Union,  and  from  the  beginning 
President  Lincoln  appreciated  that  the  common  interests 
and  the  general  welfare  required  that  the  integrity  of 
the  country  be  preserved  with  as  little  loss  and  as  little 
punishment  as  possible  to  either  side.  Whatever  damage 
was  done  must  be  repaired  at  the  end  by  a  reunited 
country ;  whatever  was  destroyed  was  a  common  loss. 
The  war  was  a  family  affair,  in  which  the  sufferings  and 
sorrows  and  material  losses  must  be  equally  shared. 

234 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

With  all  these  considerations  in  his  mind,  he  undertook 
to  guide  the  government  in  such  a  way  as  to  prevent 
the  dissolution  of  the  Union  and  at  the  same  time  ac 
complish  the  overthrow  of  the  slave  power  and  the 
removal  of  that  curse  from  the  American  people. 

General  Scott,  like  General  Sherman,  had  accurately 
measured  the  requirements  of  the  situation.  Their  expe 
rience  and  military  instincts  taught  them  that  it  was  to 
be  a  long  and  a  tedious  struggle,  and  they  urged  delib 
eration  and  preparation  as  absolutely  necessary  to  suc 
cess.  But,  when  General  Sherman's  opinion  was  made 
public,  he  was  called  a  lunatic,  and  General  Scott's  prac 
tical  plan  of  military  operations  was  defeated  by  pub 
lic  ridicule.  General  Sherman  demanded  two  hundred 
thousand  men  before  attempting  a  campaign  in  the  Mis 
sissippi  Valley.  General  Scott  called  for  only  one  hun 
dred  thousand  men,  but  said  they  would  be  required  for 
three  years,  and  advised  that  they  be  distributed  among 
ten  or  fifteen  healthy  camps  for  four  months  until  they 
could  be  organized,  drilled,  and  acclimated;  then,  after 
the  navy  had  blockaded  the  harbors  of  the  Southern 
coast,  he  proposed  to  move  his  army  down  both  banks 
of  the  Mississippi  River,  establishing  strong  posts  at 
frequent  intervals  to  protect  that  stream  until  New 
Orleans  was  captured  and  occupied;  he  then  proposed 
to  move  his  army  gradually  eastward  from  the  Missis 
sippi  and  southward  from  the  Potomac,  slowly  closing 
in  upon  the  Confederacy  until  its  military  power  was 
paralyzed.  Notwithstanding  the  sorrows  and  anxieties 
of  the  North,  the  people  howled  with  derision  at  this 
thorough,  practical  plan  of  the  old  veteran.  The  comic 
papers  took  it  up  and  published  cartoons  representing 
a  monster  serpent  with  General  Scott's  head,  coiled 
around  the  cotton  States,  and  they  called  it  "  Scott's 
Anaconda."  In  the  same  breath  they  demanded  a  battle. 
"On  to  Richmond,"  they  cried,  and  President  Lincoln 
yielded  to  the  clamor.  The  battle  of  Bull  Run  was 

235 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

fought,  with  its  disastrous  consequences.  The  lesson 
was  valuable,  as  it  taught  the  President  that  public  opin 
ion  was  not  a  safe  guide  to  follow  in  military  operations. 

It  must  be  remembered  that  in  the  midst  of  the  most 
appalling  situation  in  American  history  Lincoln  stood 
practically  alone  because  of  a  divided  Cabinet  and  the 
age  and  infirmities  of  General  Scott,  then  seventy-five 
years  old,  quite  feeble  in  body  and  irritable  of  temper. 
The  President  had  great  respect  for  him  and  confidence 
in  his  patriotism  and  military  judgment.  He  had  sup 
ported  Scott  for  President  in  1852,  had  been  in  corre 
spondence  with  him  before  the  inauguration,  and  had 
encouraged  him  in  his  futile  efforts  to  check  the  treason 
able  transactions  of  Secretary  Floyd  and  other  conspira 
tors  ;  but  he  soon  discovered  that  the  venerable  warrior 
was  in  no  condition  to  perform  labor  or  assume  respon 
sibility.  Yet  he  was  reluctant  to  do  anything  to  wound 
his  pride  or  reflect  upon  his  present  ability.  This  in 
creased  the  embarrassment  and  difficulties  of  the  situa 
tion.  General  Scott  recognized  and  appreciated  Lin 
coln's  consideration,  but  refused  to  resign  or  retire  until 
finally  driven  from  his  post  by  McClellan. 

At  the  White  House,  shortly  after  the  battle  of  Bull 
Run,  the  old  veteran,  after  listening  to  criticisms  directed 
at  the  President  for  permitting  the  Union  army  to  suffer 
defeat,  broke  out  in  his  wrath, — 

"  Sir,  I  am  the  greatest  coward  in  America.  I  will 
prove  it.  I  fought  this  battle,  sir,  against  my  judgment; 
I  think  the  President  of  the  United  States  ought  to 
remove  me  to-day  for  doing  it.  As  God  is  my  judge, 
after  my  superiors  had  determined  to  fight  it,  I  did  all 
in  my  power  to  make  the  army  efficient.  I  deserve 
removal  because  I  did  not  stand  up  when  my  army  was 
not  in  a  condition  for  fighting  and  resist  to  the  last." 

!<  Your  conversation  seems  to  imply  that  I  forced  you 
to  fight  this  battle,"  suggested  the  President. 

"  I  have  never  served  a  President  who  has  been  kinder 
236 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

to  me  than  you  have  been,"  replied  the  general,  avoiding 
the  question. 

The  battle  of  Bull  Run  was  fought  to  gratify  the 
politicians.  It  was  the  only  time  the  President  yielded 
to  public  clamor,  and  he  always  regretted  it.  It  was  a 
political  movement.  When  he  assembled  a  council  of 
war  five  days  previous,  the  commanders  declared  that 
they  had  force  enough  to  overcome  the  enemy;  but 
General  Scott  was  positive  that  such  a  victory  could  not 
be  decisive,  and  advised  a  postponement  of  active  hos 
tilities  for  a  few  months  until  the  army  could  be  placed 
in  a  better  condition.  The  Cabinet  and  the  military 
committees  of  Congress  feared  that  public  sentiment  in 
the  North  would  not  consent  to  the  delay,  and  that  the 
Confederate  leaders  would  make  such  good  use  of  it 
that  the  results  of  an  offensive  movement  would  be  more 
doubtful  then  than  now,  hence  an  order  for  the  advance 
was  given.  The  President  did  not  rebuke  General  Scott 
for  his  indignant  outbreak,  because  he  felt  that  his  words 
were  true. 

The  President  suffered  great  anxiety  during  that 
eventful  Sunday,  but  exhibited  his  usual  self-control, 
and  attended  church  with  Mrs.  Lincoln.  After  his 
noon  dinner  he  walked  over  to  the  head-quarters  of  the 
army,  where  he  found  General  Scott  taking  a  nap,  and 
woke  him  up  to  ask  his  opinion.  The  old  gentleman 
was  not  only  hopeful  but  confident,  for  one  of  his  aides 
had  arrived  with  a  report  that  General  McDowell  was 
driving  everything  before  him.  The  President's  mind 
was  relieved  and  about  four  o'clock  he  went  out  to 
drive.  At  six  o'clock  Secretary  Seward  staggered  over 
the  threshold  of  the  White  House  and  nervously  asked 
for  the  President.  When  told  that  he  was  driving,  he 
whispered  to  the  private  secretary,— 

"  Tell  no  one,  but  the  battle  is  lost ;  McDowell  is  in 
full  retreat,  and  calls  on  General  Scott  to  save  the 
capital." 

237 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

When  the  President  drove  up  to  the  portico  a  few 
minutes  later  he  listened  in  silence  to  the  message,  but 
his  head  hung  low  as  he  crossed  the  White  House 
grounds  to  head-quarters.  There  the  disaster  was  con 
firmed,  and  he  conferred  long  and  anxiously  with  Gen 
eral  Scott  and  Secretary  Cameron  as  to  the  next  duty. 
Towards  midnight  he  returned  to  the  White  House  and 
heard  the  accounts  of  members  of  Congress  and  others 
who  had  gone  out  to  witness  the  battle.  His  long  frame 
lay  listlessly  upon  a  couch,  but  his  mind  was  active,  his 
calmness  and  resolution  had  not  been  disturbed,  and 
before  he  slept  that  night  he  had  planned  the  reor 
ganization  of  the  army,  and  from  that  time  undertook 
the  direction  of  military  as  well  as  civil  and  diplomatic 
affairs;  consulting  freely  with  Senators  and  Represent 
atives  and  officers  of  the  army  as  he  did  with  his  con 
stitutional  advisers,  but  relying  upon  his  own  judgment 
more  and  more. 

A  gleam  of  hope  arose  in  his  mind  that  he  might  be 
relieved  of  much  detail  by  George  B.  McClellan,  a  bril 
liant  young  officer,  who  had  been  called  to  Washington 
and  appointed  a  major-general. 

McClellan  was  a  graduate  of  West  Point,  had  served 
with  distinction  in  the  Mexican  War,  had  been  a  member 
of  a  military  commission  to  inspect  the  armies  of  Europe, 
had  observed  the  conduct  of  the  Crimean  War,  had 
been  engaged  in  various  scientific  and  diplomatic  duties, 
had  resigned  from  the  army  to  become  Chief  Engineer 
of  the  Illinois  Central  Railroad  when  only  thirty-one 
years  old,  was  elected  its  Vice-President  at  thirty-two, 
and  made  President  of  the  Ohio  and  Mississippi  Rail 
road  when  he  was  thirty-four.  He  had  made  a  brief 
but  dashing  campaign  in  West  Virginia,  and  was  cred 
ited  with  saving  that  State  to  the  Union.  His  brilliant 
professional  attainments,  the  executive  ability  he  had 
displayed  in  railway  management,  combined  with  at 
tractive  personal  qualities  and  influential  social  connec- 

238 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

tions,  made  him  the  most  conspicuous  officer  in  the 
Union  army  and  naturally  excited  the  confidence  of  the 
President,  who  gave  him  a  cordial  welcome  and  intrusted 
him  with  the  most  responsible  duties,  making  him  second 
only  to  General  Scott  in  command. 

Unfortunately,  however,  the  honors  which  were  show 
ered  upon  McClellan  turned  his  head,  and  the  young 
commander  not  only  failed  to  comprehend  the  situation 
and  his  relations  to  the  President  and  General  Scott,  but 
very  soon  developed  signs  of  vanity  and  insubordination 
which  caused  the  President  great  concern.  He  saw 
himself  followed  and  flattered  by  statesmen,  politicians, 
and  soldiers  of  twice  his  age  and  experience.  The 
members  of  the  Cabinet  and  even  the  President  himself 
came  to  his  residence  to  ask  his  advice,  and  the  ven 
erable  hero  of  the  Mexican  War  deferred  to  his  judg 
ment  and  accepted  his  suggestions  without  hesitation. 
McClellan  was  the  idol  of  the  army  and  a  magnet  that 
attracted  all  the  interest,  influence,  and  ambition  that 
were  centred  at  Washington  at  that  period  of  the  war. 
His  state  of  mind  and  weakness  of  character  were  ex 
hibited  in  letters  he  wrote  to  his  family  at  this  time, 
which,  by  a  lamentable  error  of  judgment,  were  after 
wards  printed  in  his  biography. 

On  July  27  he  wrote  his  wife,  "  I  find  myself  in  a  new 
and  strange  position  here,  President,  Cabinet,  General 
Scott  and  all  deferring  to  me.  By  some  strange  opera 
tion  of  magic  I  seem  to  have  become  the  power  of  the 
land." 

A  little  later  he  wrote,  "  They  give  me  my  way  in 
everything,  full  swing  and  unbounded  confidence.  Who 
would  have  thought  when  we  were  married  that  I  should 
so  soon  be  called  upon  to  save  my  country?"  Ten  days 
after  his  appointment  he  declared,  "  I  would  cheerfully 
take  the  dictatorship  and  agree  to  lay  down  my  life 
when  the  country  is  saved." 

Very  soon,  however,  the  tone  of  his  letters  began  to 
239 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

change.  The  President,  General  Scott,  and  the  Cabinet 
had  evidently  begun  to  detect  his  weakness  and  egotism 
and  no  longer  accepted  his  own  estimate  of  his  ability 
and  importance.  To  the  President's  profound  disap 
pointment,  he  realized  within  a  few  days  that  McClellan 
was  not  a  staff  that  could  be  leaned  upon,  while  General 
Scott's  admiration  and  confidence  in  his  young  lieutenant 
were  shaken  at  their  first  interview. 

With  the  air  of  an  emperor  McClellan  began  to  issue 
extraordinary  demands  upon  the  President,  the  War 
Department,  and  the  Treasury.  It  soon  became  apparent 
that  he  desired  and  expected  to  be  placed  in  command 
of  the  greatest  army  of  history;  that  he  intended  to 
organize  and  equip  it  according  to  the  most  advanced 
scientific  theories;  and  when  the  President,  the  Secre 
tary  of  War,  and  General  Scott  objected  to  the  magni 
tude  of  his  plans,  pointed  out  their  imprac  icability,  and 
urged  him  to  do  something  to  check  the  alarming  move 
ments  of  the  Confederates,  he  was  seized  with  a  delusion 
which  remained  with  him  to  the  end,  that  they  were 
endeavoring  to  thwart  and  embarrass  him.  The  tone  of 
his  letters  to  his  wife  was  radically  changed. 

"  I  am  here  in  a  terrible  place,"  he  said ;  "  the  enemy 
have  from  three  to  four  times  my  force;  the  President 
and  the  old  General  will  not  see  the  true  state  of  affairs." 

"  I  am  weary  of  all  this,"  he  said  a  week  later,  "  and 
disgusted  with  this  administration, — perfectly  sick  of 
it;"  and  he  declared  that  he  remained  at  the  head  of 
affairs  only  because  he  had  become  convinced  that  he 
was  alone  the  salvation  of  the  country.  He  expressed 
especial  contempt  for  the  President,  and  said,  "  There 
are  some  of  the  greatest  geese  in  the  Cabinet  I  have 
ever  seen, — enough  to  tax  the  patience  of  Job."  The 
incompetence  and  stupidity  of  the  President,  he  wrote, 
was  "  sickening  in  the  extreme,  and  makes  me  feel  heavy 
at  heart  when  I  see  the  weakness  and  unfitness  of  the 
poor  beings  who  control  the  destinies  of  this  country." 

240 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

He  wrote  other  friends  that  his  wisdom  alone  must 
save  the  country,  that  he  spent  his  time  "  trying  to  get 
the  government  to  do  its  duty,  and  was  thwarted  and 
deceived  by  these  incapables  at  every  turn."  He  de 
manded  that  all  recruits  be  sent  to  his  army  and  that  all 
supplies  be  issued  to  him,  as  if  the  armies  in  the  Mis 
sissippi  Valley  could  take  care  of  themselves.  He  de 
manded  that  "  the  whole  of  the  regular  army,  old  and 
new,  be  at  once  ordered  to  report  here/'  and  that  the 
trained  officers  be  assigned  to  him.  "  It  is  the  task  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  to  decide  the  question  at 
issue,*'  he  declared.  When  advice  and  suggestions  were 
offered  him  he  rejected  them  contemptuously,  and  an 
nounced  that  whenever  orders  were  issued  to  him  he 
exercised  his  own  judgment  as  to  obedience. 

General  McClellan's  vanity  and  presumption  might 
have  been  overlooked  by  General  Scott,  but  his  insulting 
remarks  could  not  be  excused.  Their  relations  reached 
an  acute  stage  in  August,  1861,  notwithstanding  the 
President's  efforts  at  reconciliation^  Again  and  again 
he  apologized  for  and  explained  away  the  rudeness  of 
the  younger  officer  towards  his  superior;  and  General 
Scott,  realizing  the  President's  embarrassment,  begged 
to  be  relieved  from  active  command  because  of  his  age 
and  infirmities.  Perhaps  it  would  have  been  wiser  if 
the  wishes  of  the  aged  general  had  been  complied  with, 
for  he  was  now  practically  helpless,  fretful,  and  for 
getful,  and  his  sensitiveness  made  it  necessary  to  consult 
him  upon  every  proposition  and  admit  him  to  every 
conference.  Finally,  McClellan's  contemptuous  indif 
ference,  persistent  disrespect,  and  continual  disobedience 
provoked  General  Scott  beyond  endurance,  and  on  the 
last  day  of  October  he  asked  that  his  name  be  placed 
on  the  list  of  army  officers  retired  from  active  service. 
"  For  more  than  three  years,"  he  wrote,  "  I  have  been 
unable  from  a  hurt  to  mount  a  horse  or  to  walk  more 
than  a  few  paces  at  a  time  and  that  with  much  pain. 
16  241 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Other  and  new  infirmities,  dropsy,  and  vertigo,  admonish 
me  that  repose  of  mind  and  body  are  necessary  to  add 
a  little  more  to  a  life  already  protracted  much  beyond 
the  usual  span  of  man." 

Lincoln,  however,  continued  to  consult  him,  and  in 
June,  1862,  made  a  visit  to  West  Point  for  the  purpose 
of  asking  his  advice  upon  certain  military  movements 
then  in  contemplation.  General  Scott  outlived  him,  and 
was  the  most  distinguished  figure  at  the  obsequies  of  the 
martyred  President  at  New  York  City  in  April,  1865. 

After  General  Scott's  retirement  McClellan  assumed 
even  greater  importance  in  his  own  eyes,  and  treated 
the  President  in  the  same  contemptuous  manner;  yet 
the  latter's  indulgence  was  inexhaustible,  and  he  would 
not  even  allow  personal  indignity  to  himself  to  interfere 
with  his  relations  with  the  commander  of  his  army.  He 
was  accustomed  to  visit  army  head-quarters  and  General 
McClellan's  residence  in  the  most  informal  manner, 
entering  both  without  notification  of  his  coming,  and,  if 
the  general  was  not  in,  returning  to  the  White  House; 
but  one  night  in  November,  1861,  he  called  at  General 
McClellan's  residence  on  a  matter  so  important  that  he 
decided  to  await  the  latter's  return  from  a  wedding. 
Although  informed  that  the  President  had  been  waiting 
an  hour,  McClellan  went  directly  by  the  drawing-room 
upstairs,  and  when  a  servant  went  to  remind  him  that 
the  President  wished  to  see  him,  the  general  sent  down 
word  that  he  was  retiring  and  would  like  to  be  excused. 
Lincoln  did  not  mention  the  insult.  No  one  could  have 
detected  any  difference  in  his  treatment  of  General  Mc 
Clellan  thereafter,  except  that  he  never  entered  his  house 
again,  and  after  that  date  when  he  wanted  to  see  him 
sent  for  him  to  come  to  the  Executive  Mansion.  On 
another  occasion  when  the  young  general  treated  him 
with  similar  arrogance,  Governor  Dennison,  of  Ohio, 
and  General  Mitchell  remonstrated,  but  the  President 
replied  cheerfully, — 

242 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

"  Never  mind ;  I  will  hold  McClellan's  horse  if  he  will 
only  bring  us  success." 

But  he  did  not  bring  success,  and  the  public  as  well 
as  both  Houses  of  Congress  became  very  impatient 
about  the  idleness  and  delay  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
McClellan's  "  All  quiet  on  the  Potomac"  became  a  slang 
phrase  as  notorious  as  General  Butler's  "  contraband." 
Newspaper  artists  and  cartoonists  made  him  the  subject 
of  ridicule,  committees  of  Senators  and  Representatives 
waited  upon  him,  Legislatures  passed  resolutions,  but 
he  was  no  more  affected  by  those  promptings  than  he 
had  been  by  the  entreaties  and  admonitions  of  the  Presi 
dent.  When  positive  orders  were  issued,  McClellan 
refused  to  obey  them,  or  obeyed  them  in  such  a  manner 
as  to  defeat  their  purpose.  A  committee  of  Congress 
was  appointed  to  make  an  investigation.  The  President 
began  to  lose  his  patience,  and  declared  that  "  if  some 
thing  were  not  done  the  bottom  would  drop  out  of  the 
whole  affair.  If  McClellan  did  not  want  to  use  the 
army  he  would  like  to  borrow  it,  provided  he  could  see 
how  it  could  be  made  to  do  something."  McClellan 
replied  that  his  forces  were  insufficient;  that  he  was 
outnumbered  by  the  enemy.  Finally,  at  a  conference 
with  the  Cabinet,  Secretary  Chase,  who  had  been  his 
most  enthusiastic  admirer,  but  had  lost  all  confidence 
in  McClellan,  asked  the  general  point-blank  what  he 
intended  to  do  and  when  he  intended  to  do  it.  McClellan 
refused  to  answer  the  question  unless  the  President 
ordered  him  to  do  so.  The  latter,  with  his  usual  con 
sideration,  attempted  to  protect  the  general,  and  in  a 
conciliatory  way  asked  whether  he  had  resolved  in  his 
own  mind  when  he  would  be  able  to  make  a  forward 
movement.  McClellan  replied  in  the  affirmative,  but 
would  give  no  further  information.  The  President 
urged  him  to  do  so,  but  he  continued  to  refuse,  where 
upon  the  former  remarked, — 

"  Then  I  will  adjourn  the  meeting." 
243 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

The  President  waited  a  few  weeks  longer,  and,  as 
nothing  was  done,  issued  his  famous  Special  War  Order 
No.  i,  in  which  he  ordered  the  celebration  of  Washing 
ton's  birthday,  1862,  by  a  general  movement  of  all  the 
land  and  naval  forces  of  the  United  States;  but  even 
then  McClellan  reported  that  he  would  be  obliged  to  fall 
back  until  he  could  construct  a  railway. 

"What  does  this  mean?"  asked  the  President,  when 
Secretary  Stanton  read  him  the  despatch. 

"It  means  that  it  is  a  damn  fizzle!"  exclaimed  the 
Secretary  of  War.  "  It  means  that  he  does  not  intend 
to  do  anything." 

The  President  then  issued  General  War  Order  No.  2, 
reorganizing  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  followed  it 
with  General  War  Order  No.  3,  which  directed  a  move 
ment  in  ten  days;  but  still  McClellan  blocked  the  way, 
and  continued  to  drill  his  troops,  dig  entrenchments,  and 
write  insolent  letters  to  the  President  and  Secretary  of 
War. 

"  Had  I  twenty  thousand  or  even  ten  thousand  fresh 
troops  to  use  to-morrow  I  could  take  Richmond,"  he 
telegraphed  Secretary  Stanton.  "  If  I  save  this  country 
now  I  tell  you  plainly  that  I  owe  no  thanks  to  you  or 
any  other  person  in  Washington.  You  have  done  your 
best  to  sacrifice  this  army." 

The  Secretary's  rage  may  be  imagined,  and  he  would 
have  had  McClellan  arrested  and  sent  before  a  court- 
martial;  but  Lincoln's  patience  yet  prevailed,  and  he 
crossed  the  Potomac  for  a  personal  conference  with  his 
insubordinate  commander,  urging  him  to  make  a  for 
ward  movement.  The  members  of  the  Cabinet  drew  up 
an  indignant  protest  demanding  the  immediate  removal 
of  McClellan  from  command,  but  decided  not  to  hand  it 
to  the  President. 

Finally,  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  was  compelled  to 
follow  Lee  northward,  and  after  the  battle  of  Antietam 
the  President  telegraphed  McClellan :  "  Please  do  not 

244 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

let  him  [the  enemy]  get  off  without  being  hurt."  Two 
weeks  later  he  again  visited  the  camp,  and,  after  review 
ing  and  inspecting  the  troops,  remarked, — 

"  It  is  called  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  but  is  only 
McClellan's  body-guard." 

President  Lincoln's  warmest  defenders  cannot  excuse 
his  procrastination  with  McClellan  upon  any  other 
ground  than  excessive  caution.  They  know  that  he 
acted  against  his  own  judgment;  that  he  was  convinced 
of  McClellan's  unfitness  within  three  months  after  he 
had  placed  him  in  command,  and  that  the  conviction 
grew  upon  him  daily,  but  his  fear  of  offending  public 
opinion  and  wounding  McClellan's  vanity  led  him  to 
sacrifice  the  interests  of  the  government  and  unneces 
sarily  prolong  the  war.  The  same  criticism  can  be  made 
of  his  treatment  of  other  generals  intrusted  with  the 
command  of  the  army.  Of  all  his  officers,  no  one  ever 
possessed  the  full  confidence  of  the  President  except 
General  Grant. 

While  McClellan  was  in  command  Lincoln  studied  the 
military  situation  with  characteristic  thoroughness  and 
penetration,  and  drew  up  memoranda  in  detail  as  to 
the  movements  of  the  army.  He  also  gave  his  opinion 
as  to  what  the  enemy  would  do  under  the  circumstances. 
These  memoranda  were  rejected  by  McClellan  in  a  con 
temptuous  manner,  but  since  they  have  become  public 
they  have  commanded  the  respect  and  admiration  of  the 
ablest  military  critics. 

The  President's  troubles  were  not  confined  to  the 
Army  of  the  Potomac,  nor  were  they  bounded  by  the 
Alleghany  Mountains,  but  extended  wherever  there  were 
military  movements ;  wherever  there  were  offices  to  be 
filled  the  same  conditions  existed ;  the  same  jealousies, 
rivalries,  and  incompetence  interfered  with  the  proper 
administration  of  the  government.  And  the  most  popu 
lar  heroes,  the  idols  of  the  public,  invariably  caused  the 
most  confusion  and  showed  the  most  flagrant  indiscre- 

245 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

tion  and  incompetence.  Second  only  in  popularity  to 
McClellan,  perhaps  even  higher  in  the  esteem  of  the 
Republican  party,  was  John  C.  Fremont,  the  first  candi 
date  of  that  party  for  the  Presidency,  a  man  whose 
adventures  as  an  explorer  had  excited  the  admiring 
interest  of  every  school-boy,  and  whose  activity  in 
making  California  a  state  had  given  him  a  reputation 
for  romance,  gallantry,  and  patriotism.  He  was  "  the 
Pathfinder,"  and  second  only  to  Daniel  Boone  as  a  fron 
tier  hero.  Seward  had  pressed  him  for  appointment 
as  Secretary  of  War ;  at  one  time  Lincoln  put  him  down 
on  the  slate  as  minister  to  France,  and  when  the  war 
broke  out  his  name  was  among  the  first  to  suggest  itself 
to  the  people  as  that  of  a  savior  of  the  country.  He 
had  been  in  France  during  the  winter,  and  had  sailed 
for  home  when  Sumter  was  fired  upon. 

Upon  his  arrival  in  New  York  he  was  handed  a  com 
mission  as  major-general  in  the  regular  army  and  orders 
to  take  command  in  the  Mississippi  Valley.  It  was  an 
opportunity  that  any  soldier  might  have  envied,  and  the 
President  expected  him  to  proceed  at  once  to  his  head 
quarters  at  St.  Louis,  where  his  presence  was  impera 
tively  needed;  but  the  ovations  he  received  in  the  East 
and  the  adulation  that  was  paid  him  everywhere  were 
too  gratifying  for  his  self-denial,  and  it  was  not  until 
he  received  peremptory  orders,  twenty-five  days  after 
his  appointment,  that  he  proceeded  leisurely  westward 
to  find  his  department  in  a  state  of  the  greatest  confusion 
and  apprehension.  Instead,  however,  of  devoting  him 
self  to  the  task  of  organization  and  getting  an  army  into 
the  field  to  quell  disloyal  uprisings  and  exterminate  the 
bushwhackers  who  were  burning  towns,  plundering 
farm-houses,  tearing  up  railroads,  murdering  loyal  citi 
zens,  and  committing  other  crimes,  he  remained  in  St. 
Louis,  taking  more  interest  in  political  than  in  military 
questions,  issuing  commissions  to  his  friends,  and  giving 
contracts  with  such  a  lavish  hand  and  in  such  an  irregu- 

246 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

lar  way  as  to  provoke  protest  from  the  accounting  offi 
cers  of  the  government.  Political  mtrigue  and  distrust 
were  so  prevalent  that  Fremont  was  accused  of  an 
ambition  to  lead  a  new  secession  movement,  separate  the 
Western  States  from  the  Union,  and  establish  an  empire 
under  his  own  sovereignty  similar  to  that  of  which 
Aaron  Burr  is  supposed  to  have  dreamed. 

President  Lincoln  watched  with  anxiety  and  sorrow 
the  dethronement  of  another  popular  idol,  and  defended 
and  protected  Fremont  with  the  same  charity  and 
patience  he  had  shown  to  McClellan.  Instead  of  re 
moving  him  from  command,  as  he  should  have  done,  he 
endeavored  to  shield  him  from  the  consequences  of  his 
mismanagement,  and  sent  General  David  Hunter,  an 
old  friend  and  veteran  officer  in  whom  he  had  great 
confidence,  this  request: 

"  General  Fremont  needs  assistance  which  is  difficult 
to  give  him.  He  is  losing  the  confidence  of  men  near 
him,  whose  support  any  man  in  his  position  must  have 
to  be  successful.  .  .  .  He  needs  to  have  by  his  side  a 
man  of  large  experience.  Will  you  not  for  me  take  that 
place?  Your  rank  is  one  grade  too  high  to  be  ordered 
to  it;  but  will  you  not  serve  your  country  and  oblige 
me  by  taking  it  voluntarily." 

With  this  letter  General  Hunter  went  to  St.  Louis  to 
try  and  save  Fremont,  but  it  was  too  late.  Fremont's 
principal  political  backing  came  from  the  Blair  family, 
who  were  also  his  warmest  personal  friends ;  but,  when 
they  endeavored  to  advise  and  restrain  him,  a  quarrel 
broke  out  and  Fremont  placed  General  Frank  P.  Blair 
under  arrest.  Blair  preferred  formal  charges  against 
his  commander;  and  his  father  and  brother,  the  latter 
being  Postmaster-General,  demanded  Fremont's  removal 
on  account  of  incapacity.  Then,  to  increase  Lincoln's 
anxieties  and  perplexities,  Mrs.  Jessie  Benton  Fremont, 
the  daughter  of  Senator  Benton  and  a  romantic  figure 
in  American  history,  appeared  in  Washington  to  con- 

247 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

duct  her  husband's  side  of  the  quarrel,  denouncing  the 
Blairs  and  all  other  critics  with  unmeasured  contempt 
and  earnestness. 

The  President  confesses  that  he  was  exasperated 
almost  beyond  endurance.  Mrs.  Fremont,  he  says, 
"  sought  an  audience  with  me  at  midnight,  and  attacked 
me  so  violently  with  many  things  that  I  had  to  exercise 
all  the  awkward  tact  I  had  to  avoid  quarrelling  with 
her.  She  more  than  once  intimated  that  if  General 
Fremont  should  decide  to  try  conclusions  with  me,  he 
could  set  up  for  himself/' 

While  the  weary  President  was  spending  sleepless 
nights  planning  the  reorganization  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac  and  an  offensive  campaign  to  satisfy  public 
clamor,  he  endeavored  to  arbitrate  the  quarrel  between 
Fremont  and  the  Blairs.  In  the  midst  of  his  efforts 
at  conciliation,  General  Fremont  startled  the  country 
and  almost  paralyzed  the  President  by  issuing  an 
emancipation  proclamation  and  an  order  that  all  persons 
found  with  arms  in  their  hands  should  be  shot.  The 
President  wrote  him  a  gentle  but  firm  remonstrance, 
"  in  a  spirit  of  caution  and  not  of  censure,"  he  said,  and 
sent  it  by  special  messenger  to  St.  Louis,  "  in  order  that 
it  may  certainly  and  speedily  reach  you."  Mrs.  Fre 
mont  brought  the  reply  to  Washington.  It  was  an 
apology  mixed  with  defiance.  Fremont  asserted  that  he 
had  acted  from  convictions  of  duty  with  full  delibera 
tion,  and  proceeded  at  length  to  argue  the  justice  and 
expediency  of  the  step ;  and  he  was  as  much  encouraged 
in  his  defiance  as  Lincoln  was  embarrassed  by  the  radical 
Republican  leaders  and  newspapers  of  the  North.  Fre 
mont's  proclamation  was  revoked  by  order  of  the  Presi 
dent,  but  it  was  not  so  easy  to  correct  the  mistakes  he 
had  made  in  administration.  Finally,  after  long  de 
liberation  and  upon  the  advice  of  three  experienced 
officers  in  whom  he  had  great  confidence  and  who  had 
been  with  Fremont  and  were  familiar  with  his  conduct 

248 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

and  the  political  and  military  situation,  the  President 
relieved  him  from  command. 

Fremont  accepted  the  inevitable  with  dignity.  He 
issued  a  farewell  address  to  his  army,  was  given  ova 
tions  by  radical  Republicans  in  different  parts  of  the 
country,  but  was  not  again  intrusted  with  an  indepen 
dent  command. 

After  he  arose  from  his  sleepless  bed  the  morning 
following  the  battle  of  Bull  Run,  Lincoln  devoted  every 
spare  moment  to  j;he  study  of  the  map  of  the  seat  of  war 
and  to  reading  military  history.  A  shelf  in  his  private 
library  was  filled  with  books  on  tactics,  the  histories 
of  great  campaigns,  and  such  military  authorities  upon 
the  science  of  warfare  as  might  afford  him  ideas,  valu 
able  information,  and  suggestions.  He  undertook  the 
preparation  of  a  plan  of  campaign  precisely  as  he  had 
been  accustomed  to  prepare  for  a  trial  in  court,  and 
before  many  days  his  quick  perceptions,  his  retentive 
memory,  and  his  reasoning  powers  had  given  him  wider 
knowledge  than  was  possessed  by  any  of  his  generals. 
He  did  not  fail  to  consult  every  person  in  whom  he  had 
confidence  both  upon  abstract  military  questions  and 
geographical  and  political  conditions,  and  before  long 
he  developed  a  plan  which  he  submitted  to  the  military 
committees  of  Congress  a  few  days  after  Congress 
assembled  in  December,  1861.  Several  of  the  most  in 
fluential  Senators  and  Representatives  who  did  not  be 
long  to  the  committees  were  invited  to  be  present.  He 
proposed,  first  to  maintain  the  military  force  along  the 
Potomac  to  menace  Richmond;  second,  to  move  an 
army  from  Cairo  southward  within  easy  communication 
of  a  flotilla  upon  the  Mississippi ;  and,  third,  to  send  an 
army  from  Cincinnati  eastward  to  Cumberland  Gap  in 
East  Tennessee.  Preliminary  to  the  latter  movement  he 
proposed  the  construction  of  a  railway  from  Cincinnati 
to  Knoxville  by  way  of  Lexington,  Kentucky,  in  order 
to  avoid  the  difficulties  and  delays  of  transportation 

240 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

through  the  mountains,  and  military  authorities  now 
agree  that  if  his  advice  had  been  followed  the  war  would 
have  been  shortened  at  least  two  years.  Mr.  Nicolay, 
his  private  secretary,  reports  the  substance  of  the  Presi 
dent's  appeal  to  Congress,  as  he  stood  before  a  map  of 
Tennessee  in  the  President's  room  at  the  Capitol : 

"  I  am  thoroughly  convinced  that  the  closing  strug 
gle  of  the  war  will  occur  somewhere  in  this  mountain 
country.  By  our  superior  numbers  and  strength  we 
will  everywhere  drive  the  rebel  armies  back  from  the 
level  districts  lying  along  the  coast,  from  those  lying 
south  of  the  Ohio  River,  and  from  those  lying  east  of 
the  Mississippi  River.  Yielding  to  our  superior  force, 
they  will  gradually  retreat  to  the  more  defensible  moun 
tain  districts,  and  make  their  final  stand  in  that  part 
of  the  South  where  the  seven  States  of  Virginia,  North 
Carolina,  South  Carolina,  Georgia,  Tennessee,  Kentucky, 
and  West  Virginia  come  together.  The  population 
there  is  overwhelmingly  and  devotedly  loyal  to  the 
Union.  The  despatches  from  Brigadier-General  Thomas 
of  October  28  and  November  5  show  that,  with  four 
additional  good  regiments,  he  is  willing  to  undertake 
the  campaign  and  is  confident  he  can  take  immediate 
possession.  Once  established,  the  people  will  rally  to  his 
support,  and  by  building  a  railroad,  over  which  to  for 
ward  him  regular  supplies  and  needed  reinforcements 
from  time  to  time,  we  can  hold  it  against  all  attempts 
to  dislodge  us,  and  at  the  same  time  menace  the  enemy 
in  any  one  of  the  States  I  have  named." 

There  was  no  response  to  this  appeal,  except  from  the 
Senators  and  Representatives  from  East  Tennessee, 
where  nearly  the  entire  population  were  loyal  to  the 
Union.  One  of  the  motives  of  the  President  in  planning 
this  campaign  was  to  protect  them  from  the  raids  of  the 
Confederate  cavalry.  The  Congressmen  who  heard 
him,  however,  were  determined  to  gratify  the  public 
demand  for  an  assault  upon  Richmond.  All  eyes  were 

250 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

upon  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  it  was  popularly 
believed  that  if  an  assault  were  made  and  the  Confeder 
ate  capital  captured,  the  rebellion  would  be  promptly 
crushed.  The  President  then  undertook  to  carry  out  his 
plan  with  the  forces  at  his  disposal,  but  General  Buell 
was  too  stubborn  and  too  slow,  either  refusing  to  carry 
out  his  orders  or  wasting  his  time  and  strength  in  argu 
ments  against  the  practicability  of  the  plan.  If  the  same 
time,  money,  and  military  strength  that  were  expended  in 
his  attempted  march  from  Corinth  to  East  Tennessee 
|  during  the  following  summer  had  been  devoted  to  the 
construction  of  a  railroad,  as  proposed  by  the  President, 
the  entire  situation  in  the  Mississippi  Valley  would  have 
been  changed,  and  the  battles  which  made  Grant, 
Thomas,  and  Sherman  famous  would  never  have  been 
fought.  This  is  the  opinion  of  the  military  experts  after 
a  quarter  of  a  century  of  controversy,  and  the  longer 
the  subject  is  discussed  the  more  firmly  established  is 
the  verdict  in  favor  of  the  wisdom  and  practicability  of 
Lincoln's  plan. 

General  McClellan  was  not  the  only  military  com 
mander  to  annoy  and  perplex  the  President  by  pro 
crastination  and  argument.  The  official  records  "of  the 
war  at  this  time  are  filled  with  letters  and  telegrams 
addressed  by  Lincoln  to  Buell  and  Halleck,  appealing 
to  them  to  obey  his  orders  and  move  towards  the  enemy. 
Buell  kept  promising  to  do  so,  but  his  delay  was  ex 
asperating,  and,  differing  in  opinion  from  his  superiors, 
he  was,  like  McClellan,  continually  guilty  of  insubor 
dination.  Halleck,  who  was  considered  one  of  the  ablest 
and  best-equipped  officers  in  the  Union  army,  and  was 
intended  to  be  the  successor  of  General  Scott,  was 
equally  dilatory,  although  he  had  a  better  excuse,  be 
cause,  when  he  assumed  command  at  St.  Louis,  succeed 
ing  General  Fremont,  he  found  the  whole  department  in 
a  deplorable  condition,  and  was  working  with  great 
energy  and  ability  to  organize  and  equip  an  army  for 

251 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  field.  It  is  undoubtedly  the  case  that  both  Buell 
and  Halleck  lacked  confidence  in  the  President's  mili 
tary  capacity  and  placed  a  higher  value  upon  their  own 
judgment;  but,  whether  the  President  realized  this  or 
not,  he  laid  out  the  plan  of  a  campaign  and  gave  orders 
to  both  generals  to  co-operate  in  a  joint  land  and  river 
expedition  up  the  Tennessee  or  Cumberland  River. 
Neither  made  the  slightest  preparation  for  it  or  com 
municated  with  each  other  on  the  subject, — an  act  of 
insubordination  that  would  not  have  been  tolerated  in 
any  other  country  in  the  world.  Then,  when  the  Presi 
dent  began  to  press  his  generals,  Halleck  excused  him 
self  for  refusing  to  carry  out  his  orders  on  the  ground 
that  it  was  bad  strategy,  and  Buell  made  no  reply  what 
ever. 

The  patience  of  the  President  seemed  inexhaustible. 
He  kept  his  temper,  and  finally  persuaded  General  Hal 
leck  to  make  a  demonstration,  which  resulted  in  the 
capture  of  Forts  Henry  and  Donelson  and  the  famous 
campaign  of  General  Grant  in  the  early  spring  of  1862. 
The  results  of  that  campaign  might  have  been  much 
more  conclusive  had  General  Buell  obeyed  orders  and 
responded  to  the  appeals  of  General  Halleck  for  assist 
ance  and  to  the  President's  orders  for  him  to  co-operate. 
Lincoln  watched  every  step  of  the  march  with  anxious 
interest,  and  His  telegrams  show  that  he  anticipated 
Grant's  movements  with  remarkable  accuracy.  His  sug 
gestions  show  how  familiar  he  was  with  the  country 
and  the  location  of  the  Confederate  forces.  One  of 
his  telegrams  to  Halleck  illustrates  his  knowledge  of 
detail.  It  reads, — 

"  You  have  Fort  Donelson  safe,  unless  Grant  shall 
be  overwhelmed  from  outside;  to  prevent  which  latter 
will,  I  think,  require  all  the  vigilance,  energy,  and  skill 
of  yourself  and  Buell,  acting  in  full  co-operation.  Col 
umbus  will  not  get  at  Grant,  but  the  force  from  Bowl 
ing  Green  will.  They  hold  the  railroad  from  Bowling 

252 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

Green  to  within  a  few  miles  of  Fort  Donelson,  with 
the  bridge  at  Clarksville  undisturbed.  It  is  unsafe  to 
rely  that  they  will  not  dare  to  expose  Nashville  to 
Buell.  A  small  part  of  their  force  can  retire  slowly 
towards  Nashville,  breaking  up  the  railroad  as  they  go, 
and  keep  Buell  out  of  that  city  twenty  days.  Mean 
time,  Nashville  will  be  abundantly  defended  by  forces 
from  all  south  and  perhaps  from  here  at  Manassas. 
Could  not  a  cavalry  force  from  General  Thomas  on  the 
upper  Cumberland  dash  across,  almost  unresisted,  and 
cut  the  railroad  at  or  near  Knoxville,  Tennessee?  In 
the  midst  of  a  bombardment  at  Fort  Donelson,  why 
could  not  a  gunboat  run  up  and  destroy  the  bridge  at 
Clarksville?  Our  success  or  failure  at  Fort  Donelson 
is  vastly  important,  and  I  beg  you  to  put  your  soul  in 
the  effort.  I  send  a  copy  of  this  to  Buell." 

Imagine  his  sensations  when  he  received  a  reply  from 
General  Halleck :  "  Make  Buell,  Grant,  and  Pope  major- 
generals  of  volunteers  and  give  me  command  in  the 
West.  I  ask  this  in  return  for  Fort  Henry  and  Donel 


son. 


The  President  realized  the  situation,  made  the  pro 
motions,  consolidated  the  different  departments  west  of 
the  Blue  Ridge  Mountains,  placed  Halleck  in  command, 
and  directed  him  to  take  advantage  of  "the  golden 
opportunity;"  but  the  latter  was  too  deliberate,  and  it 
required  only  a  brief  experience  to  demonstrate  that 
he  was  unfit  to  command  troops  in  the  field.  He  was 
called  to  Washington,  placed  at  the  head-quarters  of  the 
army  to  succeed  General  McClellan,  and  Grant  was  left 
in  command  of  the  army  in  Tennessee,  where  he  under 
took  the  task  of  opening  the  Mississippi  in  his  own  way, 
having  the  full  confidence  of  the  President. 

It  is  quite  remarkable  that  from  the  beginning  Lin 
coln's  confidence  in  Grant  was  firm  and  abiding.  This 
may  have  been  partly  due  to  the  strong  endorsements 
he  had  received  from  Representative  Washburne  and 

253 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

other  mutual  friends,  although  Grant  was  not  highly 
regarded  at  home  at  that  time,  and  found  difficulty  in 
obtaining  a  commission  from  the  Governor  of  Illinois. 
President  Lincoln  had  never  seen  him  until  he  came  East 
to  take  command  of  the  army,  and  had  heard  evil  as 
well  as  good  reports  concerning  that  silent  but  stubborn 
soldier  who  was  working  his  way  down  the  banks  of  the 
Mississippi  and  closing  around  Vicksburg.  There  is  no 
evidence,  however,  except  his  own  words,  that  Lincoln's 
faith  in  him  was  ever  shaken.  He  gave  Grant  no  orders, 
sent  him  no  telegrams  or  letters  such  as  he  had  written 
to  Halleck,  Buell,  Rosecrans,  and  other  commanders  in 
the  West,  and  there  must  have  been  some  reason  for  his 
not  doing  so.  We  are  left  only  the  inference  that  his 
sagacity  taught  him  that  Grant  was  not  a  man  to  be 
interfered  with;  and  although  his  patience,  like  that 
of  the  rest  of  the  country,  was  being  sorely  tried  by  the 
lack  of  tangible  results  in  the  West,  he  waited  until  the 
problem  was  worked  out  and  then  wrote  Grant  the  fol 
lowing  candid  and  characteristic  letter : 

"  MY  DEAR  GENERAL  :  I  do  not  remember  that  you 
and  I  ever  met  personally.  I  write  this  now  as  a 
grateful  acknowledgment  for  the  almost  inestimable 
service  you  have  done  the  country.  I  wish  to  say  a 
word  further.  When  you  first  reached  the  vicinity  of 
Vicksburg,  I  thought  you  should  do  what  you  finally 
did — march  the  troops  across  the  neck,  run  the  batteries 
with  the  transports,  and  thus  go  below ;  and  I  never  had 
any  faith,  except  a  general  hope  that  you  knew  better 
than  I,  that  the  Yazoo  Pass  expedition  and  the  like  could 
succeed.  When  you  got  below  and  took  Port  Gibson, 
Grand  Gulf,  and  vicinity,  I  thought  you  should  go  down 
the  river  and  join  General  Banks,  and  when  you  turned 
northward,  east  of  the  Big  Black,  I  feared  it  was  a  mis 
take.  I  now  wish  to  make  the  personal  acknowledgment 
that  you  were  right  and  I  was  wrong." 

254 


Copyright,  1901,  by  M.  P.  Rice 

GENERAL   ULYSSES    S.    GRANT 

From  an  original,  unretouched  negative  made  in  1864,  when  he  was 
commissioned  Lieutenant-General  and  commander  of  all  the  armies  of  the 
republic 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

Such  letters  are  very  seldom  written  by  the  rulers  of 
nations  to  the  commanders  of  their  armies.  Confirming 
the  obligation,  and  as  a  reward  for  the  victories  of 
Donelson,  Vicksburg,  and  Chattanooga,  the  President 
recommended  the  revival  of  the  rank  of  lieutenant- 
general,  which  had  been  conferred  only  upon  Washing 
ton  and  Scott.  His  recommendation  was  adopted  by 
Congress,  Grant  was  called  to  Washington,  and  at  a 
public  reception  at  the  White  House  on  March  8,  1864, 
he  met  Lincoln  for  the  first  time.  On  the  following  day 
he  was  formally  invested  with  his  new  rank  and 
authority  by  the  President  in  the  presence  of  the  Cabinet 
and  several  civil  and  military  officials.  It  was  not  often 
that  such  formalities  occurred  at  the  capital  of  the 
simple  republic.  Lincoln  was  very  much  averse  to  for 
malities  of  all  kinds.  His  democratic  spirit  led  him  to 
avoid  parade,  but  here  was  an  occasion  which  his  politi 
cal  instincts  taught  him  might  be  used  to  impress  the 
country ;  hence  the  unusual  ceremony  was  arranged. 

General  Grant  did  not  reach  Washington  until  the 
early  evening  of  March  8,  1864,  and  the  reception  at 
the  White  House  began  at  eight  o'clock.  A  message 
from  the  White  House  notified  him  that  the  President 
desired  his  attendance  if  he  was  not  too  tired  by  his 
journey;  so,  immediately  after  his  arrival  he  took  a 
hasty  supper,  changed  his  travel-worn  uniform  for  a 
fresh  one,  and,  in  company  with  an  aide-de-camp, 
reached  the  White  House  about  half-past  nine  o'clock. 
The  cheers  that  greeted  him  as  he  was  recognized  by 
the  crowd  about  the  portico  reached  the  President's  ears, 
but  that  was  the  only  announcement  of  the  approach  of 
the  latest  popular  hero.  General  Grant  took  his  place 
in  line  with  the  other  guests  and  slowly  passed  through 
the  corridor  and  anteroom  to  the  door  of  the  Blue  Parlor 
where  the  President  stood,  with  Mrs.  Lincoln  and  the 
ladies  of  the  Cabinet  at  his  side,  receiving  his  guests 
and  shaking  hands  with  them  as  they  passed  before  him. 

255 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

He  recognized  Grant  without  an  introduction,  being 
familiar  with  his  portraits,  and  these  two  remarkable 
men  gazed  into  each  other's  eyes  in  an  inquiring  way 
for  a  moment,  while  the  people  watched  them  with 
absorbing  interest.  After  exchanging  the  ordinary 
phrases  of  greeting,  the  President  introduced  General 
Grant  to  Mr.  Seward,  and  the  latter  led  him  into  the 
East  Room,  where  he  was  received  with  cheer  after 
cheer,  and,  blushing  with  embarrassment,  was  compelled 
to  stand  upon  a  sofa  where  people  could  see  him,  because 
he  was  so  short  of  stature  that  he  was  hidden  in  the 
throng. 

The  President  asked  Grant  to  remain  after  the  close 
of  the  reception,  and  they  had  a  long  conference.  As 
Grant  was  leaving  the  White  House  the  President  ex 
plained  to  him  the  reasons  for  the  formality  that  would 
be  observed  in  presenting  his  commission  as  lieutenant- 
general  on  the  following  day. 

"  I  shall  make  a  very  short  speech  to  you,"  said  he, 
"  to  which  I  desire  that  you  should  make  a  brief  reply 
for  an  object ;  and  that  you  may  be  properly  prepared  to 
do  so  I  have  written  what  I  shall  say,  only  four  sen 
tences  in  all,  which  I  will  read  from  my  manuscript  as 
an  example  which  you  may  follow,  and  also  read  your 
reply,  as  you  are  perhaps  not  so  much  accustomed  to 
public  speaking  as  I  am,  and  I  therefore  give  you  what 
I  shall  say  so  that  you  may  consider  it.  There  are  two 
points  that  I  would  like  to  have  you  make  in  your 
answer:  first,  to  say  something  which  shall  prevent  or 
obviate  any  jealousy  of  you  from  any  of  the  other  gen 
erals  in  the  service ;  and,  second,  something  which  shall 
put  you  on  as  good  terms  as  possible  with  the  Army  of 
the  Potomac.  If  you  see  any  objection  to  this,  be  under 
no  restraint  whatever  in  expressing  that  objection  to  the 
Secretary  of  War." 

General  Grant  and  Mr.  Stanton  left  the  White  House 
together.  The  next  day,  at  one  o'clock,  in  presence  of 

256 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

the  Cabinet,  General  Halleck,  two  members  of  Grant's 
staff,  and  the  President's  private  secretary,  the  commis 
sion  of  lieutenant-general  was  formally  delivered  by  the 
President.  Mr.  Lincoln  said, — 

"  General  Grant,  the  nation's  appreciation  of  what 
you  have  done,  and  its  reliance  upon  you  for  what  re 
mains  to  do  in  the  existing  great  struggle,  are  now  pre 
sented,  with  this  commission  constituting  you  Lieuten- 
ant-General  in  the  army  of  the  United  States.  With 
this  high  honor  devolves  upon  you,  also,  a  corresponding 
responsibility.  As  the  country  herein  trusts  you,  so, 
under  God,  it  will  sustain  you.  I  scarcely  need  to  add 
that  with  what  I  here  speak  for  the  nation  goes  my 
own  hearty  personal  concurrence." 

The  general  had  written  his  speech  on  half  of  a  sheet 
of  note-paper,  in  lead-pencil,  but  when  he  came  to  read 
it  he  was  as  embarrassed  as  Washington  was  when  the 
House  of  Burgesses  at  Williamsburg  tendered  him  its 
thanks  after  the  Braddock  campaign.  He  found  his  own 
writing  very  difficult  to  read,  but  what  he  said  could 
hardly  have  been  improved: 

"  Mr.  President,  I  accept  this  commission  with  grati 
tude  for  the  high  honor  conferred.  With  the  aid  of 
the  noble  armies  that  have  fought  on  so  many  fields  for 
our  common  country,  it  will  be  my  earnest  endeavor 
not  to  disappoint  your  expectation.  I  feel  the  full  weight 
of  the  responsibilities  now  devolving  on  me,  and  I  know 
that,  if  they  are  met,  it  will  be  due  to  those  armies  and, 
above  all,  to  the  favor  of  that  Providence  which  leads 
both  nations  and  men." 

It  will  be  observed  that  Grant  did  not  comply  with 
the  request  of  the  President,  and  his  speech  contains  no 
reference  to  the  subject  to  which  the  President  alluded 
on  the  previous  evening.  Grant  never  offered  an  expla 
nation  and  Lincoln  never  asked  one.  Some  writers  have 
advanced  the  theory  that  Secretary  Stanton,  who  often 
differed  from  the  President  in  regard  to  little  matters, 
17  257 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

advised  Grant  not  to  refer  to  such  delicate  subjects,  but 
it  is  more  probable  that,  with  his  distrust  of  politicians 
and  his  fear  of  becoming  complicated  with  them  as 
McClellan  and  others  had  been,  the  wary  warrior 
thought  it  wise  to  be  entirely  non-committal.  Before 
leaving  his  head-quarters  in  the  West,  Grant  had  written 
Sherman,  "I  shall  say  very  distinctly  on  my  arrival 
there  [Washington]  that  I  shall  accept  no  appointment 
which  will  require  me  to  make  that  city  my  head-quar 
ters,"  and  Sherman  had  urged  him  to  stand  by  that 
resolution :  "  Do  not  stay  in  Washington.  Halleck  is 
better  qualified  than  you  to  stand  the  buffets  of  intrigue 
and  politics." 

After  the  presentation  ceremonies  the  President  and 
Grant  retired  together,  and  the  latter  inquired  what  was 
expected  of  him.  Lincoln  answered  that  he  was  ex 
pected  to  take  Richmond ;  that  every  one  who  had  tried 
it  so  far  had  failed,  and  he  asked  Grant  point-blank  if 
he  thought  he  could  do  it.  With  the  same  directness 
and  simplicity  Grant  answered  that  he  could  if  he  had 
the  troops.  The  President  assured  him  that  he  should 
have  all  the  troops  he  needed  and  that  he  would  not  be 
interfered  with  in  the  management  of  the  campaign. 
Grant  himself  says,  "  I  did  not  communicate  my  plans 
to  the  President,  nor  did  I  to  the  Secretary  of  War,  nor 
to  General  Halleck ;"  and  the  President  wrote  him  that 
he  neither  knew  nor  wished  to  know  his  plan  of  opera 
tions,  but  wanted  to  tender  his  good  wishes  and  promise 
every  aid  which  the  government  could  furnish.  "If 
the  results  shall  be  less  favorable  than  I  hope  and  the 
government  expects,"  he  said,  "  the  fault  will  not  be  the 
fault  of  the  administration."  Under  those  circumstances 
Grant  assumed  command  of  the  army,  and  from  that 
time  President  Lincoln  felt  himself  relieved  from  the 
responsibility  of  planning  and  directing  military  move 
ments. 

After  making  an  inspection  of  the  army,  Grant  re- 
258 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

turned  to  Washington,  had  another  conference  with 
President  Lincoln,  established  his  head-quarters  at  Cul- 
peper,  and  prepared  for  active  operations.  On  April 
30,  1864,  the  President  sent  him  the  following  candid 
letter : 

"  Not  expecting  to  see  you  again  before  the  spring 
campaign  opens,  I  wish  to  express  in  this  way  my  entire 
satisfaction  with  what  you  have  done  up  to  this  time, 
so  far  as  I  understand  it.  The  particulars  of  your  plan 
I  neither  know  nor  seek  to  know.  You  are  vigilant  and 
self-reliant ;  and,  pleased  with  this,  I  wish  not  to  obtrude 
any  constraints  or  restraints  upon  you.  While  I  am 
very  anxious  that  any  great  disaster  or  capture  of  our 
men  in  great  numbers  shall  be  avoided,  I  know  these 
points  are  less  likely  to  escape  your  attention  than  they 
would  be  mine.  If  there  is  anything  wanting  which 
is  within  my  power  to  give,  do  not  fail  to  let  me  know 
it.  And  now,  with  a  brave  army  and  a  just  cause,  may 
God  sustain  you." 

Grant's  immediate  reply  confessed  the  groundlessness 
of  his  apprehensions: 

"  From  my  first  entrance  into  the  volunteer  service  of 
the  country  to  the  present  day,  I  have  never  had  cause 
of  complaint — have  never  expressed  or  implied  a  com 
plaint  against  the  administration,  or  the  Secretary  of 
War,  for  throwing  any  embarrassment  in  the  way  of  my 
vigorously  prosecuting  what  appeared  to  me  my  duty. 
Indeed,  since  the  promotion  which  placed  me  in  com 
mand  of  all  the  armies,  and  in  view  of  the  great  respon 
sibility  and  importance  of  success,  I  have  been  astonished 
at  the  readiness  with  which  everything  asked  for  has 
been  yielded,  without  even  an  explanation  being  asked. 
Should  my  success  be  less  than  I  desire  and  expect,  the 
least  I  can  say  is,  the  fault  is  not  with  you." 

In  his  reminiscences,  General  Grant  says,  "  Just  after 
receiving  my  commission  as  lieutenant-general,  the  Pres 
ident  called  me  aside  to  speak  to  me  privately.  After 

259 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

a  brief  reference  to  the  military  situation,  he  said  he 
thought  he  could  illustrate  what  he  wanted  to  say  by 
a  story,  which  he  related  as  follows :  '  At  one  time  there 
was  a  great  war  among  the  animals,  and  one  side  had 
great  difficulty  in  getting  a  commander  who  had  suffi 
cient  confidence  in  himself.  Finally,  they  found  a 
monkey,  by  the  name  of  Jocko,  who  said  that  he  thought 
he  could  command  their  army  if  his  tail  could  be  made 
a  little  longer.  So  they  got  more  tail  and  spliced  it  on 
to  his  caudal  appendage.  He  looked  at  it  admiringly, 
and  then  thought  he  ought  to  have  a  little  more  still. 
This  was  added,  and  again  he  calleu  for  more.  The 
splicing  process  was  repeated  many  times,  until  they 
had  coiled  Jocko's  tail  around  the  room,  filling  all  the 
space.  Still  he  called  for  more  tail,  and,  there  being  no 
other  place  to  coil  it,  they  began  wrapping  it  around 
his  shoulders.  He  continued  his  call  for  more,  and  they 
kept  on  winding  the  additional  tail  about  him  until  its 
weight  broke  him  down/  I  saw  the  point,  and,  rising 
from  my  chair,  replied,  '  Mr.  President,  I  will  not  call 
for  more  assistance  unless  I  find  it  impossible  to  do  with 
what  I  already  have.' 

"  Upon  one  occasion,"  continued  Grant,  "  when  the 
President  was  at  my  head-quarters  at  City  Point,  I 
took  him  to  see  the  work  that  had  been  done  on  the 
Dutch  Gap  Canal.  After  taking  him  around  and  show 
ing  him  all  the  points  of  interest,  explaining  how,  in 
blowing  up  one  portion  of  the  work  that  was  being 
excavated,  the  explosion  had  thrown  the  material  back 
into,  and  filled  up,  a  part  already  completed,  he  turned 
to  me  and  said,  '  Grant,  do  you  know  what  this  reminds 
me  of?  Out  in  Springfield,  Illinois,  there  was  a  black 
smith  named  .  One  day,  when  he  did  not  have 

much  to  do,  he  took  a  piece  of  soft  iron  that  had  been 
in  his  shop  for  some  time,  and  for  which  he  had  no 
special  use,  and,  starting  up  his  fire,  began  to  heat  it. 
When  he  got  it  hot  he  carried  it  to  the  anvil  and  began 

260 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

to  hammer  it,  rather  thinking  he  would  weld  it  into  an 
agricultural  implement.     He  pounded  away  for  some 
time  until  he  got  it  fashioned  into  some  shape,  when  he 
discovered  that  the  iron  would  not  hold  out  to  complete 
the  implement  he  had  in  mind.    He  then  put  it  back  into 
the  forge,  heated  it  up  again,  and  recommenced  ham 
mering,  with  an  ill-defined  notion  that  he  would  make 
a  claw  hammer,  but  after  a  time  he  came  to  the  con 
clusion  that  there  was  more  iron  there  than  was  needed 
to  form  a  hammer.     Again  he  heated  it,  and  thought 
he  would  make  an  axe.    After  hammering  and  welding 
t  into  shape,  knocking  the  oxidized  iron  off  in  flakes 
he  concluded  there  was  not  enough  of  the  iron  left  to 
make  an  axe  that  would  be  of  any  use.     He  was  now 
getting  tired  and  a  little  disgusted  at  the  result  of  his 
various  essays.     So  he  filled  his  forge  full  of  coal,  and, 
after  placing  the  iron  in  the  centre  of  the  heap,  took 
the  bellows  and  worked  up  a  tremendous  blast,  brining- 
the  iron  to  a  white  heat.    Then  with  his  tongs  he  lifted 
from  the  bed  of  coals,  and  thrusting  it  into  a  tub  of 
water  near  by,  exclaimed  with  an  oath,   "Well    if  I 
can't  make  anything  else  of  you,  I  will  make  a  fizzle, 
anyhow. 

A  friend  once  asked  Lincoln  whether  the  story  was 
true  that  he  had  inquired  where  General  Grant  got  his 
liquor,  so  that  he  might  send  a  barrel  to  each  of  his 
other  generals.  Lincoln  replied  that  the  story  originated 
m  King  George's  time.  When  General  Wolfe  was  ac 
cused  of  being  mad,  the  King  replied,  "  I  wish  he  would 
bite  some  of  my  other  generals." 

^  At  the  dedication  of  the  Lincoln  monument  at  Spring 
field  October  15,  1874,  General  Grant  said,  "From 
March,  1864,  to  the  day  when  the  hand  of  the  assassin 
opened  a  grave  for  Mr.  Lincoln,  then  President  of  the 
United  States,  my  personal  relations  with  him  were  as 
close  and  intimate  as  the  nature  of  our  respective  duties 
would  permit.  To  know  him  personally  was  to  love 

261 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

and  respect  him  for  his  great  qualities  of  heart  and 
head  and  for  his  patience  and  patriotism.  With  all  his 
disappointments  from  failures  on  the  part  of  those  to 
whom  he  had  intrusted  commands,  and  treachery  on  the 
part  of  those  who  had  gained  his  confidence  but  to  betray 
it,  I  never  heard  him  utter  a  complaint,  nor  cast  a  cen 
sure,  for  bad  conduct  or  bad  faith.  It  was  his  nature  to 
find  excuses  for  his  adversaries.  In  his  death  the  nation 
lost  its  greatest  hero;  in  his  death  the  South  lost  its 
most  just  friend." 

These  relations  thus  established  were  never  disturbed. 
Grant  was  the  first  of  all  the  generals  in  whom  the 
President  placed  implicit  confidence;  he  was  the  only 
one  with  whom  he  seemed  to  feel  entirely  at  ease;  and 
although  their  communications  were  frequent  and  volu 
minous,  there  was  seldom  a  difference  of  opinion.  They 
contain  no  complaint  or  reproach,  but  ring  with  mutual 
confidence  and  appreciation.  Seldom  have  two  men  of 
such  remarkable  character  and  ability  enjoyed  such  un 
ruffled  relations.  Military  history  furnishes  no  similar 
instance.  Each  seemed  to  measure  the  other  at  his  full 
stature  and  recognize  his  strength.  There  were  many 
busybodies  carrying  tales  and  striving  to  excite  suspicion 
and  jealousy,  but  their  faith  could  not  be  shaken  or  their 
confidence  impaired.  Lincoln's  letters  to  Grant  offer  a 
striking  contrast  to  those  addressed  to  Burnside,  Hooker, 
McClellan,  and  other  commanders. 

General  Ambrose  E.  Burnside  was  selected  to  com 
mand  the  Army  of  the  Potomac  after  McClellan  was  re 
lieved  November  5,  1862.  He  was  a  classmate  and  inti 
mate  friend  of  his  predecessor,  handsome,  brave,  gen 
erous,  and  as  modest  as  McClellan  was  vain.  He  not 
only  did  not  seek  the  honor,  but  declined  it  twice  on 
the  ground  that  he  was  not  competent  to  command  so 
large  an  army,  but  finally  accepted  the  responsibility  at 
the  urgent  wish  of  the  President,  and  very  soon  demon 
strated  the  mistake.  His  career  was  as  unfortunate  as 

262 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

it  was  brief,  but  his  manly  report  of  the  unfortunate 
battle  of  Fredericksburg  did  him  great  credit,  for  he 
assumed  all  the  responsibility  for  the  failure  and  said 
nothing  but  praise  of  his  men. 

The  President  replied  by  a  kind  and  sympathetic  de 
spatch  after  his  failure  at  Fredericksburg,  and  fully 
appreciated  his  situation.  "  Although  you  were  not  suc 
cessful,"  he  said,  "  the  attempt  was  not  an  error  nor  the 
failure  other  than  accident.  The  courage  with  which 
you  in  an  open  field  maintained  the  contest  against  an 
intrenched  foe,  and  the  consummate  skill  and  success 
with  which  you  crossed  and  recrossed  the  river  in  the 
face  of  the  enemy,  show  that  you  possess  all  the  qualities 
of  a  great  army,  which  will  yet  give  victory  to  the  cause 
of  the  country  and  of  popular  government." 

Burnside's  confession  of  failure  destroyed  the  con 
fidence  of  the  army  in  him,  and  Burnside  realized  it. 
"  Doubtless,"  he  said,  "  this  difference  of  opinion  be 
tween  my  general  officers  and  myself  results  from  a 
lack  of  confidence  in  me.  In  this  case  it  is  highly  neces 
sary  that  this  army  should  be  commanded  by  some 
other  officer,  to  whom  I  will  most  cheerfully  give  way." 

The  President  replied,  "  I  deplore  the  want  of  con 
currence  with  you  in  opinion  by  your  general  officers, 
but  I  do  not  see  the.  remedy.  Be  cautious,  and  do  not 
understand  that  the  government  or  the  country  is  driv 
ing  you.  I  do  not  yet  see  how  I  could  profit  by  changing 
the  command  of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  if  I 
did  I  would  not  wish  to  do  it  by  accepting  the  resigna 
tion  of  your  commission." 

Nevertheless,  it  was  futile  for  the  President  to  pre 
tend  that  Burnside's  usefulness  as  commander  of  the 
army  was  not  at  an  end,  and  the  latter  determined  to 
bring  about  a  crisis  himself  by  recommending  for  dis 
missal  from  the  army  General  Joseph  Hooker  for  "  un 
just  and  unnecessary  criticisms  of  the  actions  of  his 
superior  officer.  ...  As  unfit  to  hold  an  important 

263 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

commission  during  a  crisis  like  the  present  when  so  much 
patience,  charity,  confidence,  consideration,  and  patriot 
ism  are  due  from  every  soldier  in  the  field."  Burnside 
also  prepared  an  order  dismissing  nine  other  generals, 
and  with  his  usual  frankness  took  them  to  Washington 
and  asked  the  President's  approval.  As  an  alternative 
he  tendered  his  own  resignation.  Lincoln  realized  that 
a  commander  who  had  lost  the  confidence  of  his  army 
and  the  country  at  large  could  not  restore  it  by  punish 
ing  his  critics,  so,  in  the  most  kindly  manner,  he 
accepted  Burnside's  resignation  and  assigned  General 
Hooker  to  command.  The  President  was  fully  aware 
of  Hooker's  weakness,  and  that  the  latter's  conduct  and 
language  concerning  Burnside  and  himself  had  been  not 
only  indiscreet  and  insubordinate,  but  actually  insult 
ing.  But  he  was  willing  to  overlook  all  that  and  confer 
honor  and  responsibility  upon  him  because  he  believed 
in  his  ability  and  patriotism,  and  knew  that  the  soldiers 
held  him  in  higher  esteem  than  any  other  general  in 
the  East.  But  accompanying  Hooker's  commission  was 
a  letter  which  no  man  but  Abraham  Lincoln  could  have 
written  without  giving  offence,  and  nothing  from  the 
pen  of  the  President  at  that  period  of  his  life  better 
indicates  the  complete  self-control  and  self-confidence 
which  possessed  him. 

"  I  have  placed  you  at  the  head  of  the  Army  of  the 
Potomac,"  he  said.  "  Of  course  I  have  done  this  upon 
what  appears  to  me  sufficient  reason,  and  yet  I  think  it 
best  for  you  to  know  that  there  are  some  things  in  re 
gard  to  which  I  am  not  quite  satisfied  with  you.  I 
believe  you  to  be  a  brave  and  skilful  soldier,  which,  of 
course,  I  like.  I  also  believe  you  do  not  mix  politics 
with  your  profession,  in  which  you  are  right.  You 
have  confidence  in  yourself,  which  is  a  valuable,  if  not 
an  indispensable  quality.  You  are  ambitious,  which, 
within  reasonable  bounds,  does  good  rather  than  harm ; 
but  I  think  that  during  General  Burnside's  command 

264 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

of  the  army  you  have  taken  counsel  of  your  ambition 
and  thwarted  him  as  much  as  you  could,  in  which  you 
did  a  great  wrong  to  the  country  and  to  a  most  meri 
torious  and  honorable  brother  officer.  I  have  heard,  in 
such  a  way  as  to  believe  it,  of  your  recently  saying  that 
both  the  army  and  the  government  needed  a  dictator. 
Of  course  it  was  not  for  this,  but  in  spite  of  it,  that  I 
have  given  you  the  command.  Only  those  generals  who 
gain  successes  can  set  up  dictators.  What  I  now  ask 
of  you  is  military  success,  and  I  will  risk  the  dictator 
ship.  The  government  will  support  you  to  the  utmost 
of  its  ability,  which  is  neither  more  nor  less  than  it  has 
done  and  will  do  for  all  commanders.  I  much  fear  that 
the  spirit  which  you  have  aided  to  infuse  into  the  army, 
of  criticising  their  commander  and  withholding  confi 
dence  from  him,  will  now  turn  upon  you.  I  shall  assist 
you  as  far  as  I  can  to  put  it  down.  Neither  you  nor 
Napoleon,  if  he  were  alive  again,  could  get  any  good 
out  of  an  army  while  such  a  spirit  prevails  in  it;  and 
now  beware  of  rashness.  Beware  of  rashness,  but  with 
energy  and  sleepless  vigilance  go  forward  and  give  us 
victories." 

General  Hooker  received  this  rebuke  and  admonition 
in  the  spirit  in  which  it  was  offered;  he  recognized  its 
justice,  and  endeavored  to  restore  himself  in  the  Presi 
dent's  estimation ;  but  his  first  important  movement  was 
defeated  by  the  enemy,  and,  although  it  was  not  so 
great  a  disaster  as  that  of  Burnside  at  Fredericksburg, 
the  battle  of  Chancellorsville,  in  May,  1863,  marked  the 
darkest  hour  in  the  Civil  War  and  inspired  Lee  and  the 
Confederate  authorities  with  confidence  of  the  ultimate 
success  of  the  rebellion.  Mr.  W.  O.  Stoddard,  an  in 
mate  of  the  White  House  at  that  time,  has  given  us  the 
following  picture : 

'  The  darkest  hour  in  the  Civil  War  came  in  the  first 
week  of  May,  1863,  after  the  bloody  battle  of  Chan- 
ceilorsville.  The  country  was  weary  of  the  long  war, 

265 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

with  its  draining  taxes  of  gold  and  blood.  Discontent 
prevailed  everywhere,  and  the  opponents  of  the  Lincoln 
administration  were  savage  in  their  denunciation.  More 
than  a  third  of  each  day's  mail  already  consisted  of 
measureless  denunciation ;  another  large  part  was  made 
up  of  piteous  appeals  for  peace. 

"  There  were  callers  at  the  White  House.  Members 
of  the  Senate  and  House  came  with  gloomy  faces ;  the 
members  of  the  Cabinet  came  to  consult  or  condole. 
The  house  was  like  a  funeral,  and  those  who  entered 
or  left  it  trod  softly  for  fear  they  might  wake  the  dead. 

"  That  night  the  last  visitors  in  Lincoln's  room  were 
Stanton  and  Halleck,  and  the  President  was  left  alone. 
Not  another  soul  except  the  one  secretary  busy  with 
the  mail  in  his  room  across  the  hall.  The  ticking  of  a 
clock  would  have  been  noticeable;  but  another  sound 
came  that  was  almost  as  regular  and  as  ceaseless.  It 
was  the  tread  of  the  President's  feet  as  he  strode  slowly 
back  and  forth  across  his  chamber.  That  ceaseless 
march  so  accustomed  the  ear  to  it  that  when,  a  little 
after  twelve,  there  was  a  break  of  several  minutes,  the 
sudden  silence  made  one  put  down  his  letters  and  listen. 

"  The  President  may  have  been  at  his  table  writing, 
or  he  may — no  man  knows  or  can  guess;  but  at  the 
end  of  the  minutes,  long  or  short,  the  tramp  began  again. 
Two  o'clock  and  he  was  walking  yet,  and  when,  a  little 
after  three,  the  secretary's  task  was  done  and  he  slipped 
noiselessly  out,  he  turned  at  the  head  of  the  stairs  for 
a  moment.  It  was  so — the  last  sound  he  heard  as  he 
went  down  was  the  footfall  in  Lincoln's  room. 

"  The  young  man  was  there  again  before  eight  o'clock. 
The  President's  room  was  open.  There  sat  Lincoln  eat 
ing  his  breakfast  alone.  He  had  not  been  out  of  his 
room ;  but  there  was  a  kind  of  cheery,  hopeful  morning 
light  on  his  face.  He  had  watched  all  night,  but  be 
side  his  cup  of  coffee  lay  his  instructions  to  General 
Hooker  to  push  forward.  There  was  a  decisive  battle 

266 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

won  that  night  in  that  long  vigil  with  disaster  and  de 
spair.  Only  a  few  weeks  later  the  Army  of  the  Poto 
mac  fought  it  over  again  as  desperately — and  they  won 
it — at  Gettysburg." 

From  the  time  when  Hooker  took  command  the  Presi 
dent  kept  closer  watch  than  ever  upon  the  movements 
of  the  Army  of  the  Potomac,  and  his  directions  were 
given  with  greater  detail  than  before.  He  had  no  con 
fidence  in  Hooker's  ability  to  plan,  although  he  felt  that 
he  was  a  good  fighter. 

Early  in  June,  1863,  Hooker  reported  his  opinion  that 
Lee  intended  to  move  on  Washington,  and  asked  orders 
to  attack  the  Confederate  rear.  To  this  Lincoln  an 
swered  in  quaint  satire,  "  In  case  you  find  Lee  coming 
north  of  the  Rappahannock  I  would  by  no  means  cross 
to  the  south  of  it.  If  he  should  leave  a  rear  force  at 
Fredericksburg,  tempting  you  to  fall  upon  it,  it  would 
fight  you  in  entrenchments  and  Have  you  at  a  disad 
vantage,  while  his  main  force  would  in  some  way  be 
getting  an  advantage  of  you  northward.  In  one  word, 
I  would  not  take  any  risk  of  being  entangled  upon  the 
river,  like  an  ox  would  jump  half  over  a  fence  and  be 
liable  to  be  torn  by  dogs  front  and  rear,  without  a  fair 
chance  to  gore  one  way  or  kick  the  other." 

To  illustrate  how  dependent  was  the  commander  of 
the  Army  of  the  Potomac  upon  Lincoln  I  give  another 
despatch,  sent  by  the  President  to  Hooker  when  the 
latter  proposed  to  make  a  dash  upon  Richmond  while 
Lee  was  moving  his  army  westward  towards  the  Shen- 
andoah  Valley. 

"  If  left  to  me,  I  would  not  go  south  of  the  Rappa 
hannock  upon  Lee's  moving  north  of  it.  If  you  had 
Richmond  invested  to-day,  you  would  not  be  able  to 
take  it  in  twenty  days;  meanwhile  your  communica 
tions,  and  with  them  your  army,  would  be  ruined.  I 
think  Lee's  army,  and  not  Richmond,  is  your  true  ob 
jective  point.  If  he  comes  towards  the  upper  Potomac, 

267 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

follow  on  his  flank  and  on  his  inside  track,  shortening 
your  lines  while  he  lengthens  his.  Fight  him,  too,  when 
opportunity  offers.  If  he  stays  where  he  is,  fret  him 
and  fret  him." 

A  few  days  later  Lincoln  telegraphed  Hooker,  "  If  the 
head  of  Lee's  army  is  at  Martinsburg  and  the  tail  of 
it  on  the  plank  road  between  Fredericksburg  and  Chan- 
cellorsville,  the  animal  must  be  very  slim  somewhere. 
Could  you  not  break  him?"  But  Hooker  made  no  at 
tempt  to  do  so,  and  merely  followed  Lee  northward 
through  Virginia  and  Maryland  into  Pennsylvania, 
keeping  on  the  "  inside  track,"  as  Mr.  Lincoln  suggested, 
between  the  Confederate  army  and  Washington.  Be 
fore  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  which  ended  the  most 
aggressive  campaign  of  the  Confederates,  a  long-stand 
ing  feud  between  Hooker  and  Halleck  became  so  acute 
that  the  President  saw  that  one  or  the  other  of  them 
must  be  relieved.  Hooker,  in  a  fit  of  irritation  because 
Halleck  had  declined  to  comply  with  some  unimportant 
request,  asked  to  be  relieved  from  the  command,  and  the 
President  selected  George  G.  Meade  to  succeed  him. 
A  few  days  later  the  battle  of  Gettysburg  was  fought. 
The  vain  ambition  of  Lee  and  Davis  to  raise  the  Confed 
erate  flag  over  Independence  Hall  and  establish  the 
head-quarters  of  the  Confederate  government  in  Phila 
delphia  was  dissipated  and  Lee  fell  back,  leaving  two 
thousand  six  hundred  killed,  twelve  thousand  wounded, 
and  five  thousand  prisoners. 

Lincoln's  military  instincts  taught  him  that  the  war 
could  be  practically  ended  there  if  the  advantages 
gained  at  Gettysburg  were  properly  utilized,  and  so 
implored  Meade  to  renew  his  attack.  But  Meade  held 
back,  Lee  escaped,  and  for  once  the  President  lost  his 
patience.  In  the  intensity  of  his  disappointment  he 
wrote  Meade  as  follows: 

"  You  fought  and  beat  the  enemy  at  Gettysburg,  and, 
of  course,  his  loss  was  as  great  as  yours.  He  retreated, 

268 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

and  you  did  not,  as  it  seemed  to  me,  pressingly  pursue 
him ;  but  a  flood  in  the  river  detained  him  till,  by  slow 
degrees,  you  were  again  upon  him.  You  had  at  least 
twenty  thousand  veteran  troops  directly  with  you  and 
as  many  more  raw  ones  within  supporting  distance,  all 
in  addition  to  those  who  fought  with  you  at  Gettysburg, 
while  it  was  not  possible  that  he  had  received  a  single 
recruit,  and  yet  you  stood  and  let  the  flood  run  down, 
bridges  be  built,  and  the  enemy  move  away  at  his  lei 
sure,  without  attacking  him.  Again,  my  dear  general, 
I  do  not  believe  you  appreciate  the  magnitude  of  the 
misfortune  involved  in  Lee's  escape.  He  was  within 
your  easy  grasp,  and  to  have  closed  upon  him  would, 
in  connection  with  our  other  late  successes,  have  ended 
the  war.  As  it  is,  the  war  will  be  prolonged  indefinitely. 
If  you  could  not  safely  attack  Lee  last  Monday,  how 
can  you  possibly  do  so  south  of  the  river,  when  you 
can  take  with  you  very  few  more  than  two-thirds  of 
the  force  you  then  had  in  hand?  I  would  be  unreason 
able  to  expect,  and  I  do  not  expect  (that)  you  can  now 
effect  much.  Your  golden  opportunity  is  gone,  and  I 
am  distressed  immeasurably  because  of  it." 

Before  the  mails  left  that  night  Lincoln's  wrath  was 
spent,  his  amiability  was  restored,  and  this  letter  was 
never  sent. 

It  is  impossible  in  the  limits  of  this  volume  to  relate 
the  details  of  the  war,  but  from  the  detached  incidents 
that  have  been  given,  and  the  narrative  of  his  relations 
with  Scott,  McClellan,  Fremont,  Grant,  and  other  gen 
erals  referred  to  in  this  chapter,  the  reader  may  form 
a  clear  and  accurate  conception  of  Abraham  Lincoln's 
military  genius  and  the  unselfish  and  often  ill-advised 
consideration  with  which  he  invariably  treated  his  com 
manders.  During  the  last  year  of  the  war  the  right 
men  seem  to  have  found  the  right  places,  and  in  all  the 
voluminous  correspondence  of  the  President  from  the 
White  House  and  the  War  Department  with  Grant, 

269 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Sherman,  Sheridan,  and  Thomas  there  appears  to  have 
been  a  perfect  understanding  and  complete  unity  of 
opinion  and  purpose  between  them.  He  allowed  them 
greater  liberty  than  other  commanders  had  enjoyed,  evi 
dently  because  they  had  his  confidence  to  a  higher  de 
gree;  he  never  was  compelled  to  repeat  the  entreaties, 
admonitions,  and  rebukes  with  which  the  pages  of  his 
correspondence  during  the  earlier  part  of  the  war  were 
filled.  His  relations  with  Sherman  cannot  better  be 
defined  than  by  the  following  brief  letter: 

"  MY  DEAR  GENERAL  SHERMAN  :  Many,  many  thanks 
for  your  Christmas  gift,  the  capture  of  Savannah.  vWhen 
you  were  about  leaving  Atlanta  for  the  Atlantic  coast 
I  was  anxious,  if  not  fearful ;  but  feeling  that  you  were 
the  better  judge,  and  remembering  that  '  nothing  risked, 
nothing  gained,'  I  did  not  interfere.  Now,  the  under 
taking  being  a  success,  the  honor  is  all  yours,  for  I 
believe  none  of  us  went  farther  than  to  acquiesce.  And 
taking  the  work  of  General  Thomas  into  the  count,  as  it 
should  be  taken,  it  is,  indeed,  a  great  success.  Not  only 
does  it  afford  the  obvious  and  immediate  military  advan 
tages,  but  in  showing  to  the  world  that  your  army  could 
be  divided,  putting  the  stronger  part  to  an  important 
new  service,  and  yet  leaving  enough  to  vanquish  the  old 
opposing  force  of  the  whole — Hood's  army — it  brings 
those  who  sat  in  darkness  to  see  a  great  light.  But 
what  next?  I  suppose  it  will  be  safe  if  I  leave  General 
Grant  and  yourself  to  decide.  Please  make  my  grate 
ful  acknowledgments  to  your  whole  army,  officers  and 


Lincoln's  relations  with  Sheridan  were  limited.  They 
never  met  but  twice,  and  there  was  very  little  corre 
spondence  between  them,  the  most  notable  being  the 
laconic  despatch  after  Sheridan's  fight  with  Ewell  at 
Sailor's  Creek,  near  the  Appomattox.  That  was  one  of 

270 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

the  last  blows  struck  at  the  Confederacy,  and  Sheridan, 
realizing  the  situation,  made  a  hasty  report,  ending  with 
the  words, — 

"  If  the  thing  is  pressed  I  think  Lee  will  surrender." 

Grant  forwarded  the  despatch  to  President  Lincoln, 
who  instantly  replied, — 

"  Let  the  thing  be  pressed." 

When  he  had  read  the  telegram  describing  Sheridan's 
last  fight  with  Early  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley,  he  re 
marked  that  he  once  knew  a  man  who  loaded  a  piece  of 
punk  with  powder,  lighted  it,  clapped  it  inside  a  biscuit, 
and  tossed  it  to  a  savage  dog  that  was  snarling  at  him. 
In  an  instant  the  dog  snapped  it  up  and  swallowed  it. 
Presently  the  fire  touched  the  powder  and  away  went  the 
dog,  his  head  in  one  place,  a  leg  here  and  another  there, 
and  the  different  parts  scattered  all  over  the  country. 
"  And,"  said  the  man,  "  as  for  the  dog,  as  a  dog,  I  was 
never  able  to  find  him."  "And  that,"  remarked  the 
President,  "  is  very  much  the  condition  of  Early's  army, 
as  an  army." 

^  President  Lincoln's  appearance  in  Richmond  after  the 
Confederacy  fell  to  pieces  was  one  of  the  most  dramatic 
scenes  in  all  history  because  of  its  extreme  simplicity 
and  the  entire  absence  of  rejoicing  or  parade.  There 
was  no  triumphant  entrance,  as  the  world  might  have 
expected  when  a  conqueror  occupies  the  capital  of  the 
conquered.  Never  before  or  since  has  an  event  of  such 
transcendent  significance  occurred  with  so  little  osten 
tation  or  ceremony.  Lincoln  was  at  City  Point,  the 
head-quarters  of  General  Grant,  and  was  lodged  upon 
a  little  steamer  called  the  "  River  Queen"  when  he  heard 
of  the  capture  of  Richmond  and  the  fire  that  consumed 
a  large  part  of  that  city.  The  same  day  he  went  up  the 
river  without  escort  of  any  kind,  landed  at  a  wharf  near 
Libby  Prison,  found  a  guide  among  the  colored  people 
that  were  hanging  around  the  place,  and  walked  a  mile 
or  more  to  the  centre  of  the  city.  The  loafers  at  the 

271 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

wharf  soon  identified  the  President  and  surrounded  him, 
striving  to  touch  the  hem  of  his  garment.  To  protect 
the  President  and  open  a  passage  for  him,  Admiral  Por 
ter  called  sailors  from  his  boat,  who  marched  in  front 
and  behind  him  to  the  town.  Lincoln  did  not  realize 
the  danger  that  surrounded  him;  he  did  not  remember 
that  he  was  in  the  midst  of  a  community  with  whom  he 
was  still  at  war,  or  that  they  held  him  responsible  for 
the  sorrows  they  had  suffered,  the  distress  they  had 
endured,  and  the  destruction  of  their  property.  But, 
although  within  an  hour  from  the  time  he  landed  every 
man,  woman,  and  child  knew  of  his  presence,  not  a  hand 
was  lifted  against  him,  not  an  unkind  word  was  said ; 
and,  after  visiting  the  head-quarters  of  General  Weitzel, 
who  was  in  command  of  the  Union  troops,  the  Capitol 
of  the  State  which  had  been  the  seat  of  the  Confederate 
government,  the  mansion  which  Jefferson  Davis  had 
occupied,  Libby  Prison,  where  so  many  officers  had 
starved  and  died,  and  holding  two  important  interviews 
with  John  A.  Campbell,  the  Confederate  Secretary  of 
War,  who  had  remained  in  Richmond  when  the  rest  of 
the  government  fled,  he  went  leisurely  back  to  his  boat, 
returned  to  the  steamer,  and  sailed  for  Washington, 
where,  only  a  few  days  later,  surrounded  by  his  loyal 
friends  and  in  the  midst  of  an  ovation,  he  was  stricken 
by  the  bullet  of  an  assassin. 

Lincoln's  personal  courage  was  demonstrated  early 
in  life.  He  never  showed  a  sense  of  fear.  He  never 
refused  a  challenge  for  a  trial  of  strength,  nor  avoided 
an  adventure  that  was  attended  by  danger;  and  while 
President  he  had  no  fear  of  assassination,  although  he 
had  many  warnings  and  was  quite  superstitious.  He 
was  accustomed  to  ridicule  the  anxiety  of  his  friends, 
and  when  the  threats  of  his  enemies  were  repeated  to 
him  he  changed  the  subject  of  conversation.  Senator 
Sumner  was  one  of  those  who  believed  that  he  was 
in  continual  danger  of  assassination,  and  frequently 

272 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

cautioned  him  about  going  out  at  night.  When  the 
Senator's  anxiety  was  referred  to  by  friends  one  even 
ing,  the  President  said,  "  Sumner  declined  to  stand  up 
with  me,  back  to  back,  to  see  which  was  the  tallest  man, 
and  made  a  fine  speech  about  this  being  the  time  for 
uniting  our  fronts  against  the  enemy  and  not  our  backs. 
But  I  guess  he  was  afraid  to  measure,  though  he  is  a 
good  piece  of  a  man.  I  have  never  had  much  to  do 
with  bishops  where  I  live,  but,  do  you  know?  Sumner 
is  my  idea  of  a  bishop." 

In  his  reminiscences,  General  Butler  says,  "  He  was 
personally  a  very  brave  man  and  gave  me  the  worst 
fright  of  my  life.  He  came  to  my  head-quarters  and 
said, — 

"  '  General,  I  should  like  to  ride  along  your  lines  and 
see  them,  and  see  the  boys  and  how  they  are  situated 
in  camp/ 

"  I  said,  '  Very  well,  we  will  go  after  breakfast.' 

"  I  happened  to  have  a  very  tall,  easy-riding,  pacing 
horse,  and,  as  the  President  was  rather  long-legged,  I 
tendered  him  the  use  of  him  while  I  rode  beside  him  on 
a  pony.  He  was  dressed,  as  was  his  custom,  in  a  black 
suit,  a  swallow-tail  coat,  and  tall  silk  hat.  As  there 
rode  on  the  other  side  of  him  at  first  Mr.  Fox,  the 
Secretary  of  the  Navy,  who  was  not  more  than  five  feet 
six  inches  in  height,  he  stood  out  as  a  central  figure  of 
the  group.  Of  course  the  staff-officers  and  orderly  were 
behind.  When  we  got  to  the  line  of  intrenchment,  from 
which  the  line  of  rebel  pickets  was  not  more  than 
three  hundred  yards,  he  towered  high  above  the  works, 
and  as  we  came  to  the  several  encampments  the  boys 
cheered  him  lustily.  Of  course  the  enemy's  attention 
was  wholly  directed  to  this  performance,  and  with  the 
glass  it  could  be  plainly  seen  that  the  eyes  of  their  offi 
cers  were  fastened  upon  Lincoln;  and  a  personage 
riding  down  the  lines  cheered  by  the  soldiers  was  a 
very  unusual  thing,  so  that  the  enemy  must  have  known 
1 8  273 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

that  he  was  there.    Both  Mr.  Fox  and  myself  said  to 
him, — 

" '  Let  us  ride  on  the  side  next  to  the  enemy,  Mr. 
President.  You  are  in  fair  rifle-shot  of  them,  and  they 
may  open  fire ;  and  they  must  know  you,  being  the  only 
person  not  in  uniform,  and  the  cheering  of  the  troops 
directs  their  attention  to  you/ 

"  '  Oh,  no/  he  said,  laughing ;  '  the  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  army  must  not  show  any  cowardice  in  the 
presence  of  his  soldiers,  whatever  he  may  feel.'  And 
he  insisted  upon  riding  the  whole  six  miles,  which  was 
about  the  length  of  my  intrenchments,  in  that  position, 
amusing  himself  at  intervals,  where  there  was  nothing 
more  attractive,  in  a  sort  of  competitive  examination  of 
the  commanding  general  in  the  science  of  engineering, 
much  to  the  amusement  of  my  engineer-in-chief,  General 
Weitzel,  who  rode  on  my  left,  and  who  was  kindly  dis 
posed  to  prompt  me  while  the  examination  was  going 
on,  which  attracted  the  attention  of  Mr.  Lincoln,  who 
said, — 

"  '  Hold  on,  Weitzel,  I  can't  beat  you,  but  I  think  I 
can  beat  Butler/ 

"In  the  later  summer  (1863),"  continues  General 
Butler,  "  I  was  invited  by  the  President  to  ride  with 
him  in  the  evening  out  to  the  Soldiers'  Home,  some  two 
miles,  a  portion  of  the  way  being  quite  lonely.  He  had 
no  guard — not  even  an  orderly  on  the  box.  I  said  to 
him, — 

'  Is  it  known  that  you  ride  thus  alone  at  night  out 
to  the  Soldiers'  Home  ?' 

Oh,  yes/  he  answered,  '  when  business  detains  me 
until  night.    I  do  go  out  earlier,  as  a  rule/ 

"  I  said,  '  I  think  you  peril  too  much.  We  have 
passed  a  half-dozen  places  where  a  well-directed  bullet 
might  have  taken  you  off/ 

'  Oh/  he  replied,  '  assassination  of  public  officers  is 
not  an  American  crime/ 

274 


A  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  AND  HIS  GENERALS 

"  When  he  handed  me  the  commission  (as  major- 
general),  with  some  kindly  words  of  compliment,  I  re 
plied,  '  I  do  not  know  whether  I  ought  to  accept  this. 
I  received  my  orders  to  prepare  my  brigade  to  march 
to  Washington  while  trying  a  cause  to  a  jury.  I  stated 
the  fact  to  the  court  and  asked  that  the  case  might  be 
continued,  which  was  at  once  consented  to,  and  I  left 
to  come  here  the  second  morning  after,  my  business  in 
utter  confusion.' 

"  He  said,  '  I  guess  we  both  wish  we  were  back  trying 
cases,'  with  a  quizzical  look  upon  his  countenance. 

"  I  said,  '  Besides,  Mr.  President,  you  may  not  be 
aware  that  I  was  the  Breckenridge  candidate  for  Gov 
ernor  in  my  State  in  the  last  campaign,  and  did  all  I 
could  to  prevent  your  election.' 

"  '  All  the  better,'  said  he ;  '  I  hope  your  example  will 
bring  many  of  the  same  sort  with  you.' 

" '  But,'  I  answered,  '  I  do  not  know  that  I  can 
support  the  measures  of  your  administration,  Mr.  Presi 
dent.' 

"  '  I  do  not  care  whether  you  do  or  not,'  was  his  reply, 
'  if  you  will  fight  for  the  country.' 

"  '  I  will  take  the  commission  and  loyally  serve  while 
I  may,  and  bring  it  back  to  you  when  I  can  go  with  you 
no  further/ 

"  '  That  is  frank ;  but  tell  me  wherein  you  think  my 
administration  wrong  before  you  resign/  said  he.  '  Re 
port  to  General  Scott.' 

"  '  Yes,  Mr.  President,  the  bounties  which  are  now 
being  paid  to  new  recruits  cause  very  large  desertions. 
Men  desert  and  go  home,  and  get  the  bounties  and 
enlist  in  other  regiments.' 

" '  That  is  too  true,'  he  replied,  '  but  how  can  we 
prevent  it?' 

" (  By  vigorously  shooting  every  man  who  is  caught 
as  a  deserter  until  it  is  found  to  be  a  dangerous  busi 
ness.' 

275 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  A  saddened,  weary  look  came  over  his  face  which  I 
had  never  seen  before,  and  he  slowly  replied, — 

"  '  You  may  be  right — probably  are  so ;  but,  God 
help  me !  how  can  I  have  a  butcher's  day  every  Friday 
in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac?'  " 


276 


VII 

HOW    LINCOLN    APPEARED   IN    THE    WHITE    HOUSE 

THERE  was  very  little  social  life  in  the  White  House 
during  the  Lincoln  administration.  The  President  gave 
a  few  State  dinners  each  year,  such  as  were  required  of 
his  official  position,  held  a  few  public  receptions  to 
gratify  the  curiosity  of  the  Washington  people  and 
strangers  in  the  city,  and  gave  one  ball  which  excited 
much  criticism  from  the  religious  press  and  from  un 
friendly  sources.  It  was  represented  as  a  heartless  ex 
hibition  of  frivolity  in  the  midst  of  dying  soldiers  and 
a  grief-stricken  country,  and  some  people  even  went  so 
far  as  to  declare  the  death  of  Willie  Lincoln,  about  two 
weeks  later,  to  be  a  judgment  of  God  upon  the  Presi 
dent  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  for  indulging  in  worldly  amuse 
ments.  These  thoughtless  writers  did  not  know  that 
during  the  reception,  which  was  in  honor  of  the  dip 
lomatic  corps,  the  President  and  Mrs.  Lincoln  both 
slipped  away  from  their  guests  to  spend  a  moment  at 
the  bedside  of  their  child,  who  was  so  ill  that  the  post 
ponement  of  the  entertainment  was  proposed,  but  vetoed 
by  the  President.  The  death  of  this  lad  was  the  greatest 
sorrow  that  ever  fell  upon  the  President's  heart. 

There  was  little  opportunity  for  home  life  at  the 
White  House  because  of  the  confusion  and  distraction 
caused  by  the  war.  The  President's  labors  were  un 
ceasing.  He  seldom  took  exercise  or  indulged  in  amuse 
ments.  Occasionally  he  attended  the  theatre  when  dis 
tinguished  performers  happened  to  be  in  Washington, 
and  usually  invited  them  to  his  box  to  express  his 
thanks  for  the  pleasure  they  had  afforded  him  and  to 
ask  questions  about  the  play.  He  was  particularly  fond 
of  Shakespeare,  and  attended  the  presentation  of  his 

277 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

plays  as  frequently  as  his  official  cares  would  permit; 
he  found  great  diversion  in  their  study,  and  could  repeat 
many  passages  that  he  learned  from  the  first  copy  he 
had  ever  seen  while  yet  a  clerk  in  Denton  Offutt's  store 
at  New  Salem.  He  had  his  own  theories  regarding 
Shakespeare,  and  when  a  prominent  actor  or  Shake 
spearian  scholar  came  his  way,  invariably  discussed  with 
him  the  Shakesperian  mysteries  and  the  original  con 
struction  of  the  plays,  with  which  he  was  very  familiar. 

He  found  diversion  in  comedies,  and  used  to  enjoy 
clever  farces  as  much  as  any  child.  He  often  took  his 
children  to  performances  at  the  theatre,  and  their  pres 
ence  doubled  his  own  enjoyment.  This  was  practically 
his  only  recreation,  except  reading  Burns,  Petroleum  V. 
Nasby,  Artemas  Ward,  Josh  Billings,  and  other  comic 
writers  who  appealed  to  his  keen  sense  of  the  ridiculous 
and  diverted  his  attention  from  the  cares  of  state  when 
they  were  wearing  upon  him.  He  was  not  fond  of 
games,  although  he  sometimes  played  backgammon  with 
his  boys.  For  a  time  he  practised  Basket-ball  for  exer 
cise,  but  did  not  enjoy  it.  He  had  little  out-door  life; 
it  was  limited  to  a  daily  drive  to  and  from  the  Soldiers' 
Home  or  to  some  military  camp.  He  enjoyed  the  saddle 
and  was  a  good  rider,  although  in  the  long-tailed  coat 
and  tall  silk  hat  which  he  always  wore  he  made  a  gro 
tesque  figure  on  horseback.  He  had  no  taste  for  hunt 
ing  or  fishing,  never  smoked,  and  was  very  temperate 
in  his  habits.  He  yearned  for  rest,  although  his  physical 
strength  and  endurance  were  beyond  comparison  with 
those  of  other  public  men.  His  labors  and  sleepless 
nights  would  have  broken  down  any  other  constitution, 
and  he  was  often  weary.  One  day,  during  an  especially 
trying  period,  he  lifted  his  tired  eyes  from  his  desk  and 
remarked  to  his  secretary, — 

"  I  wish  George  Washington  or  some  other  old  patriot 
were  here  to  take  my  place  for  a  while,  so  that  I  could 
have  a  little  rest." 

278 


LINCOLN  IN  THE  WHITE   HOUSE 

If  Lincoln  had  accepted  the  advice  of  his  secretaries 
and  his  associates  he  might  have  spared  himself  a  great 
deal  of  labor  and  annoyance.  But  he  never  excused 
himself  from  callers  in  the  busiest  period  of  the  war; 
even  when  hundreds  of  important  duties  were  pressing 
upon  him,  he  never  denied  an  attentive  ear  and  a  cheerful 
word.  He  was  a  genuine  democrat  in  his  feelings  and 
practices,  and,  regardless  of  public  affairs,  listened 
patiently  and  considerately  to  the  humblest  citizen  who 
called  at  the  White  House.  One  day,  when  his  ante 
room  was  crowded  with  men  and  women  seeking  admis 
sion  to  his  presence  and  he  was  unusually  perplexed  by 
official  problems,  a  friend  remarked, — 

"  Mr.  President,  you  had  better  send  that  throng 
away.  You  are  too  tired  to  see  any  more  people  this 
afternoon.  Have  them  sent  away,  for  you  will  wear 
yourself  out  listening  to  them." 

"  They  don't  want  much  and  they  get  very  little/'  he 
replied.  "  Each  one  considers  his  business  of  great  im 
portance,  and  I  must  gratify  them.  I  know  how  I  would 
feel  if  I  were  in  their  place." 

At  the  opening  of  the  administration  he  was  over 
whelmed  with  persistent  office-seekers,  and  so  much  of 
his  time  was  occupied  in  listening  to  th^ir  demands  and 
trying  to  gratify  them  that  he  felt  that  he  was  not 
attending  to  military  affairs  and  matters  of  public  policy 
as  closely  as  he  should.  He  compared  himself  to  a  man 
who  was  so  busy  letting  rooms  at  one  end  of  his  house 
that  he  had  no  time  to  put  out  a  fire  that  was  destroying 
the  other  end.  And  when  he  was  attacked  with  the 
varioloid  in  1861  he  said  to  his  usher, — 

"  Tell  all  the  office-seekers  to  come  and  see  me,  for 
now  I  have  something  that  I  can  give  them." 

He  had  a  remarkable  capacity  for  work  and  for  de 
spatching  business.  Although  deliberation  was  one  of 
his  strongest  characteristics,  he  knew  when  to  act  and 
acted  quickly.  His  brain  was  as  tough  and  as  healthy 

279 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

as  his  body.  His  appetite  was  always  good  and  health 
ful.  He  ate  sparingly  of  plain,  wholesome  food,  but 
had  no  taste  for  rich  dishes.  He  was  temperate  in  every 
way  except  as  concerned  his  labor,  and  in  that  he  was 
tireless.  He  had  the  rare  and  valuable  faculty  of  laying 
out  work  for  others  and  being  able  to  give  instructions 
clearly  and  concisely.  He  loaded  his  Cabinet  and  his 
secretaries  to  the  limit  of  their  strength,  but  was  always 
considerate  and  thoughtful  of  their  comfort.  Three  of 
his  secretaries  lived  with  him  in  the  White  House  and 
usually  worked  far  into  the  night,  and,  even  after  their 
labors  for  the  day  had  closed,  Lincoln  would  often 
wander  around  barefooted  and  in  his  night-shirt,  too 
wakeful  to  seek  his  own  bed,  and  read  poems  from 
Burns,  jokes  from  Artemas  Ward,  and  the  letters  of 
Petroleum  V.  Nasby  to  the  members  of  his  household. 

His  sense  of  humor  was  his  salvation.  It  was  the 
safety-valve  by  which  his  heart  was  relieved.  He  was 
melancholy  by  nature  and  inclined  to  be  morbid,  and 
it  was  this  keen  enjoyment  of  the  ridiculous  that  enabled 
him  to  endure  with  patience  his  official  trials  and 
anxiety. 

One  of  the  visitors  in  the  early  days  of  the  adminis 
tration  says,  "  He  walked  into  the  corridor  with  us ; 

and,  as  he  bade  us  good-by  and  thanked for  what 

he  had  told  him,  he  again  brightened  up  for  a  moment 
and  asked  him  in  an  abrupt  kind  of  way,  laying  his  hand, 
as  he  spoke,  with  a  queer  but  not  uncivil  familiarity  on 
his  shoulder, — 

'  You  haven't  such  a  thing  as  a  postmaster  in  your 
pocket,  have  you?' 

" stared  at  him  in  astonishment,  and  I  thought 

a  little  in  alarm,  as  if  he  suspected  a  sudden  attack  of 
insanity.  Then  Mr.  Lincoln  went  on, — 

'  You  see,  it  seems  to  me  kind  of  unnatural  that  you 
shouldn't  have  at  least  a  postmaster  in  your  pocket. 
Everybody  I've  seen  for  days  past  has  had  foreign  min- 

280 


LINCOLN   IN  THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

isters  and  collectors  and  all  kinds,  and  I  thought  you 
couldn't  have  got  in  here  without  having  at  least  a  post 
master  get  into  your  pocket.'  " 

His  stories  were  usually  suggested  by  the  conversa 
tion  or  by  the  situation  in  which  he  was  placed;  but 
often,  in  the  company  of  congenial  friends,  he  used  to 
sit  back  in  his  chair  and  indulge  in  what  he  called  "  a 
good  old  time ;"  spinning  yarns  of  his  early  experiences, 
describing  the  characteristics  of  odd  people  he  had 
known,  and  relating  amusing  incidents  that  occurred 
daily,  even  under  the  shadows  and  among  the  sorrows 
of  war.  This  habit  was  the  result  of  his  early  associa 
tions,  when  the  corner  store  was  the  club  of  the  fron 
tiersman  and  the  forum  for  intellectual  combats  as  well 
as  the  stage  for  entertainments.  There  Lincoln  shone 
as  the  most  brilliant  planet  that  ever  illuminated  the 
communities  in  which  he  lived,  and  there  he  developed 
the  gift  which  was  to  afford  him  so  much  pleasure  and 
so  great  relief  from  oppressing  care.  He  was  a  poet 
by  nature.  He  had  a  deep  sentiment  and  a  high  appre 
ciation  of  the  beautiful  in  literature  as  well  as  in  life. 
His  soul  overflowed  with  sympathy,  and  his  great  nature 
was  so  comprehensive  that  it  could  touch  every  phase 
of  human  interest  and  meet  every  class  and  clan;  but 
he  was  a  restless  listener,  and  when  in  the  mood  for 
talking  it  was  difficult  to  interrupt  him. 

Chauncey  M.  Depew,  relating  his  recollections  of  Lin 
coln  says  that  once,  while  he  was  at  the  White  House, 
"the  President  threw  himself  on  a  lounge  and  rattled 
off  story  after  story.  It  was  his  method  of  relief,  with 
out  which  he  might  have  gone  out  of  his  mind,  and  cer 
tainly  would  not  have  been  able  to  have  accomplished 
anything  like  the  amount  of  work  which  he  did.  It  is 
the  popular  supposition  that  most  of  Mr.  Lincoln's 
stories  were  original,  but  he  said,  '  I  have  originated  but 
two  stories  in  my  life,  but  I  tell  tolerably  well  other 
people's  stories/  Riding  the  circuit  for  many  years,  and 

281 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

stopping  at  country  taverns  where  were  gathered  the 
lawyers,  jurymen,  witnesses,  and  clients,  they  would  sit 
up  all  night  narrating  to  each  other  their  life  adven 
tures;  and  the  things  which  happened  to  an  original 
people,  in  a  new  country,  surrounded  by  novel  condi 
tions,  and  told  with  the  descriptive  power  and  exaggera 
tion  which  characterized  such  men,  supplied  him  with 
an  exhaustless  fund  of  anecdote  which  could  be  made 
applicable  for  enforcing  or  refuting  an  argument  better 
than  all  the  invented  stories  of  the  world." 

The  humorous  aspect  of  an  appeal  or  an  argument 
never  failed  to  strike  him,  and  he  enjoyed  turning  the 
point  as  much  as  telling  a  story.  Once,  in  the  darkest 
days  of  the  war,  a  delegation  of  prohibitionists  came  to 
him  and  insisted  that  the  reason  the  North  did  not  win 
was  because  the  soldiers  drank  whiskey  and  thus  brought 
down  the  curse  of  the  Lord  upon  them.  There  was  a 
mischievous  twinkle  in  Lincoln's  eye  when  he  replied 
that  he  considered  that  very  unfair  on  the  part  of  the 
Lord,  because  the  Southerners  drank  a  great  deal  worse 
whiskey  and  a  great  deal  more  of  it  than  the  soldiers 
of  the  North. 

After  the  internal  revenue  laws  were  enacted  the 
United  States  marshals  were  often  sued  for  false  arrest, 
and  Congress  appropriated  one  hundred  thousand  dol 
lars  to  pay  the  expenses  of  defending  them.  Previously 
the  officials  brought  into  court  on  such  charges  appealed 
to  the  Attorney-General  to  instruct  the  United  States 
district  attorneys  to  defend  them ;  but  when  this  appro 
priation  was  made,  with  one  accord,  they  said  that  they 
would  hire  their  own  lawyers  and  applied  for  the  cash ; 
which  reminded  the  President  of  a  man  in  Illinois  whose 
cabin  was  burned  down,  and,  according  to  the  kindly 
custom  of  early  days  in  the  West,  his  neighbors  all  con 
tributed  something  to  start  him  again.  In  this  case  they 
were  so  liberal  that  he  soon  found  himself  better  off 
than  he  had  been  before  the  fire,  and  got  proud.  One 

282 


LINCOLN   IN  THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

day  a  neighbor  brought  him  a  bag  of  oats,  but  the  fellow 
refused  it  with  scorn.  "  No,"  said  he,  "  I'm  not  taking 
oats  now.  I  take  nothing  but  money." 

One  day,  just  after  Lincoln's  second  inauguration,  a 
Massachusetts  merchant,  visiting  Washington,  noticed 
the  great  crowd  of  office-seekers  waiting  for  an  audience 
with  the  President,  and  decided  that  he,  too,  would  like 
to  see  him.  Writing  his  name  on  a  card,  he  added  the 
line,  "  Holds  no  office  and  wants  none."  The  card  was 
taken  to  President  Lincoln,  who,  instantly  jumping  up, 
said  to  the  attendant,  "  Show  him  up ;  he  is  a  curiosity." 
Passing  the  long  line  of  office-seekers,  the  merchant 
went  up  to  the  President,  who  said  he  was  refreshed  to 
meet  a  man  who  did  not  want  an  office,  and  urged  his 
stay.  A  long  and  pleasant  conversation  followed. 

Mrs.  McCulloch  went  to  the  White  House  one  Satur 
day  afternoon  to  attend  Mrs.  Lincoln's  reception,  accom 
panied  by  Mrs.  William  P.  Dole,  whose  husband  was 
Commissioner  of  Indian  Affairs.  "  There  were  crowds 
in  and  out  of  the  White  House,"  said  Mrs.  McCulloch, 
"  and  during  the  reception  Mr.  Lincoln  slipped  quietly 
into  the  room  and  stood  back  alone,  looking  on  as  the 
people  passed  through.  I  suggested  to  Mrs.  Dole  that 
we  should  go  over  and  speak  to  him,  which  we  did.  Mr. 
Lincoln  said,  laughingly, — 

"  '  I  am  always  glad  to  see  you,  ladies,  for  I  know 
you  don't  want  anything.' 

"  I  replied, '  But,  Mr.  President,  I  do  want  something ; 
I  want  you  to  do  something  very  much.' 

"  '  Well,  what  is  it?'  he  asked,  adding,  '  I  hope  it  isn't 
anything  I  can't  do/ 

"  '  I  want  you  to  suppress  the  Chicago  Times,  because 
it  does  nothing  but  abuse  the  administration,'  I  replied. 

"  '  Oh,  tut,  tut !  We  must  not  abridge  the  liberties  of 
the  press  or  the  people.  But  never  mind  the  Chicago 
Times.  The  administration  can  stand  it  if  the  Times 


283 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

On  a  certain  occasion  the  President  was  induced  by 
a  committee  of  gentlemen  to  examine  a  newly  invented 
"repeating"  gun,  the  peculiarity  of  which  was  that  it 
prevented  the  escape  of  gas.  After  due  inspection,  he 
said, — 

"  Well,  I  believe  this  really  does  what  it  is  represented 
to  do.  Now,  have  any  of  you  heard  of  any  machine  or 
invention  for  preventing  the  escape  of  gas  from  news 
paper  establishments?" 

However,  Lincoln  had  great  respect  for  the  press. 
He  was  one  day  complaining  of  the  injustice  of  Mr. 
Greeley's  criticisms  and  the  false  light  in  which  they  put 
him  before  the  country,  when  a  friend,  with  great  ear 
nestness,  suggested, — 

"  Why  don't  you  publish  the  facts  in  every  news 
paper  in  the  United  States  ?  The  people  will  then  under 
stand  your  position  and  your  vindication  will  be  com 
plete." 

"  Yes,  all  the  newspapers  will  publish  my  letter,  and 
so  will  Greeley,"  Lincoln  replied.  "  The  next  day  he  will 
comment  upon  it,  and  keep  it  up,  in  that  way,  until  at 
the  end  of  three  weeks  I  will  be  convicted  out  of  my 
own  mouth  of  all  the  things  he  charges  against  me. 
No  man,  whether  he  be  private  citizen  or  President  of 
the  United  States,  can  successfully  carry  on  a  contro 
versy  with  a  great  newspaper  and  escape  destruction, 
unless  he  owns  a  newspaper  equally  great  with  a  circu 
lation  in  the  same  neighborhood." 

Colonel  John  Hay,  who  resided  in  the  White  House 
during  the  entire  administration  of  Lincoln,  has  given 
us  this  graphic  picture  of  the  President's  home  life  and 
habits : 

:<  The  President  rose  early,  as  his  sleep  was  light  and 
capricious.  In  the  summer,  when  he  lived  at  the  Sol 
diers'  Home,  he  would  take  his  frugal  breakfast  and  ride 
into  town  in  time  to  be  at  his  desk  at  eight  o'clock.  He 
began  to  receive  visits  nominally  at  ten  o'clock,  but 

284 


LINCOLN   IN   THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

long  before  that  hour  struck  the  doors  were  besieged  by 
anxious  crowds,  through  whom  the  people  of  impor 
tance,  Senators  and  members  of  Congress,  elbowed  their 
way  after  the  fashion  which  still  survives.     On  days 
when  the  Cabinet  met — Tuesdays  and  Fridays — the  hour 
of  noon  closed  the  interviews  of  the  morning.    On  other 
days  it  was  the  President's  custom,  at  about  that  hour, 
to  order  the  doors  to  be  opened  and  all  who  were  waiting 
to  be  admitted.     The  crowd  would  rusn  in,  throng  in 
the  narrow  room,  and  one  by  one  would  make  their 
wants  known.     Some  came  merely  to  shake  hands,  to 
wish    him    Godspeed;     their    errand    was    soon    done. 
Others  came  asking  help  or  mercy ;  they  usually  pressed 
forward,  careless  in  their  pain  as  to  what  ears  should 
overhear  their  prayer.     But  there  were  many  who  lin 
gered  in  the  rear  and  leaned  against  the  wall,  hoping 
each  to  be  the  last,  that  they  might  in  tete-a-tete  unfold 
their  schemes  for  their  own  advantage  or  their  neigh 
bor's  hurt.    These  were  often  disconcerted  by  the  Presi 
dent's  loud  and  hearty,  '  Well,  friend,  what  can  I  do  for 
you  ?'  which  compelled  them  to  speak,  or  retire  and  wait 
for  a  more  convenient  season.    The  inventors  were  more 
a  source  of  amusement  than  of  annoyance.    They  were 
usually  men  of  some  originality  of  character,  not  infre 
quently  carried  to  eccentricity.     Lincoln  had  a  quick 
comprehension  of  mechanical  principles,  and  often  de 
tected  a  flaw  in  an  invention  which  the  contriver  had 
overlooked.    He  would  sometimes  go  out  into  the  waste 
fields  that  then  lay  south  of  the  Executive  Mansion  to 
test  an  experimental  gun  or  torpedo.    He  used  to  quote 
with  much  merriment  the  solemn  dictum  of  one  rural 
inventor  that '  a  gun  ought  not  to  rekyle ;  if  it  rekyles  at 
all,  it  ought  to  rekyle  a  little  forrid.' 

"  At  luncheon  time  he  had  literally  to  run  the  gauntlet 
through  the  crowds  that  filled  the  corridors  between  his 
office  and  the  rooms  at  the  west  end  of  the  house  occu 
pied  by  the  family.  The  afternoon  wore  away  in  much 

285 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  same  manner  as  the  morning;  late  in  the  day  he 
usually  drove  out  for  an  hour's  airing;  at  six  o'clock 
he  dined.  He  was  one  of  the  most  abstemious  of  men ; 
the  pleasures  of  the  table  had  few  attractions  for  him. 
His  breakfast  was  an  egg  and  a  cup  of  coffee;  at 
luncheon  he  rarely  took  more  than  a  biscuit  and  a  glass 
of  milk,  a  plate  of  fruit  in  its  season ;  at  dinner  he  ate 
sparingly  of  one  or  two  courses.  He  drank  little  or  no 
wine;  not  that  he  remained  on  principle  a  total  ab 
stainer,  as  he  was  during  a  part  of  his  early  life  in  the 
fervor  of  the  '  Washingtonian'  reform ;  but  he  never 
cared  for  wine  or  liquors  of  any  sort  and  never  used 
tobacco. 

"  There  was  little  gayety  in  the  Executive  House 
during  his  time.  It  was  an  epoch,  if  not  of  gloom,  at 
least  of  a  seriousness  too  intense  to  leave  room  for  much 
mirth.  There  were  the  usual  formal  entertainments,  the 
traditional  state  dinners  and  receptions,  conducted  very 
much  as  they  have  been  ever  since.  The  great  public 
receptions,  with  their  vast,  rushing  multitudes  pouring 
past  him  to  shake  hands,  he  rather  enjoyed ;  they  were 
not  a  disagreeable  task  to  him,  and  he  seemed  surprised 
when  people  commiserated  him  upon  them.  He  would 
shake  hands  with  thousands  of  people,  seemingly  uncon 
scious  of  what  he  was  doing,  murmuring  some  monot 
onous  salutation  as  they  went  by,  his  eye  dim,  his 
thoughts  far  withdrawn;  then  suddenly  he  would  see 
some  familiar  face, — his  memory  for  faces  was  very 
good, — and  his  eye  would  brighten  and  his  whole  form 
grow  attentive ;  he  would  greet  the  visitor  with  a 
hearty  grasp  and  a  ringing  word  and  dismiss  him  with 
a  cheery  laugh  that  filled  the  Blue  Room  with  infectious 
good-nature.  Many  people  armed  themselves  with  an 
appropriate  speech  to  be  delivered  on  these  occasions, 
but  unless  it  was  compressed  into  the  smallest  possible 
space,  it  never  was  uttered ;  the  crowd  would  jostle  the 
peroration  out  of  shape.  If  it  were  brief  enough,  and 

286 


PRESIDENT    LINCOLN    AND    HIS    SON    "TAD" 

From  a  photograph  by  Brady,  now  in  the  War  Department  Collection, 

Washington,  D.  C- 


LINCOLN   IN  THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

hit  the  President's  fancy,  it  generally  received  a  swift 
answer.  One  night  an  elderly  gentleman  from  Buffalo 
said,  'Up  our  way  we  believe  in  God  and  Abraham 
Lincoln,'  to  which  the  President  replied,  shoving  him 
along  the  line,  '  My  friend,  you  are  more  than  half 
right.' 

"  During  the  first  year  of  the  administration  the  house 
was  made  lively  by  the  games  and  pranks  of  Mr.  Lin 
coln's  two  younger  children,  William  and  Thomas :  Rob 
ert,  the  eldest,  was  away  at  Harvard,  only  coming  home 
for  short  vacations.  The  two  little  boys,  aged  eight  and 
ten,  with  their  Western  independence  and  enterprise, 
kept  the  house  in  an  uproar.  They  drove  their  tutor 
wild  with  their  good-natured  disobedience ;  they  organ 
ized  a  minstrel  show  in  the  attic;  they  made  acquaint 
ance  with  the  office-seekers  and  became  the  hot  cham 
pions  of  the  distressed.  William  was,  with  all  his  boyish 
frolic,  a  child  of  great  promise,  capable  of  close  appli 
cation  and  study.  He  had  a  fancy  for  drawing  up  rail 
way  time-tables,  and  would  conduct  an  imaginary  train 
from  Chicago  to  New  York  with  perfect  precision.  He 
wrote  childish  verses,  which  sometimes  attained  the  un 
merited  honors  of  print.  But  this  bright,  gentle,  and 
studious  child  sickened  and  died  in  February,  1862. 
His  father  was  profoundly  moved  by  his  death,  though 
he  gave  no  outward  sign  of  his  trouble,  but  kept  about 
his  work  the  same  as  ever.  His  bereaved  heart  seemed 
afterwards  to  pour  out  its  fulness  on  his  youngest  child. 
'  Tad'  was  a  merry,  warm-blooded,  kindly  little  boy, 
perfectly  lawless,  and  full  of  odd  fancies  and  inventions, 
the  '  chartered  libertine'  of  the  Executive  Mansion.  He 
ran  continually  in  and  out  of  his  father's  cabinet,  inter 
rupting  his  gravest  labors  and  conversations  with  his 
bright,  rapid,  and  very  imperfect  speech, — for  he  had 
an  impediment  which  made  his  articulation  almost  unin 
telligible  until  he  was  nearly  grown.  He  would  perch 
upon  his  father's  knee,  and  sometimes  even  on  his  shoul- 

287 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

der,  while  the  most  weighty  conferences  were  going  on. 
Sometimes,  escaping  from  the  domestic  authorities,  he 
would  take  refuge  in  that  sanctuary  for  the  whole  even 
ing,  dropping  to  sleep  at  last  on  the  floor,  when  the 
President  would  pick  him  up  and  carry  him  tenderly  to 
bed. 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  spent  most  of  his  evenings  in  his  office, 
though  occasionally  he  remained  in  the  drawing-room 
after  dinner,  conversing  with  visitors  or  listening  to 
music,  for  which  he  had  an  especial  liking,  though  he 
was  not  versed  in  the  science,  and  preferred  simple 
ballads  to  more  elaborate  compositions.  In  his  office  he 
was  not  often  suffered  to  be  alone ;  he  frequently  passed 
the  evening  there  with  a  few  friends  in  frank  and  free 
conversation.  If  the  company  was  all  of  one  sort  he 
was  at  his  best;  his  wit  and  rich  humor  had  full  play; 
he  was  once  more  the  Lincoln  of  the  Eighth  Circuit, 
the  cheeriest  of  talkers,  the  riskiest  of  story-tellers ;  but 
if  a  stranger  came  in  he  put  on  in  an  instant  his  whole 
armor  of  dignity  and  reseive.  He  had  a  singular  dis 
cernment  of  men ;  he  would  talk  of  the  most  important 
political  and  military  concerns  with  a  freedom  which 
often  amazed  his  intimates,  but  we  do  not  recall  an 
instance  in  which  this  confidence  was  misplaced. 

"  Where  only  one  or  two  were  present  he  was  fond 
of  reading  aloud.  He  passed  many  of  the  summer  even 
ings  in  this  way  when  occupying  his  cottage  at  the 
Soldiers'  Home. 

"  He  read  Shakespeare  more  than  all  other  writers 
together.  He  made  no  attempt  to  keep  pace  with  the 
ordinary  literature  of  the  day.  Sometimes  he  read  a 
scientific  work  with  keen  appreciation,  but  he  pursued 
no  systematic  course.  He  owed  less  to  reading  than 
most  men.  He  delighted  in  Burns;  of  Thomas  Hood 
he  was  also  excessively  fond.  He  often  read  aloud 
'  The  Haunted  House/  He  would  go  to  bed  with  a 
volume  of  Hood  in  his  hands,  and  would  sometimes  rise 

288 


LINCOLN   IN   THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

at  midnight  and,  traversing  the  long  halls  of  the  Execu 
tive  Mansion  in  his  night-clothes,  would  come  to  his 
secretary's  room  and  read  aloud  something  that  espe 
cially  pleased  him.  He  wanted  to  share  his  enjoyment 
of  the  writer;  it  was  dull  pleasure  for  him  to  laugh 
alone.  He  read  Bryant  and  Whittier  with  appreciation ; 
there  were  many  poems  of  Holmes  that  he  read  with 
intense  relish.  '  The  Last  Leaf  was  one  of  his  favor 
ites;  he  knew  it  by  heart,  and  used  often  to  repeat  it 
with  deep  feeling." 

Ben :  Perley  Poore,  in  his  reminiscences,  says,  "  The 
White  House,  while  Mr.  Lincoln  occupied  it,  was  a  fer 
tile  field  for  news,  which  he  was  always  ready  to  give 
those  correspondents  in  whom  he  had  confidence,  but 
the  surveillance  of  the  press — first  by  Secretary  Seward 
and  then  by  Secretary  Stanton — was  as  annoying  as 
it  was  inefficient.  A  censorship  of  all  matter  filed  at 
the  Washington  office  of  the  telegraph,  for  transmission 
to  different  Northern  cities,  was  exercised  by  a  succes 
sion  of  ignorant  individuals,  some  of  whom  had  to  be 
hunted  up  at  whiskey  shops  when  their  signature  of 
approval  was  desired.  A  Congressional  investigation 
showed  how  stupidly  the  censors  performed  their  duty. 
Innocent  sentences  which  were  supposed  to  have  a 
hidden  meaning  were  stricken  from  paragraphs,  which 
were  thus  rendered  nonsensical,  and  information  was 
rejected  that  was  clipped  in  print  from  the  Washington 
papers,  which  it  was  known  regularly  found  their  way 
into  'Dixie/ 

"  When  irate  correspondents  appealed  to  Mr.  Lincoln, 
he  would  good-naturedly  declare  that  he  had  no  control 
over  his  secretaries,  and  would  endeavor  to  mollify  their 
wrath  by  telling  them  a  story.  One  morning  in  the 
winter  of  1862,  when  two  angry  journalists  had  under 
taken  to  explain  the  annoyances  of  the  censorship,  Mr. 
Lincoln,  who  had  listened  in  his  dreamy  way,  finally 
said, — 

19  289 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  '  I  don't  know  much  about  this  censorship,  but  come 
downstairs  and  I  will  show  you  the  origin  of  one  of  the 
pet  phrases  of  you  newspaper  fellows.' 

"  Leading  the  way  down  into  the  basement,  he  opened 
the  door  of  a  larder  and  solemnly  pointed  to  the  hang 
ing  carcass  of  a  gigantic  sheep. 

"  '  There/  said  he ;  '  now  you  know  what  "  Revenons 
a  nos  moutons"  means.  It  was  raised  by  Deacon  Buff  urn 
at  Manchester,  up  in  New  Hampshire.  Who  can  say, 
after  looking  at  it,  that  New  Hampshire's  only  product 
is  granite?'" 

When  William  Lloyd  Garrison  came  to  Washington 
to  thank  the  President  for  issuing  the  Emancipation 
Proclamation,  he  visited  Baltimore  expressly  for  the 
purpose  of  inspecting  the  old  jail  in  which  he  was 
confined  for  several  weeks  for  being  an  abolition 
ist,  but,  much  to  his  disappointment,  the  police  in 
charge  would  not  admit  him.  During  his  interview 
with  the  President  he  complained  of  this,  and  Lincoln 
remarked, — 

"  You  have  had  hard  luck  in  Baltimore,  haven't  you, 
Garrison  ?  The  first  time  you  couldn't  get  out  of  prison 
and  the  second  time  you  couldn't  get  in." 

A  woman  called  at  the  White  House  one  day  to  ask 
the  release  from  prison  of  a  relative  whom  she  declared 
was  suffering  from  great  injustice.  She  was  very  hand 
some  and  attractive  and  endeavored  to  use  her  attrac 
tions  upon  the  President.  After  listening  to  her  a  little 
while,  he  concluded,  as  he  afterwards  explained,  that  he 
was  "too  soft"  to  deal  with  her,  and  sent  her  over  to 
the  War  Department  with  a  sealed  envelope  containing 
a  card  upon  which  he  had  written, — 

'  This  woman,  dear  Stanton,  is  smarter  than  she 
looks  to  be." 

Another  woman  came  to  the  White  House  one  day 
on  an  unusual  errand  which  the  President  suspected  was 
a  pretext,  but  he  took  her  at  her  word  and  gave  her  the 

290 


LINCOLN   IN   THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

following  note  to  Major  Ramsey,  of  the  Quartermaster's 
Department. 

"  MY  DEAR  SIR  : — The  lady — bearer  of  this — says  she 
has  two  sons  who  want  to  work.  Set  them  at  it  if  pos 
sible.  Wanting  to  work  is  so  rare  a  merit  that  it  should 
be  encouraged.  A.  LINCOLN." 

A  member  of  Congress  from  Ohio,  and  a  famous  man, 
by  the  way,  once  entered  the  Executive  Chamber  in  a 
state  of  intoxication, — just  drunk  enough  to  be  solemn, 
— and,  as  he  dropped  into  a  chair,  exclaimed  in  dramatic 
tones  the  first  line  of  the  President's  favorite  poem : 
1  Oh,  why  should  the  spirit  of  mortal  be  proud  ?' '; 

"  I  see  no  reason  whatever,"  retorted  the  President, 
in  disgust. 

A  delegation  of  clergymen  once  called  to  recommend 
one  of  their  number  for  appointment  as  consul  at  the 
Hawaiian  Islands,  and,  in  addition  to  urging  his  fitness 
for  the  place,  appealed  to  the  President's  sympathy  on 
the  ground  that  the  candidate  was  in  bad  health,  and  a 
residence  in  that  climate  would  be  of  great  benefit  to 
him.  Lincoln  questioned  the  man  closely  as  to  his  symp 
toms,  and  then  remarked, — 

"  I  am  sorry  to  disappoint  you,  but  there  are  eight 
other  men  after  this  place,  and  every  one  of  them  is 
sicker  than  you  are." 

A  party  of  friends  from  Springfield  called  upon  him 
one  day  and,  as  a  matter  of  gossip,  told  him  of  the 
death  and  burial  of  a  certain  prominent  Illinois  poli 
tician  who  was  noted  for  his  vanity  and  love  of  praise. 
After  listening  to  the  description  of  his  funeral,  the 
President  remarked, — 

"  If  Jim  had  known  he  was  to  have  that  kind  of  a 
funeral,  he  would  have  died  long  ago." 

One  of  the  telegraph  operators  at  the  War  Depart 
ment  relates  that  the  President  came  over  there  at  night 

291 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

during  the  war  and  remarked  that  he  had  just  been 
reading  a  little  book  which  some  one  had  given  to  his 
son  Tad.  It  was  a  story  of  a  motherly  hen  who  was 
struggling  to  raise  her  brood  and  teach  them  to  lead 
honest  and  useful  lives,  but  in  her  efforts  she  was  greatly 
annoyed  by  a  mischievous  fox  who  made  sad  havoc 
with  her  offspring.  ''  I  thought  I  would  turn  over  to 
the  finis  and  see  how  it  came  out,"  said  the  President. 
f<  This  is  what  it  said :  '  And  the  fox  became  a  good  fox, 
and  was  appointed  paymaster  in  the  army.'  I  wonder 
who  he  is  ?" 

To  a  deputation  that  waited  upon  him  to  criticise  cer 
tain  acts  of  his  administration,  he  made  the  following 
response: 

"  Gentlemen,  suppose  all  the  property  you  were  worth 
was  in  gold,  and  you  had  put  it  in  the  hands  of  Blondin 
to  carry  across  the  Niagara  River  on  a  rope ;  would  you 
shake  the  cable  and  keep  shouting  out  to  him,  '  Blondin, 
stand  up  a  little  straighter— Blondin,  stoop  a  little  more 
—go  a  little  faster— lean  a  little  more  to  the  north— lean 
a  little  more  to  the  south?'  No,  you  would  hold  your 
breath  as  well  as  your  tongue,  and  keep  your  hands  off 
until  he  was  safe  over.  The  government  is  carrying  an 
immense  weight.  Untold  treasures  are  in  our  hands. 
We  are  doing  the  very  best  we  can.  Don't  badger  us. 
Keep  quiet,  and  we  will  get  you  safe  across." 

A  multitude  of  authentic  anecdotes  are  told  to  show 
Lincoln's  kindness  of  heart  and  his  disposition  to  relieve 
the  distress  of  those  who  came  to  him  with  stories  of 
wrong  or  sorrow.  His  readiness  to  pardon  soldiers  who 
id  been  convicted  by  court-martial  and  sentenced  to 
death  caused  great  dissatisfaction  at  the  War  Depart 
ment  and  among  the  army  officers,  who  complained  that 

interference  was  destroying  the  discipline  of  the  ser 
vice;    but  whenever  an  appeal  was  made  to  him  he 
always  endeavored  to  find  some  reason,  near  or  remote, 
Executive  clemency,  and  if  that  was  impossible,  he 
292 


LINCOLN  IN  THE  WHITE   HOUSE 

invariably  gave  an  order  for  the  postponement  of  the 
penalty  until  a  further  investigation  could  be  made.  A 
very  flagrant  case  was  brought  to  him  of  a  soldier  who 
had  demoralized  his  regiment  by  throwing  down  his  gun 
and  running  away  in  battle,  and  by  trying  to  shield  his 
own  cowardice  by  inducing  others  to  imitate  him.  When 
tried  by  court-martial  there  was  no  defence.  It  was 
shown  that  he  was  an  habitual  thief,  had  robbed  his 
comrades,  and  that  he  had  no  parents  or  wife  or  child 
to  excite  sympathy.  When  Judge-Advocate-General 
Holt  laid  the  case  before  Lincoln,  he  expected  him  to 
approve  the  death-sentence  without  hesitation.  There 
was  not  the  slightest  excuse  for  clemency ;  the  record  of 
the  case  did  not  contain  a  single  item  of  evidence  in  the 
man's  favor.  The  President  looked  through  the  docu 
ments  carefully,  but  in  vain,  to  find  some  reason  why 
the  coward  should  not  die.  Then,  running  his  long 
fingers  through  his  hair,  as  he  often  did  when  puzzled, 
he  looked  up  and  said, — • 

'''  The  only  thing  I  can  do  with  this,  judge,  is  to  put 
it  with  my  leg  cases." 

"  Leg  cases !"  exclaimed  Judge  Holt,  with  a  frown  at 
this  supposed  levity  of  the  President  in  a  case  of  life 
and  death.  "  What  do  you  mean  by  leg  cases,  sir?" 

"  Do  you  see  those  papers  stuffed  into  those  pigeon 
holes  ?"  replied  Lincoln.  "  They  are  the  cases  that  you 
call '  cowardice-in-the-face-of-the-enemy/  but  1  call  them 
'  leg  cases'  for  short ;  and  I  will  put  it  to  you ;  I  leave 
it  for  you  to  decide  for  yourself.  If  Almighty  God  gives 
a  man  a  cowardly  pair  of  legs,  how  can  he  help  their 
running  away  with  him  ?" 

One  day  an  old  man  came  to  him  with  a  sad  tale  of 
sorrow.  His  son  had  been  convicted  of  unpardonable 
crimes  and  sentenced  to  death,  but  he  was  an  only  son, 
and  Lincoln  said,  kindly, — 

"  I  am  sorry  I  can  do  nothing  for  you.  Listen  to  this 
telegram  I  received  from  General  Butler  yesterday : 

293 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"  '  President  Lincoln,  I  pray  you  not  to  interfere  with 
the  courts-martial  of  the  army.  You  will  destroy  ^all 
discipline  among  our  soldiers.  B.  F.  BUTLER.'  ' 

Lincoln  watched  the  old  man's  grief  for  a  minute, 
and  then  exclaimed,  "  By  jingo!  Butler  or  no  Butler, 
here  goes !"  Writing  a  few  words  he  handed  the  paper 
to  the  old  man,  reading, — 

"  Job  Smith  is  not  to  be  shot  until  further  orders  from 
me>  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN." 

"  Why,"  said  the  old  man,  sadly,  "  I  thought  it  was  a 
pardon.  You  may  order  him  to  be  shot  next  week." 

"  My  old  friend,"  replied  the  President,  "  I  see  you 
are  not  very  well  acquainted  with  me.  If  your  son  never 
dies  till  orders  come  from  me  to  shoot  him,  he  will  live 
to  be  a  great  deal  older  than  Methuselah." 

One  of  the  most  famous  cases  of  pardon  was  that  of 
William  Scott,  a  young  boy  from  a  Vermont  farm,  who, 
after  marching  forty-eight  hours  without  sleep,  volun 
teered  to  stand  guard  duty  for  a  sick  comrade  in  addi 
tion  to  his  own.  Nature  overcame  him,  he  was  found 
asleep  at  his  post  within  gunshot  of  the  enemy,  tried, 
convicted,  and  sentenced  to  be  shot.  A  day  or  two 
before  the  execution  Lincoln  happened  to  visit  that  divi 
sion  of  the  army,  and,  learning  of  the  case,  asked  per 
mission  to  see  the  boy.  He  entered  the  tent  that  was 
used  for  a  prison,  talked  to  him  kindly,  inquired  about 
his  home,  his  parents,  his  schoolmates,  and  particularly 
about  his  mother,  and  how  she  looked.  The  boy  had 
her  photograph  in  his  pocket  and  showed  it  to  him,  and 
Lincoln  was  very  much  affected.  As  he  was  leaving 
the  tent,  he  put  his  hands  on  the  lad's  shoulders  and 
said,  with  a  trembling  voice, — 

"  My  boy,  you  are  not  going  to  be  shot  to-morrow. 
I  believe  you  when  you  tell  me  that  you  could  not  keep 

294 


LINCOLN   IN   THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

awake.  I  am  going  to  trust  you  and  send  you  back  to 
the  regiment.  But  I  have  been  put  to  a  great  deal  of 
trouble  on  your  account.  I  have  had  to  come  here  from 
Washington  when  I  had  a  great  deal  to  do.  Now,  what 
I  want  to  know  is,  how  are  you  going  to  pay  my  bill?" 

In  relating  the  story  afterwards,  Scott  said,  "  I  could 
scarcely  speak.  I  had  expected  to  die,  you  see,  and  had 
got  kind  of  used  to  thinking  that  way.  To  have  it  all 
changed  in  a  minute !  But  I  got  it  crowded  down  and 
managed  to  say,  '  I  am  grateful,  Mr.  Lincoln !  I  hope 
I  am  as  grateful  as  ever  a  man  can  be  to  you  for  saving 
my  life.  But  it  comes  upon  me  sudden  and  unexpected 
like.  I  didn't  lay  out  for  it  at  all ;  but  there  is  some 
thing  to  pay  you,  and  I  will  find  it  after  a  little.  There 
is  the  bounty  in  the  savings  bank,  and  I  guess  we  could 
borrow  some  money  by  a  mortgage  on  the  farm.  Then 
my  pay  is  something,  and  if  you  would  wait  until  pay 
day  I  am  sure  the  boys  would  help ;  so  we  could  make  it 
up  if  it  isn't  more  than  five  or  six  hundred  dollars.' 
'  But  it  is  a  great  deal  more  than  that/  he  said.  '  My 
bill  is  a  very  large  one.  Your  friends  cannot  pay  it,  nor 
your  bounty,  nor  the  farm,  nor  all  your  comrades! 
There  is  only  one  man  in  all  the  world  who  can  pay 
it,  and  his  name  is  William  Scott!  If  from  this  day 
William  Scott  does  his  duty,  so  that,  when  he  comes  to 
die,  he  can  look  me  in  the  face  as  he  does  now,  and 
say,  I  have  kept  my  promise,  and  I  have  done  my  duty 
as  a  soldier,  then  my  debt  will  be  paid.  Will  you  make 
that  promise  and  try  to  keep  it  ?' ' 

The  promise  was  gratefully  given.  It  is  too  long  a 
story  to  tell  of  the  effect  of  this  sympathetic  kindness 
on  Private  William  Scott.  After  one  of  the  battles  of 
the  Peninsula  he  was  found  shot  to  pieces.  He  said, 
"  Boys,  I  have  tried  to  do  the  right  thing !  If  any  of 
you  have  the  chance,  I  wish  you  would  tell  President 
Lincoln  that  I  have  never  forgotten  the  kind  words  he 
said  to  me  at  the  Chain  Bridge ;  that  I  have  tried  to  be 

295 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

a  good  soldier  and  true  to  the  flag;  that  I  should  have 
paid  my  whole  debt  to  him  if  I  had  lived ;  and  that  now, 
when  I  know  I  am  dying,  I  think  of  his  kind  face,  and 
thank  him  again,  because  he  gave  me  the  chance  to  fall 
like  a  soldier  in  battle  and  not  like  a  coward  by  the 
hands  of  my  comrades." 

When  Francis  Kernan  was  a  member  of  Congress 
during  the  war,  a  woman  came  to  him  one  day  and  said 
that  her  husband  had  been  captured  as  a  deserter.  The 
next  morning  he  called  at  the  White  House  and  gave  the 
President  the  facts.  The  man  had  been  absent  a  year 
from  his  family,  and,  without  leave,  had  gone  home  to 
see  them.  On  his  way  back  to  the  army  he  was  arrested 
as  a  deserter  and  sentenced  to  be  shot.  The  sentence 
was  to  be  carried  out  that  very  day. 

The  President  listened  attentively,  becoming  more  and 
more  interested  in  the  story.  Finally  he  said,  "  Why, 
Kernan,  of  course  this  man  wanted  to  see  his  family, 
and  they  ought  not  to  shoot  him  for  that."  So  he  called 
his  secretary  and  sent  a  telegram  suspending  the  sen 
tence.  He  exclaimed,  "  Get  off  that  just  as  soon  as 
you  can,  or  they  will  shoot  the  man  in  spite  of  me!" 
The  result  was  the  man  got  his  pardon  and  took  his 
place  again  in  the  army. 

A  Congressman  who  had  failed  to  move  Secretary 
Stanton  to  grant  a  pardon,  went  to  the  White  House 
late  at  night,  after  the  President  had  retired,  forced 
the  way  to  his  bedroom,  and  earnestly  besought  his  inter 
ference,  exclaiming,  earnestly, — 

l<  This  man  must  not  be  shot,  Mr.  Lincoln." 

"  Well,"  said  the  President,  coolly,  "  I  do  not  believe 
shooting  will  do  him  any  good,"  and  the  pardon  was 
granted. 

The  late  Governor  Rice,  of  Massachusetts,  says,  "  It 
happened  at  one  time  that  Senator  Henry  Wilson  and 
myself  called  to  see  President  Lincoln  on  a  joint  errand. 
As  the  door  to  Mr.  Lincoln's  room  opened,  a  small  boy, 


LINCOLN  IN  THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

perhaps  twelve  years  old,  slipped  in  between  the  Senator 
and  myself.  The  President  appeared  to  be  attracted  to 
the  lad,  and  asked,  '  And  who  is  the  little  boy?'  an 
inquiry  which  neither  the  Senator  nor  myself  could 
answer.  The  lad,  however,  immediately  replied  that  he 
had  come  to  Washington  in  the  hope  of  obtaining  a 
situation  as  page  in  the  House  of  Representatives.  The 
President  began  to  say  that  he  must  go  to  Captain  Good- 
now,  the  head  door-keeper  of  the  House,  as  he  had 
nothing  to  do  with  such  an  appointment;  upon  which 
the  lad  pulled  from  his  pockets  a  recommendation  from 
the  supervisors  of  the  town,  the  minister  of  the  parish, 
and  others,  stating  also  that  his  mother  was  a  widow, 
and  pleading  the  necessities  of  the  family.  The  Presi 
dent  called  the  boy  nearer  to  him,  took  his  recommenda 
tion,  and  wrote  upon  the  back  as  follows: 

" '  If  Captain  Goodnow  can  give  this  good  little  boy 
a  place  he  will  oblige  A.  LINCOLN.'  ' 

Mr.  Titian  J.  Coffey,  who  was  Assistant  Attorney- 
General,  relates  that  "  in  the  spring  of  1863  a  very  hand 
some  and  attractive  young  lady  from  Philadelphia  came 
to  my  office  with  a  note  from  a  friend,  asking  me  to 
assist  her  in  obtaining  an  interview  with  the  President. 
Some  time  before  she  had  been  married  to  a  young  man 
who  was  a  lieutenant  in  a  Pennsylvania  regiment.  He 
had  been  compelled  to  leave  her  the  day  after  the  wed 
ding  to  rejoin  his  command  in  the  Army  of  the  Potomac. 
After  some  time  he  obtained  leave  of  absence,  returned 
to  Philadelphia,  and  started  on  a  brief  honeymoon  jour 
ney  with  his  bride.  A  movement  of  the  army  being  im 
minent,  the  War  Department  issued  a  peremptory  order 
requiring  all  absent  officers  to  rejoin  their  regiments  by 
a  certain  day,  on  penalty  of  -dismissal  in  case  of  dis 
obedience.  The  bride  and  groom,  away  on  their  hurried 
wedding-tour,  failed  to  see  the  order,  and  on  their  return 

297 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

he  was  met  by  a  notice  of  his  dismissal  from  the  service. 
The  young  fellow  was  completely  prostrated  by  the  dis 
grace,  and  his  wife  hurried  to  Washington  to  get  him 
restored.  I  obtained  for  her  an  interview  with  the 
President.  She  told  her  story  with  simple  and  pathetic 
eloquence,  and  wound  up  by  saying, — 

"  '  Mr.  Lincoln,  won't  you  help  us  ?  I  promise  you, 
if  you  will  restore  him,  he  will  be  faithful  to  his  duty.' 

"  The  President  had  listened  to  her  with  evident  sym 
pathy  and  a  half-amused  smile  at  her  earnestness,  and  as 
she  closed  her  appeal  he  said,  with  parental  kindness, — 

"  '  And  you  say,  my  child,  that  Fred  was  compelled 
to  leave  you  the  day  after  the  wedding?  Poor  fellow, 
I  don't  wonder  at  his  anxiety  to  get  back,  and  if  he 
stayed  a  little  longer  than  he  ought  to  have  done  we'll 
have  to  overlook  his  fault  this  time.  Take  this  card  to 
the  Secretary  of  War  and  he  will  restore  your  husband.' 

"  She  went  to  the  War  Department,  saw  the  Secretary, 
who  rebuked  her  for  troubling  the  President  and  dis 
missed  her  somewhat  curtly.  As  it  happened,  on  her 
way  down  the  War  Department  stairs,  her  hopes  chilled 
by  the  Secretary's  abrupt  manner,  she  met  the  President 
ascending.  He  recognized  her,  and,  with  a  pleasant 
smile,  said, — 

'  Well,  my  dear,  have  you  seen  the  Secretary  ?' 
'  Yes,   Mr.   Lincoln,'  she  replied,   '  and  he   seemed 
very  angry  with  me  for  going  to  you.    Won't  you  speak 
to  him  for  me  ?' 

Give  yourself  no  trouble,'  said  he.    '  I  will  see  that 
the  order  is  issued.' 

"And  in  a  few  days  her  husband  was  remanded  to 
his  regiment.  I  am  sorry  to  add  that,  not  long  after,  he 
was  killed  at  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  thus  sealing  with 
his  blood  her  pledge  that  he  should  be  faithful  to  his 
duty." 

Attorney-General  Bates,  a  Virginian  by  birth,  who 
had  many  relatives  in  that  State,  one  day  heard  that  the 

298 


LINCOLN   IN  THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

son  of  one  of  his  old  friends  was  a  prisoner  of  war  and 
not  in  good  health.  Knowing  the  boy's  father  to  be  a 
Union  man,  Mr.  Bates  conceived  the  idea  of  having  the 
son  paroled  and  sent  home,  of  course  under  promise  not 
to  return  to  the  army.  He  went  to  see  the  President 
and  said, — 

"  I  have  a  personal  favor  to  ask.  I  want  you  to  give 
me  a  prisoner."  And  he  told  him  of  the  case.  The 
President  said,  "  Bates,  I  have  an  almost  parallel  case. 
The  son  of  an  old  friend  of  mine  in  Illinois  ran  off  and 
entered  the  rebel  army.  The  young  fool  has  been  cap 
tured,  is  a  prisoner  of  war,  and  his  old  broken-hearted 
father  has  asked  me  to  send  him  home,  promising,  of 
course,  to  keep  him  there.  I  have  not  seen  my  way  clear 
to  do  it,  but  if  you  arid  I  unite  our  influence  with  this 
administration  I  believe  we  can  manage  it  together  and 
make  two  loyal  fathers  happy.  Let  us  make  them  our 
prisoners." 

Lincoln's  reputation  for  kindness  of  heart  extended 
even  among  the  officials  of  the  Confederacy.  Mr.  Usher, 
Secretary  of  the  Interior,  says  that  when  he  returned 
from  the  Peace  Conference  on  the  James,  in  1864,  where 
he  met  Messrs.  Stephens,  Campbell,  and  Hunter,  he 
related  some  of  his  conversations  with  them.  He  said 
that  at  the  conclusion  of  one  of  his  discourses,  detailing 
what  he  considered  to  be  the  position  in  which  the  in 
surgents  were  placed  by  the  law,  they  replied, — 

"  Well,  according  to  your  view  of  the  case,  we  are 
all  guilty  of  treason  and  liable  to  be  hanged." 

Lincoln  replied,  "  Yes,  that  is  so."  And  Mr.  Stephens 
retorted, — 

"  Well,  we  supposed  that  would  necessarily  be  your 
view  of  our  case,  but  we  never  had  much  fear  of  being 
hanged  while  you  are  President." 

From  his  manner  in  repeating  this  scene  he  seemed  to 
appreciate  the  compliment  highly.  There  is  no  evidence 
that  he  ever  contemplated  executing  any  of  the  insur- 

299 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

gents  for  their  treason.  There  is  no  evidence  that  he 
desired  any  of  them  to  leave  the  country,  with  the  excep 
tion  of  Mr.  Davis.  His  great,  and  apparently  his  only, 
object  was  to  have  a  restored  Union. 

A  short  time  before  the  capitulation  of  General  Lee, 
General  Grant  had  told  him  that  the  war  must  necessarily 
soon  come  to  an  end,  and  wanted  to  know  whether  he 
should  try  to  capture  Jeff  Davis  or  let  him  escape  from 
the  country  if  he  would.  Mr.  Lincoln  said, — 

"  About  that,  I  told  him  the  story  of  an  Irishman  who 
had  taken  the  pledge  of  Father  Mathew.  He  became 
terribly  thirsty,  applied  to  a  bar-tender  for  a  lemonade, 
and  while  it  was  being  prepared  whispered  to  him, '  And 
couldn't  ye  put  a  little  brandy  in  it  all  unbeknown  to 
meself  ?'  I  told  Grant  if  he  could  let  Jeff  Davis  escape 
all  unbeknown  to  himself,  to  let  him  go.  I  didn't  want 
him." 

Near  the  close  of  the  war  his  old  friend,  Thomas 
Gillespie,  asked  him  what  was  to  be  done  with  the  rebels. 
He  answered,  after  referring  to  the  vehement  demand 
prevalent  in  certain  quarters  for  exemplary  punishment, 
by  quoting  the  words  of  David  to  his  nephews,  who  were 
asking  for  vengeance  on  Shimei  because  "  he  cursed  the 
Lord's  anointed :"  "  What  have  I  to  do  with  you,  ye 
sons  of  Zeruiah,  that  ye  should  this  day  be  adversaries 
unto  me?  shall  there  any  man  be  put  to  death  this  day 
in  Israel?" 

But  the  President  could  be  very  stern  and  determined 
when  he  considered  it  necessary,  although,  when  com 
pelled  by  his  sense  of  duty  to  withhold  a  pardon,  he 
usually  gave  reasons  which  could  not  be  set  aside  and 
accompanied  them  by  a  lesson  of  value.  An  officer 
once  complained  to  him,  with  great  indignation,  that 
General  Sherman  was  a  tyrant  and  a  bully  and  unfit  to 
command  troops.  Lincoln  listened  attentively  until  he 
had  exhausted  his  wrath,  and  then  inquired  quietly  if 
he  had  any  personal  grievance  against  General  Sherman. 

300 


LINCOLN   IN  THE  WHITE   HOUSE 

The  officer  replied  that  General  Sherman  had  accused 
him  of  some  misconduct  and  threatened  to  shoot  him  if 
it  occurred  again. 

"  If  I  were  in  your  place,"  remarked  the  President,  in 
a  confidential  whisper,  "  I  wouldn't  repeat  that  offence, 
because  Sherman  is  a  man  of  his  word." 

One  day  Mr.  Nicolay  brought  the  President  a  tele 
gram  from  Philadelphia,  stating  that  a  man  had  been 
arrested  in  that  city  for  an  attempt  to  obtain  fifteen 
hundred  dollars  on  Lincoln's  draft. 

"  I  have  given  no  authority  for  such  a  draft ;  and  if 
I  had,"  he  added,  humorously,  "  it  is  surprising  that  any 
man  could  get  the  money." 

After  a  moment's  reflection,  Mr.  Nicolay  thought  he 
knew  the  accused  party. 

"  Do  you  remember,  Mr.  President,  a  request  from  a 
stranger  a  few  days  since  for  your  autograph?  You 
gave  it  to  him  upon  a  half-sheet  of  note-paper.  The 
scoundrel  doubtless  forged  an  order  above  -your  signa 
ture,  and  has  attempted  to  swindle  somebody." 

"  Oh,  that's  the  trick,  is  it  ?"  said  the  President. 

"What  shall  be  done  with  him?"  inquired  Mr. 
Nicolay.  "Have  you  any  orders?" 

"  Well,"  replied  Mr.  Lincoln,  pausing  between  the 
words,  "  I  don't  see  but  that  he  will  have  to  sit  upon 
the  blister  bench." 

In  1861  E.  Delafield  Smith  was  United  States  District 
Attorney  for  the  Southern  District  of  New  York.  One 
of  the  first  and  most  important  of  his  trials  was  that 
of  William  Gordon  for  slave-trading.  Gordon  was  con 
victed — the  first  conviction  under  the  slave  law  that  was 
ever  had  in  the  United  States  either  North  or  South — 
and  sentenced  to  be  hanged.  An  extraordinary  effort 
was  made  to  have  Lincoln  pardon  him.  Mr.  Smith 
deemed  it  his  duty  to  go  to  Washington  and  protest 
against  clemency.  Lincoln  took  from  his  desk  a  reprieve 
already  prepared  and  laid  it  before  him.  He  picked  up 

301 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

a  pen,  and  held  it  in  his  hand  while  he  listened  to  the 
argument  of  Mr.  Smith  on  the  imperative  necessity  of 
making  an  example  of  Gordon,  in  order  to  terrorize 
those  who  were  engaged  in  the  slave-trade.  Then  he 
threw  down  the  pen  and  remarked, — 

"  Mr.  Smith,  you  do  not  know  how  hard  it  is  to  have 
a  human  being  die  when  you  feel  that  a  stroke  of  your 
pen  will  save  him." 

Gordon  was  executed  in  New  York. 

A  volunteer  major  who  had  been  wounded  at  Peters 
burg  found  himself  mustered  out  of  his  regiment  on 
that  account,  nolens  volens,  and  appealed  to  the  Presi 
dent  for  an  appointment  on  staff  duty,  so  that  he  could 
still  continue  to  perform  service  regardless  of  his  phys 
ical  incapacity. 

The  President  took  down  a  large  volume  of  the  laws 
of  Congress,  opened  to  the  page  and  section  of  the  act, 
put  his  finger  on  the  line,  and  read  aloud  the  words 
which  authorized  him  to  make  staff  appointments  only 
on  the  request  of  a  general  commanding  a  brigade, 
division,  or  corps.  The  major  admitted  that  he  had  not 
brought  such  an  application,  for  he  had  not  thought  it 
necessary.  "  It  cannot  be  done,"  said  the  President, 
"  without  such  a  request.  I  have  no  more  power  to 
appoint  you,  in  the  absence  of  such  a  request,  than  I 
would  have  to  marry  a  woman  to  any  man  she  might 
want  for  her  husband  without  his  consent.  Bring  me 
such  an  application  and  I  will  make  it  at  once,  for  I  see 
you  deserve  it." 

The  late  Governor  Rice,  of  Massachusetts,  said,  "  A 
mercantile  firm  in  Boston  had  an  office  Loy  whose  duty, 
among  other  things,  was  to  take  the  mail  to  and  from 
the  post-office.  This  boy  was  fresh  from  the  country, 
and,  seeing  his  opportunity  to  get  money  from  the  letters 
intrusted  to  him,  yielded  to  the  temptation,  was  detected, 
convicted,  and  imprisoned;  but  the  employers  and  the 
jury  joined  with  the  boy's  father  to  obtain  his  pardon. 

302 


LINCOLN   IN   THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

The  father  appeared  in  Washington  with  a  petition 
numerously  signed.  I  introduced  him  to  the  President, 
to  whom  I  also  handed  the  petition.  Mr.  Lincoln  put  on 
his  spectacles,  threw  himself  back  in  his  chair  and 
stretched  his  long  legs  and  read  the  document.  When 
finished,  he  turned  to  me  and  asked  if  I  met  a  man  on 
the  stairs.  '  Well/  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  his  errand  was 
to  get  a  man  pardoned,  and  now  you  come  to  get  a  boy 
out  of  jail.  But  I  am  a  little  encouraged  by  your  visit. 
They  are  after  me  on  the  men,  but  appear  to  be  roping 
you  in  on  the  boys.  The  trouble  appears  to  come  from 
the  courts.  It  seems  as  if  the  courts  ought  to  be  abol 
ished,  anyway;  for  they  appear  to  pick  out  the  very 
best  men  in  the  community  and  send  them  to  the  peni 
tentiary,  and  now  they  are  after  the  same  kind  of 
boys.' ' 

Once  he  received  a  message  from  a  zealous  Irish  sol 
dier  with  more  courage  than  brains  (or  he  would  not 
have  telegraphed  direct  to  the  President),  who  had  been 
left  behind  in  the  retreat  of  the  army  across  the  Potomac 
before  the  advancing  columns  of  Lee's  army,  with  one 
gun  of  his  battery  on  the  bank  of  the  river  below 
Edwards  Ferry.  It  read  about  thus :  "  I  have  the  whole 
rebel  army  in  my  front.  Send  me  another  gun  and  I 
assure  your  honor  they  shall  not  come  over."  This 
pleased  the  President  greatly,  and  he  sent  him  an  en 
couraging  reply,  suggesting  that  he  report  his  situation 
to  his  superior  officer. 

A  rebel  raid  on  Falls  Church,  a  little  hamlet  a  dozen 
miles  from  Washington,  had  resulted  in  the  surprise  and 
capture  of  a  brigadier-general  and  twelve  army  mules. 
When  Lincoln  heard  of  it  he  exclaimed, — 

"  How  unfortunate !  I  can  fill  that  general's  place  in 
five  minutes,  but  those  mules  cost  us  two  hundred  dollars 
apiece." 

Captain  Knight,  who  was  in  charge  of  the  guard  at 
the  War  Department,  said,  "  Mr.  Lincoln's  favorite  time 

303 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

for  visiting  the  War  Department  was  between  eleven 
and  twelve  o'clock  at  night.  His  tall,  ungainly  form 
wrapped  in  an  old  gray  shawl,  wearing  usually  a  shock 
ingly  bad  hat,  and  carrying  a  worse  umbrella,  came  up 
the  steps  into  the  building.  Secretary  Stanton,  who 
knew  Mr.  Lincoln's  midnight  habits,  gave  a  standing 
order  that,  although  Mr.  Lincoln  might  come  from  the 
White  House  alone  (and  he  seldom  came  in  any  other 
way),  he  should  never  be  permitted  to  return  alone,  but 
should  be  escorted  by  a  file  of  four  soldiers  and  a  non 
commissioned  officer. 

"  On  the  way  to  the  White  House,  Mr.  Lincoln  would 
converse  with  us  on  various  topics.  I  remember  one 
night,  when  it  was  raining  very  hard,  as  he  saw  us  at 
the  door,  ready  to  escort  him,  he  addressed  us  in  these 
words :  '  Don't  come  out  in  this  storm  with  me  to-night, 
boys;  I  have  my  umbrella,  and  can  get  home  safely 
without  you.' 

" '  But,'  I  replied,  '  Mr.  President,  we  have  positive 
orders  from  Mr.  Stanton  not  to  allow  you  to  return 
alone,  and  you  know  we  dare  not  disobey  his  orders.' 

" '  No,'  replied  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  I  suppose  not ;  for  if 
Mr.  Stanton  should  learn  that  you  had  let  me  return 
alone,  he  would  have  you  court-martialed  and  shot  inside 
of  twenty-four  hours/ 

"  I  was  detailed  upon  one  occasion  to  escort  the  Presi 
dent  to  the  Soldiers'  Home,"  continued  Captain  Knight. 
"As  we  approached  the  front  gate,  I  noticed  what 
seemed  to  be  a  young  man  groping  his  way,  as  if  he  were 
blind,  across  the  road.  Hearing  the  carriage  and  horses 
approaching,  he  became  frightened,  and  walked  in  the 
direction  of  the  approaching  danger.  Mr.  Lincoln 
quickly  observed  this,  and  shouted  to  the  coachman  to 
rein  in  his  horses,  which  he  did  as  they  were  about  to 
run  over  the  unfortunate  youth.  He  had  been  shot 
through  the  left  side  of  the  upper  part  of  the  face,  and 
the  ball,  passing  from  one  side  to  the  other,  had  put 

304 


LINCOLN   IN   THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

out  both  his  eyes.  He  could  not  have  been  over  sixteen 
or  seventeen  years  of  age,  and,  aside  from  his  blindness, 
he  had  a  very  beautiful  face.  Mr.  Lincoln  extended  his 
hand  to  him,  and  while  he  held  it  he  asked  him,  with  a 
voice  trembling  with  emotion,  his  name,  his  regiment, 
and  where  he  lived.  The  young  man  answered  these 
questions  and  stated  that  he  lived  in  Michigan;  and 
then  Mr.  Lincoln  made  himself  known  to  the  blind  sol 
dier,  and  with  a  look  that  was  a  benediction  in  itself, 
spoke  to  him  a  few  words  of  sympathy  and  bade  him 
good-by.  The  following  day  after  his  interview  with 
the  President  he  received  a  commission  as  a  first  lieu 
tenant  in  the  regular  army  of  the  United  States,  accom 
panied  by  an  order  of  retirement  upon  full  pay;  and, 
if  he  is  living  to-day,  he  is  doubtless  drawing  the  salary 
of  a  first  lieutenant  in  the  United  States  army  on  the 
retired  list." 

The  most  important  battle  of  the  war  was  fought  at 
the  polls  in  the  Northern  States  in  November,  1864,  and 
from  the  hour  that  the  result  was  announced  the  South 
ern  Confederacy  was  doomed.  It  lost  the  confidence  and 
respect  of  the  people  within  its  own  jurisdiction  and  of 
the  nations  of  Europe.  Several  attempts  were  made  by 
the  Southern  leaders  to  open  negotiations  for  peace,  but 
President  Lincoln  gave  them  plainly  to  understand  that 
he  could  not  recognize  the  Confederacy  as  anything  but 
a  rebellion  against  the  government.  Then  General  Lee 
undertook  "  to  meet  General  Grant  with  the  hope  that 
...  it  may  be  found  practicable  to  submit  the  subjects 
of  controversy  ...  to  a  convention,"  etc.  Grant  imme 
diately  wired  Lee's  letter  to  Mr.  Stanton,  who  received 
it  at  the  Capitol  on  the  last  night  of  the  session  of  Con 
gress,  where  the  President,  attended  by  his  Cabinet,  had 
gone,  as  usual,  to  sign  bills.  Having  read  the  telegram, 
Mr.  Stanton  handed  it  to  the  President  without  com 
ment.  By  this  time  Lincoln  felt  himself  completely 
master  of  the  situation.  He  knew  the  people  were  behind 
20  305 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

him  and  would  approve  whatever  he  thought  best  for 
the  welfare  of  the  country.  He  had  full  confidence  in 
the  commanders  of  his  armies  and  knew  that  they  were 
crowding  the  Confederates  into  the  last  ditch.  There 
fore,  for  the  first  time  since  the  beginning  of  the  war, 
he  could  act  promptly  upon  his  individual  judgment. 
Without  consulting  any  one,  he  wrote  the  following 
despatch,  which,  without  a  word,  he  passed  over  the 
table  for  Stanton  to  sign  and  send : 

"  The  President  directs  me  to  say  that  he  wishes  you 
to  have  no  conference  with  General  Lee,  unless  it  be  for 
capitulation  of  General  Lee's  army  or  on  some  minor 
or  purely  military  matter.  He  instructs  me  to  say  that 
you  are  not  to  decide,  discuss,  or  confer  upon  any  politi 
cal  questions.  Such  questions  the  President  holds  in  his 
own  hand  and  will  submit  them  to  no  military  confer 
ences  or  conventions.  Meanwhile  you  are  to  press  to  the 
utmost  your  military  advantages." 

This  little  despatch  crushed  the  last  hope  of  the  Con 
federate  authorities ;  but,  before  the  end  could  come,  Lee 
resolved  to  make  one  more  desperate  attempt  to  escape 
from  the  toils  in  which  he  was  involved.  His  assault 
was  made  with  great  spirit  on  March  25,  and  from  that 
day  until  April  7  there  was  fighting  all  along  the  line. 
In  the  mean  time  Lincoln  went  down  to  City  Point, 
where  Grant  had  his  head-quarters,  on  the  James  River 
a  few  miles  below  Richmond,  and  there  had  a  conference 
with  the  three  great  heroes  of  the  war,  Sherman  having 
come  from  North  Carolina  and  Sheridan  from  the  other 
side  of  Richmond.  It  was  a  remarkable  meeting, — the 
first  and  last  time  these  four  men  were  ever  together. 

After  the  conference,  at  which  Lincoln  expressed  his 
sympathy  with  the  desperate  situation  in  which  the  Con 
federates  were  placed,  Grant  sent  a  note  through  the 
lines  to  Lee,  saying,  "The  results  of  the  last  week 
must  have  convinced  you  of  the  hopelessness  of  further 
resistance,"  and  added  that  he  regarded  it  a  duty  "to 

306 


LINCOLN   IN   THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

shift  from  myself  the  responsibility  of  any  further  effu 
sion  of  blood"  by  asking  Lee's  surrender.  Lee  replied 
that  he  reciprocated  the  desire  to  avoid  further  blood 
shed,  and  asked  for  terms.  Grant  answered  that  there 
was  only  one  condition,  that  the  officers  and  men  sur 
rendered  should  be  disqualified  from  taking  up  arms 
again.  Lee  replied  the  next  day  that  he  did  not  think 
the  emergency  had  arisen  for  the  surrender  of  his  army, 
but  offered  to  meet  Grant  at  ten  o'clock  the  next  morn 
ing  on  the  old  stage  line  to  Richmond  between  the 
pickets  of  the  two  armies.  Grant  answered  that  "  the 
terms  upon  which  peace  can  be  had  are  well  understood. 
By  the  South  laying  down  their  arms  they  will  hasten 
that  most  desirable  event,  save  thousands  of  human  lives 
and  hundreds  of  millions  of  property."  Lee  had  hoped 
to  arrest  the  movement  of  the  Union  troops  by  entering 
into  negotiations,  but  found  that  Grant  understood  his 
purpose  and  was  drawing  more  closely  around  him,  so 
he  accepted  the  inevitable  and  asked  an  interview  for 
the  surrender  of  his  army. 

The  meeting  at  the  McLean  mansion  at  Appomattox 
has  been  too  often  described  to  require  reference  in  these 
pages,  except  to  call  attention  to  the  fact  that  General 
Grant's  letter  accepting  the  surrender  of  Lee's  army  was 
in  direct  violation  of  the  amnesty  proclamation  of  De 
cember  8,  1863,  and  President  Lincoln's  order  sent  from 
the  Capital  on  the  night  of  March  3.  No  one  knows 
whether  Lincoln  ever  called  his  attention  to  that  fact. 
There  is  no  record  of  a  reprimand  or  even  a  comment 
from  the  President,  and  it  is  probable  that  his  joy  and 
gratitude  were  so  overwhelming  that  he  did  not  even 
question  the  terms.  General  Grant,  however,  in  his 
"  Memoirs,"  says  that  he  was  overcome  by  feelings  of 
sympathy  for  his  heroic  antagonist,  and  that  the  closing 
sentence  of  his  letter,  which  practically  pardoned  the 
entire  army,  was  written  without  a  thought  of  its  far- 
reaching  significance. 

307 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

President  Lincoln  was  the  same  man  in  triumph  that 
he  had  been  in  distress.  Neither  joy  nor  grief  could 
disconcert  him,  but  no  one  witnessed  the  enthusiasm  of 
the  public  over  the  news  from  Appomattox  with  greater 
gratification.  The  story  of  his  visit  to  Richmond  is  told 
in  Chapter  VI.  Upon  his  return  to  Washington  he 
took  up  at  once  the  important  work  of  restoring  order 
in  the  South  with  as  much  zeal  and  energy  as  he  had 
shown  in  the  prosecution  of  the  war. 

On  April  n,  from  one  of  the  windows  of  the  White 
House,  in  response  to  a  serenade,  he  delivered  his  last 
speech,  in  which  he  departed  from  the  habit  of  reticence 
he  had  practised  throughout  the  war  and  expressed  more 
of  his  views  and  purposes  than  he  had  ever  previously 
done  on  a  similar  occasion. 

April  14,  the  anniversary  of  the  evacuation  of  Fort 
Sumter,  was  celebrated  by  restoring  the  identical  flag 
to  the  staff  from  which  it  had  been  lowered  four  years 
before.  General  Robert  Anderson  performed  that 
thankful  duty;  the  Rev.  Matthias  Harris,  the  former 
chaplain  of  Fort  Sumter,  offered  prayer ;  General  E.  D. 
Townsend  read  the  original  despatch  announcing  the 
evacuation ;  and  Henry  Ward  Beecher  delivered  a  bril 
liant  oration,  which  concluded  with  these  words: 

"  We  offer  to  the  President  of  these  United  States  our 
solemn  congratulations  that  God  has  sustained  his  life 
and  health  under  the  unparalleled  burdens  and  sufferings 
of  four  bloody  years,  and  permitted  him  to  behold  this 
auspicious  confirmation  of  that  national  unity  for  which 
he  has  waited  with  so  much  patience  and  fortitude,  and 
for  which  he  has  labored  with  such  disinterested  wis 
dom." 

General  Grant,  who  arrived  in  Washington  on  the 
morning  of  the  I4th,  expressed  anxiety  concerning  the 
situation  of  General  Sherman,  because  he  had  heard 
nothing  from  him  for  several  days.  The  President 
assured  him  that  he  need  have  no  concern,  because  the 


LINCOLN   IN  THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

night  before  he  had  dreamed  that  he  was  on  board  a 
curious  vessel  sailing  rapidly  towards  a  dark'  and  indefi 
nite  shore,  and  awoke  before  landing.  He  said  he  had 
had  exactly  the  same  dream  before  the  battles  of  Antie- 
tam,  Murfreesborough,  Gettysburg,  Vicksburg,  and  other 
great  victories.  Although  the  members  of  the  Cabinet 
were  accustomed  to  similar  revelations  of  that  mysticism 
which  was  one  of  Lincoln's  characteristics,  they  were 
greatly  impressed ;  but  Grant  dismissed  it  with  the  com 
ment  that  there  was  no  victory  at  Murfreesborough,  and 
that  the  battle  there  had  no  important  results.  The 
President  did  not  seem  to  notice  this  matter-of-fact 
remark,  and  continued  to  describe  his  dream  and  the 
sensations  which  followed  it,  insisting  that  Sherman 
would  soon  report  an  important  victory,  because  he  could 
think  of  no  other  possible  event  to  which  his  dream 
might  refer.  Twelve  days  later,  April  26,  came  the 
news  of  the  surrender  of  Johnston's  army  to  Sherman 
and  the  end  of  the  war. 

In  the  presence  of  General  Grant,  the  Cabinet  dis 
cussed  the  subject  of  reconstruction.  As  there  was  a 
difference  of  opinion  and  lack  of  information  concerning 
the  proposed  regulations  for  governing  trade  between 
the  States,  the  President  appointed  Mr.  Stanton,  Mr. 
Welles,  and  Mr.  McCulloch  a  committee  to  submit  rec 
ommendations. 

At  the  previous  Cabinet  meeting  Secretary  Stanton 
had  submitted  a  plan  for  the  re-establishment  of  civil 
government,  which  was  discussed  at  length.  It  was 
providential,  the  President  said,  that  Congress  would  not 
sit  again  for  at  least  seven  months,  which  would  allow 
him  time  to  restore  order  and  civil  authority  without 
interference.  He  expressed  sympathy  with  the  people 
of  the  South  and  a  desire  to  avoid  further  bloodshed  and 
exhibitions  of  resentment  or  vindictiveness.  He  be 
lieved  that  they  needed  charity  more  than  censure.  He 
said  that  he  would  not  permit  the  severe  punishment  of 

309 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  Southern  leaders,  notwithstanding  the  clamor  from 
the  North.  No  one  need  expect  to  take  any  part  in 
hanging  or  killing  these  men,  even  the  worst  of  them. 

"  Frighten  them  out  of  the  country !"  he  exclaimed, 
throwing  his  arms  around  as  if  he  were  driving  sheep ; 
"  let  down  the  bars ;  scare  them  off !  Enough  lives  have 
been  sacrificed;  we  must  extinguish  our  resentment  if 
we  expect  harmony  and  union !" 

Secretary  Welles  records  in  his  diary  this  extraordi 
nary  scene  at  the  last  meeting  of  the  Lincoln  Cabinet, 
and  adds  that,  as  the  President  dismissed  his  advisers, 
he  urged  them  to  give  the  most  earnest  consideration  to 
the  problem  that  had  been  presented  by  the  restoration 
of  peace. 

The  President  spent  the  rest  of  the  day  with  his  son 
Robert  and  other  personal  friends,  violating  his  rule  and 
refusing  to  admit  any  one  on  official  business.  During 
the  afternoon  he  went  with  Mrs.  Lincoln  for  a  long 
drive,  and  seemed  to  be  in  an  unusually  happy  and  con 
tented  mood.  She  said  that  he  talked  of  going  back  to 
Springfield  to  practise  law.  His  heart  was  overflowing 
with  gratitude  to  the  Heavenly  Father,  he  said,  for  all 
His  goodness,  and  particularly  for  the  close  of  the  war 
and  the  triumph  of  the  Union  arms,  for  there  would  be 
no  further  bloodshed  or  distress.  The  members  of  his 
family  and  his  secretaries  agree  that  they  never  had 
known  him  to  be  in  such  a  satisfied  and  contented  state 
of  mind.  The  clouds  that  had  hung  over  him  for  four 
years  had  cleared  away ;  the  war  was  over,  peace  was 
restored,  and  the  only  duty  left  to  him  was  extremely 
grateful  to  his  nature, — the  task  of  restoring  happiness 
and  prosperity. 

After  dinner  that  evening  Mr.  Colfax  and  Mr.  Ash- 
mun,  of  the  House  of  Representatives,  who  were  about 
to  leave  Washington  for  the  summer,  came  to  inquire 
if  the  President  intended  to  call  an  extra  session  of 
Congress.  He  assured  them  that  he  did  not;  and,  as 

310 


JOHN    WILKES    BOOTH 
From  a  photograph  by  Brady 


LINCOLN  IN  THE  WHITE   HOUSE 

they  were  leaving  the  White  House,  Ward  Lamon,  the 
United  States  Marshal  of  the  District  of  Columbia,  and 
one  of  his  oldest  friends,  called  to  ask  a  pardon  for  an 
old  soldier  who  had  been  convicted  of  violating  the 
army  regulations.  According  to  the  recollection  of  Mr. 
Pendel,  one  of  the  President's  messengers,  Lincoln  told 
his  last  story  at  that  time.  As  he  was  about  to  sign 
the  pardon,  he  turned  to  Lamon,  saying, — 

"  Lamon,  do  you  know  how  the  Patagonians  eat 
oysters  ?" 

"  No,  I  do  not,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  was  the  reply. 

"  It  is  their  habit  to  open  them  as  fast  as  they  can 
and  throw  the  shells  out  of  the  window,  and  when  the 
pile  of  shells  grows  to  be  higher  than  the  house,  why, 
they  pick  up  stakes  and  move.  Now,  Lamon,  I  felt  like 
beginning  a  new  pile  of  pardons,  and  I  guess  this  is  a 
good  one  to  begin  on." 

The  President,  Mrs.  Lincoln,  and  General  and  Mrs. 
Grant  had  accepted  a  box  at  Ford's  Theatre  that  even 
ing,  and,  the  fact  having  been  announced  in  the  news 
papers,  there  was  a  large  attendance.  Providentially, 
General  Grant  changed  his  mind  at  the  last  moment  and 
took  a  train  for  New  York  instead.  Mrs.  Lincoln  invited 
Miss  Harris  and  Major  Rathbone,  the  daughter  and 
step-son  of  Senator  Ira  Harris,  of  New  York,  to  take 
the  vacant  places,  and  the  party  arrived  at  the  theatre 
shortly  after  the  curtain  rose.  About  ten  o'clock  John 
Wilkes  Booth,  a  dissipated  young  actor  and  fanatical 
sympathizer  of  the  South,  pushed  his  way  through  the 
crowd  to  the  President's  box,  showed  a  card  to  the 
usher  who  had  been  placed  at  the  door  to  keep  out  in 
quisitive  people,  and  was  allowed  to  enter.  The  eyes 
of  the  President  and  his  companions  were  fixed  upon 
the  stage,  so  that  his  entrance  was  unnoticed.  Carrying 
a  knife  in  his  left  hand,  Booth  approached  within  arm's 
length  of  the  President  and  fired  a  pistol ;  dropping  that 
weapon,  he  took  the  knife  in  his  right  hand  and  struck 

311 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

savagely  at  Major  Rathbone,  who  caught  the  blow  upon 
his  left  arm,  receiving  a  deep  wound.  Booth  then 
vaulted  over  the  railing  of  the  box  upon  the  stage,  but 
his  spur  caught  in  the  folds  of  the  drapery  and  he  fell, 
breaking  his  leg.  Staggering  to  the  footlights,  he  bran 
dished  his  dripping  knife,  shouted  in  a  tragic  manner 
"  Sic  semper  tyrannis"  the  State  motto  of  Virginia,  and 
disappeared  between  the  flies. 

Major  Rathbone  shouted  "  Stop  him !"  The  actors 
upon  the  stage  were  stupefied  by  fright  and  surprise, 
and  it  was  several  seconds  before  the  audience  realized 
what  had  happened.  They  were  brought  to  their  senses 
by  some  one  who  shouted,  "  He  has  shot  the  President !" 
Several  men  jumped  upon  the  stage  in  pursuit  of  the 
assassin,  while  three  army  surgeons  who  happened  to 
be  present  forced  their  way  through  the  crowd  to  the 
President's  box.  As  soon  as  a  passage  could  be  cleared, 
the  President  was  carried  across  the  street  and  laid  upon 
a  bed  in  a  small  house,  where  Mrs.  Lincoln  followed 
him  almost  overcome  by  the  shock  from  which  she 
never  recovered.  Major  Rathbone,  exhausted  by  the 
loss  of  blood,  was  carried  home.  Messengers  were  sent 
for  the  Cabinet,  for  the  President's  family  physician,  and 
for  the  Surgeon-General  of  the  army.  Robert  Lincoln 
and  John  Hay  learned  the  news  from  the  shouts  of  a 
frantic  crowd  which  soon  poured  through  the  gates  of 
the  White  House,  and  hurried  at  once  to  the  little  house 
on  Tenth  Street.  On  their  way  they  were  told  that  most 
of  the  Cabinet  had  been  murdered. 

The  physicians  who  surrounded  the  President's  bed 
pronounced  the  wound  fatal.  The  assassin's  bullet 
entered  the  back  of  his  head  on  the  left  side,  passed 
through  the  brain,  and  lodged  behind  the  left  ear.  But 
for  his  powerful  physique  and  his  abundant  vitality,  it 
would  have  brought  instant  death.  He  never  recovered 
consciousness,  but  lingered  through  the  night  and  died 
at  twenty-two  minutes  past  seven  in  the  morning.  Dr. 

312 


LINCOLN   IN   THE   WHITE   HOUSE 

Gurley,  pastor  of  the  New  York  Avenue  Presbyterian 
Church,  which  the  President  attended,  was  kneeling 
in  prayer  by  his  bedside;  Surgeon-General  Barnes,  of 
the  army,  had  his  finger  upon  the  President's  pulse ; 
Robert  Lincoln,  Senator  Sumner,  and  one  of  the  assist 
ant  secretaries  leaned  upon  the  foot  of  the  bed.  Colonel 
Hay  describes  the  scene  as  follows : 

"As  the  dawn  came  and  the  lamplight  grew  pale  in 
the  fresher  beams,  his  pulse  began  to  fail;  but  his  face 
even  then  was  scarcely  more  haggard  than  those  of  the 
sorrowing  group  of  statesmen  and  generals  around  him. 
His  automatic  moaning,  which  had  continued  through 
the  night,  ceased;  a  look  of  unspeakable  peace  came 
upon  his  worn  features.  At  twenty-two  minutes  after 
seven  he  died.  Stanton  broke  the  silence  by  saying, 
*  Now  he  belongs  to  the  ages/  Dr.  Gurley  kneeled  by 
the  bedside  and  prayed  fervently.  The  widow  came  in 
from  the  adjoining  room,  supported  by  her  son,  and  cast 
herself  with  loud  outcry  on  the  dead  body," 


VIII 

THE   EMANCIPATION    OF   THE   SLAVES 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN'S  hatred  of  slavery  was  inborn, 
but  its  development  began  when  he  saw  human  beings 
sold  at  auction  on  the  levee  at  New  Orleans  and  chained 
and  beaten  upon  the  decks  of  Mississippi  River  steam 
boats  on  their  way  to  market.  These  horrors  were  first 
witnessed  by  him  when  he  made  his  voyage  on  the  flat- 
boat  from  Gentryville,  and  the  impression  was  deepened 
upon  his  second  journey  four  years  later  from  New 
Salem.  Even  to  the  day  of  his  death  the  recollection 
was  vivid.  He  alluded  to  it  frequently  while  the  slave 
problem  was  perplexing  him  and  his  advisers  during  the 
war,  and  the  picture  was  before  his  eyes  when  he  wrote 
the  Emancipation  Proclamation.  As  one  of  his  com 
panions  said,  "  Slavery  ran  the  iron  into  him  then  and 
there." 

However,  the  mind  of  the  boy  had  been  prepared  for 
this  impression  by  the  teachings  of  his  mother.  In  1804 
a  crusade  against  slavery  in  Kentucky  was  started  by 
the  itinerant  preachers  of  the  Baptist  Church,  and  the 
Rev.  Jesse  Head,  the  minister  who  married  Thomas 
Lincoln  and  Nancy  Hanks,  was  a  bold  abolitionist 
and  boldly  proclaimed  the  doctrine  of  human  liberty 
wherever  he  went.  Lincoln's  father  and  mother  were 
among  his  most  devoted  disciples,  and  when  he  was  a 
mere  child  Abraham  Lincoln  inherited  their  hatred  of 
human  servitude.  "If  slavery  is  not  wrong,  nothing  is 
wrong,"  he  once  said  in  a  speech.  "  I  cannot  remember 
when  I  did  not  think  so  and  feel  so." 

Down  in  a  corner  of  Indiana  where  the  Lincolns  lived 
there  were  slaves  for  years  after  the  admission  of  the 
State  to  the  Union,  in  spite  of  the  ordinance  of  1787 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

and  the  statutes  which  Lincoln  read  in  his  youth.  Nor 
was  the  fact  a  secret.  The  census  of  1820  showed  one 
hundred  and  ninety  slaves,  but  during  the  next  year  the 
State  Supreme  Court  declared  them  free. 

In  the  following  year  (1822)  occurred  a  great  moral 
revolution  on  the  frontier.  Then  commenced  the  strug 
gle  between  the  friends  and  opponents  of  slavery  which 
lasted  until  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  was  signed. 
Abraham  Lincoln,  with  the  preparation  I  have  described, 
was  from  the  beginning  an  active  participant,  and  grad 
ually  became  a  leader  in  one  of  the  greatest  controversies 
that  has  ever  engaged  the  intellectual  and  moral  forces 
of  the  world. 

In  1822,  eight  years  before  the  Lincoln  family  left 
Indiana,  an  attempt  was  made  to  introduce  slavery  into 
Illinois,  and  was  defeated  by  Edward  Coles,  of  Vir 
ginia,  the  Governor,  who  gave  his  entire  salary  for  four 
years  to  pay  the  expense  of  the  contest.  The  antislavery 
members  of  the  Legislature  contributed  a  thousand 
dollars  to  the  fund,  which  was  spent  in  the  distribution 
of  literature  on  the  subject.  For  a  time  the  storm  sub 
sided,  but  the  deep  hatred  of  the  iniquity  was  spreading 
through  the  North,  and  abolition  societies  were  being 
organized  in  every  city  and  village  where  the  friends  of 
human  freedom  existed  in  sufficient  numbers  to  sustain 
themselves  against  the  powerful  proslavery  sentiment. 
Occasionally  there  was  a  public  discussion,  but  the  con 
troversy  raged  most  fiercely  at  the  corner  groceries,  at 
the  county  court-house,  and  at  other  places  where  think 
ing  men  were  in  the  habit  of  assembling,  and  Lincoln 
was  always  ready  and  eager  to  enter  the  debates.  His 
convictions  were  formed  and  grew  firmer  as  he  studied 
the  question,  and  his  moral  courage  developed  with 
them.  It  was  a  good  deal  of  an  ordeal  for  an  ambitious 
young  man  just  beginning  his  career  to  attack  a  popular 
institution,  in  the  midst  of  a  community  many  of  whom 
had  been  born  and  educated  in  slave  States  and  con- 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

sidered  what  he  believed  a  curse  to  be  a  divine  institu 
tion.  Nevertheless,  the  sense  of  justice  and  humanity 
stimulated  Abraham  Lincoln  to  take  his  place  upon  the 
side  of  freedom,  and  he  never  lost  an  opportunity  to 
denounce  slavery  as  founded  on  injustice  and  wrong. 

His  first  opportunity  to  make  a  public  avowal  of  his 
views  occurred  in  1838,  when  the  Illinois  Legislature 
passed  a  series  of  resolutions  declaring  that  the  right 
of  property  in  slaves  is  sacred  to  the  slave-holding  States 
by  the  Federal  Constitution,  and  "  that  we  highly  dis 
approve  of  the  formation  of  abolition  societies  and  of 
the  doctrines  promulgated  by  them."  Lincoln  and  five 
other  members  of  the  Legislature  voted  against  these 
resolutions;  and  in  order  to  make  his  position  more 
fully  understood  by  his  constituents  and  the  members 
of  the  Whig  party  throughout  the  State,  he  prepared  a 
protest,  which  he  persuaded  Dan  Stone,  one  of  his  col 
leagues  from  Sangamon  County,  to  sign  with  him,  and, 
at  their  request,  it  was  spread  upon  the  journal  of  the 
House,  as  follows : 

"Resolutions  upon  the  subject  of  domestic  slavery 
having  passed  both  branches  of  the  General  Assembly 
at  its  present  session,  the  undersigned  hereby  protest 
against  the  passage  of  the  same. 

"  They  believe  that  the  institution  of  slavery  is 
founded  on  both  injustice  and  bad  policy,  but  that  the 
promulgation  of  abolition  doctrines  tends  rather  to  in 
crease  than  abate  its  evils. 

"  They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
has  no  power  under  the  Constitution  to  interfere  with 
the  institution  of  slavery  in  the  different  States. 

"  They  believe  that  the  Congress  of  the  United  States 
has  the  power,  under  the  Constitution,  to  abolish  slavery 
in  the  District  of  Columbia,  but  that  the  power  ought 
not  to  be  exercised,  unless  at  the  request  of  the  people 
of  the  District. 

"  The  difference  between  these  opinions  and  those 
316 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

contained  in  the  said  resolutions  is  their  reasons  for 
entering  this  protest." 

This,  I  am  confident,  is  the  first  formal  declaration 
against  the  system  of  slavery  that  was  made  in  any  legis 
lative  body  in  the  United  States,  at  least  west  of  the 
Hudson  River. 

A  few  months  after  this  event  occurred  the  tragic 
death  of  the  Rev.  Elijah  P.  Love  joy,  editor  of  a  re 
ligious  newspaper  at  Alton,  whose  antislavery  editorials 
enraged  the  proslavery  mob,  which  murdered  him  and 
threw  his  press  and  type  into  the  Mississippi  River.  In 
this  case,  as  in  many  others,  the  blood  of  a  martyr  was 
the  seed  of  the  faith.  The  mob  that  murdered  Elijah  P. 
Love  joy  did  more  to  crystallize  public  opinion  and  stimu 
late  the  movement  than  all  the  arguments  and  appeals 
uttered  up  to  that  date. 

After  his  bold  action  in  the  Legislature  Lincoln  was 
recognized  as  the  antislavery  leader  in  the  central  part 
of  Illinois,  but  was  frequently  the  object  of  criticism 
because  of  his  conservative  views.  He  argued,  then,  as 
he  did  twenty-five  years  later,  that  the  Constitution  of 
the  United  States  was  sacred,  and  as  long  as  it  existed 
must  be  obeyed.  It  recognized  the  right  to  hold  slaves 
in  certain  States,  and  therefore  that  right  could  not  be 
denied  until  the  Constitution  was  appropriately  amended. 
The  friends  of  freedom  were  at  liberty  to  denounce  the 
great  wrong,  but  they  must  proceed  legally  in  securing 
its  removal.  This  position  was  taken  by  Lincoln  when 
he  was  only  twenty-eight  years  old,  and  he  held  it  until 
the  abolition  of  slavery  became  a  military  necessity.  At 
the  same  time  he  was  patiently  and  confidently  trying 
to  educate  public  sentiment  and  lead  the  abolition  move 
ment  in  the  right  direction. 

Lincoln's  second  opportunity  to  place  himself  formally 
on  record  occurred  when  he  was  a  member  of  the  House 
of  Representatives,  where  the  controversy  had  been  car 
ried  long  before,  and  had  been  revived  and  vitalized  by 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  treaty  with  Mexico  at  the  close  of  the  war  of  1848, 
which  added  to  the  United  States  a  territory  as  large 
as  half  of  Europe.  The  slave-holders  immediately  de 
manded  it  for  their  own,  but  in  the  previous  Congress 
the  Whig  and  antislavery  Democrats  had  succeeded  in 
attaching  to  an  appropriation  bill  an  amendment  known 
as  the  Wilmot  Proviso,  which  prohibited  the  extension 
of  slave'ry  into  the  territory  recently  acquired.  This  had 
been  followed  up  by  the  adoption  of  similar  provisions 
wherever  the  Whigs  could  get  an  opportunity  to  attach 
them  to  other  legislation.  Lincoln  used  to  say  that 
during  his  two  years  in  Congress  he  voted  for  the  Wil 
mot  Proviso  in  one  form  or  another  more  than  fifty 
times. 

Upon  his  arrival  in  Washington  his  horror  of  the 
slavery  system  and  the  impressions  received  during  his 
voyages  to  New  Orleans  were  revived  by  witnessing  the 
proceedings  and  the  distress  in  the  slave-markets  of  the 
national  capital,  and  he  determined  to  devote  his  best 
efforts  to  a  removal  of  that  scandal  and  reproach.  Fif 
teen  years  later,  in  one  of  his  speeches  during  the  debate 
with  Douglas,  he  described  the  slave-shambles  of  Wash 
ington,  and  said,  "  In  view  from  the  windows  of  the 
Capitol  a  sort  of  negro  livery  stable  where  droves  of 
negroes  were  collected,  temporarily  kept,  and  finally 
taken  to  Southern  markets,  precisely  like  droves  of 
horses,  has  been  openly  maintained  for  more  than  fifty 
years." 

He  believed  that  Congress  had  power  under  the  Con 
stitution  to  regulate  all  affairs  in  the  Territories  and  the 
District  of  Columbia,  and,  after  consulting  with  several 
of  the  leading  citizens  of  Washington,  he  introduced  a 
bill  for  the  gradual  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District 
of  Columbia.  The  first  two  sections  prohibit  the  intro 
duction  of  slaves  within  the  limits  of  the  District  or  the 
selling  of  them  out  of  it,  exception  being  made  to  the 
servants  of  officials  of  the  government  from  the  slave- 

318 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

holding  States.  The  third  section  provides  for  the  ap 
prenticeship  and  gradual  emancipation  of  children  born 
of  slave  mothers  after  January  I,  1850.  The  fourth 
provides  full  compensation  for  all  slaves  voluntarily 
made  free  by  their  owners.  The  fifth  recognizes  the 
fugitive-slave  law,  and  the  sixth  submits  the  proposition 
to  a  popular  vote,  and  provides  that  it  shall  not  go  into 
force  until  ratified  by  a  majority  of  the  voters  of  the 
District. 

This  bill  met  with  more  violent  opposition  from  other 
parts  of  the  country  than  from  the  slave-holders  who 
were  directly  affected.  The  people  of  the  South  feared 
that  it  might  serve  as  a  precedent  for  similar  actions  in 
other  parts  of  the  country  and  stimulate  the  antislavery 
sentiment  of  the  North.  On  the  other  hand,  the  aboli 
tionists,  with  that  unreasonable  spirit  which  usually  gov 
erns  men  of  radical  views,  condemned  the  measure  as  a 
compromise  with  wrong,  and  declared  that  they  would 
never  permit  money  from  the  public  treasury  to  be 
expended  for  the  purchase  of  human  beings.  No  action 
was  taken  in  Congress.  The  bill  was  referred  to  the 
appropriate  committee  and  was  stuffed  into  a  pigeon 
hole,  where  it  was  never  disturbed ;  but  it  is  a  remark 
able  coincidence  that  less  than  fifteen  years  later  it  was 
Lincoln's  privilege  to  approve  an  act  of  Congress  for 
the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  District  of  Columbia. 

It  is  interesting  to  watch  the  development  of  Lincoln's 
views  on  the  slavery  question,  as  revealed  by  his  public 
utterances  and  private  letters  during  the  great  struggle 
between  1850  and  1860,  until  the  people  of  the  republic 
named  him  as  umpire  to  decide  the  greatest  question 
that  ever  engaged  the  moral  and  intellectual  attention 
of  a  people.  Here  and  there  appear  curious  phrases, 
startling  predictions,  vivid  epigrams,  and  unanswerable 
arguments.  For  example,  in  1855  he  declared  that  "  the 
autocrat  of  all  the  Russias  will  resign  his  crown  and 
proclaim  free  republicans  sooner  than  will  our  American 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

masters  voluntarily  give  up  their  slaves."  A  reference 
to  the  dates  will  show  that  Alexander  II.,  by  imperial 
decree,  emancipated  the  serfs  of  Russia  almost  upon 
the  same  day,  at  the  same  hour,  that  the  Southern  States 
began  the  greatest  war  of  modern  times  to  protect  and 
extend  the  institution  of  slavery. 

At  Rochester,  in  the  summer  of  1859,  Mr.  Seward 
furnished  the  Republican  party  a  watch-cry  when  he 
called  it  "  the  irrepressible  conflict,"  but  two  years  before 
and  repeatedly  after  Lincoln  uttered  the  same  idea  in 
almost  the  same  phrase.  In  three  Presidential  cam 
paigns,  in  two  contests  for  the  Senate,  and  in  almost 
every  local  political  contest  after  1840  slavery  was  the 
principal  theme  of  his  speeches,  until  the  Douglas  debate 
of  1858  caused  him  to  be  recognized  as  the  most  power 
ful  advocate  and  defender  of  antislavery  doctrines. 

Senator  Douglas  found  great  amusement  in  accusing 
Lincoln  of  a  desire  to  establish  social  equality  between 
the  whites  and  the  blacks,  and  in  his  speeches  seldom 
failed  to  evoke  a  roar  of  laughter  by  declaring  that  "  Abe 
Lincoln"  and  other  abolitionists  "  wanted  to  marry  nig 
gers."  Lincoln  paid  no  attention  to  this  vulgar  joke 
until  he  saw  that  it  was  becoming  serious,  and  that 
many  people  actually  believed  that  the  abolitionists  were 
proposing  to  do  what  Douglas  had  said.  He  attempted 
to  remove  this  impression  by  a  serious  discussion  of  the 
doctrine  of  equality,  and  in  one  of  his  speeches  declared, 
"  I  protest  against  the  counterfeit  logic  which  concludes 
that  because  I  do  not  want  a  black  woman  for  a  slave 
I  must  necessarily  want  her  for  a  wife."  In  another 
speech  he  said,  "  I  shall  never  marry  a  negress,  but  I 
have  no  objection  to  any  one  else  doing  so.  If  a  white 
man  wants  to  marry  a  negro  woman,  let  him  do  it, — if 
the  negro  woman  can  stand  it." 

At  another  time  he  said,  "  If  I  saw  a  venomous  snake 
crawling  in  the  road,  any  man  would  say  I  might  seize 
the  nearest  stick  and  kill  it ;  but  if  I  found  that  snake  in 

320 


ABRAHAM    LINCOLN    IN    1864 
From  a  photograph  in  the  War  Department  Collection 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

bed  with  my  children,  that  would  be  another  question. 
I  might  hurt  the  children  more  than  the  snake,  and  it 
might  bite  them.  Much  more,  if  I  found  it  in  bed  with 
my  neighbor's  children,  and  I  had  bound  myself  by  a 
solemn  compact  not  to  meddle  with  his  children  under 
any  circumstances,  it  would  become  me  to  let  that  par 
ticular  mode  of  getting  rid  of  that  gentleman  alone. 
But  if  there  was  a  bed  newly  made  up,  to  which  the 
children  were  to  be  taken,  and  it  was  proposed  to  take 
a  batch  of  young  snakes  and  put  them  there  with  them, 
I  take  it  that  no  man  would  question  how  I  ought  to 
decide." 

In  his  Cooper  Union  speech  may  be  found  his  strong 
est  argument.     "If  slavery   is   right,  all   words,  acts, 
laws,  and  constitutions  against  it  are  themselves  wrong, 
and  should  be  silenced  and  swept  away.     If  it  is  right, 
we  cannot  justly  object  to  its  nationality,— its  univer 
sality.    If  it  is  wrong,  they  cannot  justly  insist  upon  its 
extension,— its  enlargement.     All   they   ask   we    could 
readily  grant,  if  we  thought  slavery  right ;   all  we  ask 
they  could  as  readily  grant,  if  they  thought  it  wrong. 
Their  thinking  it  right,  and  our  thinking  it  wrong,  is 
the  precise  fact  upon  which  depends  the  whole  contro 
versy.  .  .  .  Wrong  as  we  think  slavery  is,  we  can  yet 
afford  to  let  it  alone  where  it  is,  because  that  much  is 
due  to  the  necessity  arising  from  its  actual  presence  in 
the  nation ;   but  can  we,  while  our  votes  will  prevent  it, 
allow  it  to  spread  into  the  national  Territories,  and  to 
overrun  us  here  in  the  free  States  ?    If  our  sense  of  duty 
forbids  this,  then  let  us  stand  by  our  duty  fearlessly  and 
effectively.    Let  us  be  diverted  by  none  of  those  sophis 
tical   contrivances  wherewith   we  are  so  industriously 
plied  and  belabored,  contrivances  such  as  groping  for 
some  middle  ground  between  the  right  and  the  wrong, 
vain  as  the  search  for  a  man  who  should  be  neither  a 
living  man  nor  a  dead  man ;   such  as  a  policy  of  '  don't 
care/  on  a  question  about  which  all  true  men  do  care; 

21  321 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

such  as  Union  appeals  beseeching  true  Union  men  to 
yield  to  disunionists ;  reversing  the  divine  rule,  and 
calling,  not  the  sinners,  but  the  righteous  to  repentance ; 
such  as  invocations  to  Washington,  imploring  men  to 
unsay  what  Washington  said,  and  undo  what  Washing 
ton  did.  Neither  let  us  be  slandered  from  our  duty  by 
false  accusations  against  us,  nor  frightened  from  it  by 
menaces  of  destruction  to  the  government  nor  of  dun 
geons  to  ourselves.  Let  us  have  faith  that  right  makes 
might,  and  in  that  faith  let  us,  to  the  end,  dare  to  do 
our  duty  as  we  understand  it." 

In  a  letter  dated  July  28,  1859,  he  wrote,  "  There  is 
another  thing  our  friends  are  doing  which  gives  me 
some  uneasiness.  .  .  .  Douglas's  popular  sovereignty, 
accepted  by  the  public  mind  as  a  just  principle,  nation 
alizes  slavery,  and  revives  the  African  slave-trade  inevi 
tably.  Taking  slaves  into  new  Territories,  and  buying 
slaves  in  Africa,  are  identical  things,  identical  rights  or 
identical  wrongs,  ana  the  argument  which  establishes 
one  will  establish  the  other.  Try  a  thousand  years  for 
a  sound  reason  why  Congress  shall  not  hinder  the  people 
of  Kansas  from  having  slaves,  and  when  you  have  found 
it,  it  will  be  an  equally  good  one  why  Congress  should 
not  hinder  the  people  of  Georgia  from  importing  slaves 
from  Africa." 

While  he  was  campaigning  in  Ohio,  in  1859,  occurred 
the  John  Brown  episode  at  Harper's  Ferry,  which 
created  intense  excitement  throughout  the  entire  country 
and  particularly  in  the  South,  where  it  was  interpreted 
as  an  organized  attempt  of  the  abolitionists  to  arouse 
an  insurrection  among  the  slaves.  In  his  speeches  Lin 
coln  did  much  to  allay  public  sentiment  in  Illinois,  for 
he  construed  the  attack  upon  Harper's  Ferry  with  his 
habitual  common  sense.  He  argued  that  it  was  not  a 
slave  insurrection,  but  an  attempt  to  organize  one  in 
which  the  slaves  refused  to  participate,  and  he  compared 
t  with  many  attempts  related  in  history  to  assassinate 

322 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

kings  and  emperors.  "  An  enthusiast  broods  over  the 
oppression  of  a  people  until  he  fancies  himself  commis 
sioned  by  heaven  to  liberate  them.  He  ventures  the 
attempt,  which  ends  in  little  else  than  his  own  execution. 
Orsini's  attempt  on  Louis  Napoleon  and  John  Brown's 
attempt  at  Harper's  Ferry  were,  in  their  philosophy, 
precisely  the  same.  The  eagerness  to  cast  blame  on  Old 
England  in  one  case  and  on  New  England  in  the  other 
does  not  disprove  the  sameness  of  the  two  things." 

It  was  not  long  after  the  inauguration  that  President 
Lincoln  was  compelled  to  treat  the  slavery  problem  in 
a  practical  manner.  To  him  it  ceased  to  be  a  question  of 
morals  and  became  an  actual,  perplexing  problem  con 
tinually  appearing  in  every  direction  and  in  various 
forms.  The  first  movement  of  troops  dislodged  from 
the  plantations  of  their  owners  a  multitude  of  slaves, 
who  found  their  way  to  the  camps  of  the  Union  army 
,and  were  employed  as  servants,  teamsters,  and  often  as 
guides.  The  Northern  soldier  took  a  sympathetic  inter 
est  in  the  escaped  slave,  and  as  fast  as  he  advanced  into 
slave  territory  the  greater  that  sympathy  became.  A 
Virginia  planter  looking  for  a  fugitive  slave  in  a  Union 
camp  was  a  familiar  object  of  ridicule  and  derision,  and 
he  seldom  found  any  satisfaction. 

One  day  the  representative  of  Colonel  Mallory,  a  Vir 
ginia  planter,  came  into  the  Union  lines  at  Fortress 
Monroe  and  demanded  three  field-hands  who,  he  as 
serted,  were  at  that  time  in  the  camp.  General  B.  F. 
Butler,  who  was  in  command,  replied  that,  as  Virginia 
claimed  to  be  a  foreign  country,  the  fugitive-slave  law 
could  not  possibly  be  in  operation  there,  and  declined  to 
surrender  the  negroes  unless  the  owner  would  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  the  United  States.  A  newspaper 
correspondent,  in  reporting  this  incident,  took  the 
ground  that,  as  the  Confederate  commanders  were  using 
negroes  as  laborers  upon  fortifications,  under  interna 
tional  law  they  were  clearly  contraband  of  war.  A  new 

323 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

word  was  coined.     From  that  moment,  and  until  the 
struggle  was   over,   escaped   negroes   were   known   as 
«  contrabands,"  and  public  opinion  in  the  North  decided 
that  they  were  subject  to  release  or  confiscation  by  mili 
tary  right  and  usage.     General  Butler  always  assumed 
the  credit  of  formulating  that  doctrine,  and  insisted  that 
the  correspondent  had  adopted  a  suggestion  overheard 
at  the  mess-table;    but,  however  it  originated,  it  had 
more  influence  upon  the  solution  of  the  problem  than 
volumes  of  argument  might  have  had.    When  it  became 
known  among  the  negroes  in  Virginia  that  the  Union 
troops  would  not  send  them  back  to  slavery,  the  planta 
tions    were   deserted    and   the    Northern    camps    were 
crowded  with  men,  women,  and  children  of  all  ages, 
who  had  to  be  clothed  and  fed.    General  Butler  relieved 
the  embarrassment  by  sending  the  able-bodied  men  to 
work  upon  the  fortifications,  by  utilizing  the  women  as 
cooks  and  laundresses,  and  by  permitting  his  officers  to 
employ  them  as  servants. 

After  a  time  the  exodus  spread  to  Washington,  and 
the  slaves  in  that  city  began  to  find  their  way  across  the 
Potomac  into  the  military  camps,  which  caused  a  great 
deal  of  dissatisfaction  and  seemed  to  have  an  unfavorable 
effect  upon  the  political  action  of  Maryland,  West  Vir 
ginia,  Kentucky,  and  Missouri;  so  that  President  Lin 
coln  was  appealed  to  from  all  sides  to  order  the  execution 
of  the  fugitive-slave  law  in  States  which  he  was  trying 
to  keep  in  the  Union.  He  believed  that  public  sentiment 
was  growing  and  would  ultimately  furnish  a  solution. 
He  quoted  the  Methodist  presiding  elder,  riding  about 
his  circuit  at  the  time  of  the  spring  freshets,  whose 
young  companion  showed  great  anxiety  as  to  how  they 
should  cross  Fox  River,  then  very  much  swollen.  The 
elder  replied  that  he  had  made  it  the  rule  of  his  life  never 
to  cross  Fox  River  until  he  came  to  it. 

With  the  same  philosophical  spirit,  Lincoln  made  the 
negro  question  "  a  local  issue,"  to  be  treated  by  each 

324 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF  THE   SLAVES 

commander  and  the  police  of  each  place  as  circumstances 
suggested,  and,  under  his  instructions,  the  commandant 
at  Washington  issued  an  order  that  "  fugitive  slaves  will 
under  no  pretext  whatever  be  permitted  to  reside,  or 
be  in  any  way  harbored,  in  the  quarters  and  camps  of 
the  troops  serving  in  this  department/'  This  served  to 
satisfy  the  complaints  of  the  Maryland  planters  and  the 
slave-holders  of  the  District  of  Columbia  until  Congress 
passed  the  confiscation  act,  which  forfeited  the  property 
rights  of  disloyal  owners.  That  was  the  first  step 
towards  emancipation. 

President  Lincoln's  plan  to  invest  military  command 
ers  with  practical  authority  to  solve  the  negro  problem 
according  to  their  individual  judgment  soon  got  him 
into  trouble,  especially  with  his  Secretary  of  War,  for 
the  latter,  in  his  report  to  Congress,  without  the  knowl 
edge  of  the  President  and  without  consulting  him,  ex 
plained  the  policy  of  the  government  as  follows : 

"  If  it  shall  be  found  that  the  men  who  have  been 
held  by  the  rebels  as  slaves  are  capable  of  bearing  arms 
and  performing  efficient  military  service,  it  is  right,  and 
may  become  the  duty,  of  the  government  to  arm  and 
equip  them,  and  employ  their  services  against  the  rebels, 
under  proper  military  regulation,  discipline,  and  com 
mand." 

The  report  did  not  reach  the  public ;  it  was  suppressed 
and  modified  before  being  printed  in  the  newspapers; 
but  that  paragraph  made  Mr.  Cameron's  resignation 
necessary.  As  amended,  the  report  contained  a  simple 
declaration  that  fugitive  and  abandoned  slaves,  being  an 
important  factor  in  the  military  situation,  would  not  be 
returned  to  disloyal  masters,  but  would  be  employed  so 
far  as  possible  in  the  services  of  the  Union  army,  and 
withheld  from  the  enemy  until  Congress  should  make 
some  permanent  disposition  of  them. 

Lincoln  was  severely  criticised  by  the  antislavery 
newspapers  of  the  North.  But  he  did  not  lose  his 

325 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

patience  and  in  his  message  to  Congress  declared  his 
intention  to  keep  the  integrity  of  the  Union  prominent 
"as  the  primary  object  of  the  contest  on  our  part, 
leaving  all  questions  which  are  not  of  vital  military  im 
portance  to  the  more  deliberate  action  of  the  Legisla 
ture  "  But  while  he  was  writing  these  guarded  and 
ambiguous  phrases  he  had  already  decided  to  propose 
a  plan  of  voluntary  abolition  for  the  District  of  Columbia 
similar  to  that  he  had  offered  in  Congress  thirteen  years 
before.  It  was  a  measure  of  expediency  and  delay.  He 
evidently  had  no  expectation  that  such  a  proposition 
would  be  adopted.  He  undoubtedly  realized  that  it  was 
impossible ;  but  his  political  sagacity  and  knowledge  of 
human  nature  taught  him  that  the  public,  to  use  a  homely 
but  significant  expression  which  was  familiar  to  his 
childhood,  "must  have  something  to  chaw  on,"  and 
further  illustrated  his  point  by  reminding  a  caller  how 
easily  an  angry  dog  might  be  diverted  by  throwing  him 
a  bone. 

He  soon  followed  this  up  by  proposing  to  Delaware  a 
scheme  for  the  purchase  by  the  government  of  the  seven 
teen  hundred  and  ninety-eight  slaves  shown  by  the 
census  of  1860  to  be  still  held  in  that  State,  at  the  rate 
of  four  hundred  dollars  per  capita.  A  majority  of  the 
Lower  House  of  the  Legislature  of  Delaware  accepted 
the  idea,  but  the  Senate  rejected  it  and  the  subject  was 
dropped.  But  Lincoln  did  not  allow  the  minds  of  his 
antislavery  critics  to  rest.  He  kept  them  busy  discussing 
new  propositions,  and  on  March  6,  1862,  sent  a  special 
message  to  the  two  Houses  of  Congress  recommending 
the  gradual  abolishment  of  slavery  by  furnishing  to  the 
several  States  from  the  public  treasury  sufficient  funds 
"  to  compensate  for  the  inconveniences,  public  and  pri 
vate,  produced  by  such  change  of  system."  By  this 
proposition  he  avoided  the  objections  to  the  general  gov 
ernment  interfering  with  the  domestic  affairs  of  the 
States,  and  left  the  people  of  each  State  to  arrange  for 

326 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

emancipation  in  their  own  way.  "It  is  proposed  as  a 
matter  of  perfectly  free  choice  with  them,"  he  said  in 
his  message,  and  again  called  attention  to  the  probable 
effects  of  the  war  upon  the  slave  situation.  The  repre 
sentatives  of  the  border  States  in  Congress  took  no  heed 
of  the  warning,  but  the  Northern  papers  devoted  a  great 
deal  of  space  to  a  discussion  of  the  proposition,  and 
Lincoln's  purpose  of  giving  them  something  to  talk 
about  was  accomplished.  The  most  serious  objection 
was  based  upon  the  enormous  expenss.  As  early  as 
1839  Henry  Clay  estimated  the  value  of  the  slaves  at 
one  billion  two  hundred  and  fifty  million  dollars,  and 
upon  the  same  basis  of  calculation  it  must  have  exceeded 
two  billion  dollars  in  1860;  but  Lincoln  answered  that 
one-half  day's  cost  of  the  war  would  pay  for  all  the 
slaves  in  Delaware  at  four  hundred  dollars  a  head,  and 
that  eighty-seven  days'  cost  would  pay  for  all  the  slaves 
in  the  border  States. 

He  called  together  the  Congressional  delegates  from 
the  border  States  and  made  an  earnest  effort  to  convince 
them  of  the  expediency  of  his  plan.  The  House  of  Rep 
resentatives  adopted  it  by  a  two-thirds  vote,  although 
few  of  the  members  from  Maryland,  Kentucky,  and  Mis 
souri  voted  with  the  affirmative.  A  month  later  the  reso 
lution  was  concurred  in  by  the  Senate,  and  what  Thad- 
deus  Stevens,  the  radical  leader  of  the  House,  described 
as  "  the  most  diluted  milk-and-water-gruel  proposition 
ever  given  to  the  American  people"  became  a  law. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  say  that  the  Legislatures  of  the 
border  States  never  had  an  opportunity  to  take  advan 
tage  of  the  proposition;  history  moved  too  fast  for 
them.  But  Lincoln  at  once  began  a  systematic  campaign 
in  Congress  to  secure  legislation  for  the  purchase  of  all 
the  slaves  belonging  to  loyal  owners  in  the  District  of 
Columbia,  and  that  became  a  law  on  April  16,  1862. 

Public  opinion  was  being  rapidly  educated;  the  Re 
publican  majority  in  Congress  was  pledged  to  the  doc- 

327 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

trine  of  emancipation;  the  slave-holders  in  the  border 
States  were  being  led  gradually  to  realize  the  inevitable, 
and  if  they  had  been  wise  they  would  promptly  have 
accepted  the  generosity  of  the  President's  proposition 
and  thus  have  escaped  the  enormous  pecuniary  losses 
which  they  suffered  by  the  Emancipation  Proclamation 
a  little  later. 

Before  Congress  adjourned,  laws  were  passed  which 
materially  altered  the  situation.  The  army  was  pro 
hibited  from  surrendering  fugitive  slaves ;  the  confisca 
tion  act  was  greatly  enlarged;  all  slaves  actually  em 
ployed  in  military  service  by  the  Confederacy  were 
declared  free;  the  President  was  authorized  to  enlist 
negro  regiments  for  the  war ;  the  Missouri  Compromise 
was  restored;  slavery  was  forbidden  in  all  Territories 
of  the  United  States;  appropriations  were  made  for 
carrying  into  effect  the  treaty  with  Great  Britain  to 
suppress  the  slave-trade;  the  independence  and  sover 
eignty  of  Hayti  and  Liberia,  two  black  republics,  were 
formally  recognized,  and  two  nations  of  negroes,  with 
negro  Presidents,  negro  officials,  and  negro  ambassa 
dors,  were  admitted  on  an  equality  into  the  sisterhood  of 
civilized  nations.  Any  one  who  would  have  predicted 
such  legislation  a  year  previous  would  have  been  con 
sidered  insane,  even  six  months  previous  it  would  have 
been  declared  impossible. 

The  next  sensation  was  an  emancipation  proclamation 
issued  by  General  David  Hunter,  who  commanded  the 
Department  of  the  South,  which  declared  free  all  per 
sons  held  as  slaves  in  the  States  of  Georgia,  Florida,  and 
South  Carolina.  Lincoln  promptly  vetoed  Hunter's 
order  and  declared  it  unauthorized  and  void,  saying 
that  he  reserved  to  himself,  "  as  Commander-in-Chief 
of  the  army  and  navy,  to  declare  the  slaves  of  any  State 
or  States  free"  when  "  it  shall  have  become  a  necessity 
indispensable  to  the  maintenance  of  the  government." 

This  announcement  should  have  satisfied  the  North 
328 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF  THE   SLAVES 

and  have  been  a  sufficient  warning  to  the  South,  because 
as  we  read  it  now  we  can  see  Lincoln's  purposes  between 
the  lines. 

The  President  could  not  permit  the  Congressional  del 
egations  from  the  border  States  to  return  to  their  con 
stituents  without  one  more  admonition  and  one  more 
appeal  to  their  patriotism  and  their  sense  of  justice  and 
wisdom.  He  called  them  to  the  White  House  and  read 
to  them  a  carefully  prepared  argument  in  support  of  his 
plan  to  sell  their  slaves  to  the  government.  Two-thirds 
of  them  united  in  an  explanation  of  their  reasons  for 
rejecting  the  scheme  on  account  of  its  impracticability, 
and  the  remainder  promised  to  submit  it  to  their  con 
stituents.  The  reception  of  this  last  appeal  convinced 
Lincoln  that  he  could  do  nothing  by  moral  suasion,  and 
he  immediately  determined  to  try  the  use  of  force. 

"  It  has  got  to  be,"  he  told  a  friend  afterwards.  "  We 
had  played  our  last  card  and  must  change  our  tactics  or 
lose  the  game ;  and  I  now  determined  upon  the  adoption 
of  the  emancipation  policy,  and,  without  consultation 
with  or  the  knowledge  of  the  Cabinet,  I  prepared  the 
original  draft  of  the  proclamation." 

On  July  22,  1862,  he  read  to  his  Cabinet  the  first 
draft  of  a  proclamation,  not  for  the  purpose  of  asking 
their  advice,  he  told  them,  but  for  their  information. 
But  every  man  was  pledged  to  confidence,  and  the  secret 
was  so  well  kept  that  the  public  had  no  suspicion  of 
his  intention,  and  the  radical  newspapers  and  abolition 
ists  continued  to  criticise  and  attack  him  in  a  most 
abusive  manner.  A  committee  of  clergymen  from  Chi 
cago  came  to  Washington  to  urge  him  to  issue  an  eman 
cipation  proclamation.  He  received  them  respectfully, 
but  did  not  tell  them  that  their  wishes  would  have  been 
anticipated  but  for  the  defeat  of  the  Union  army  at  the 
second  battle  of  Bull  Run.  He  made  them  an  eloquent 
but  evasive  speech,  and  appealed  to  their  good  sense. 
"  Now,  gentlemen,"  he  said,  "  if  I  cannot  enforce  the 

329 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Constitution  down  South,  how  can  I  enforce  a  mere 
Presidential  proclamation?  I  do  not  want  to  issue  a 
document  that  the  whole  world  will  see  must  necessarily 
be  inoperative  like  the  Pope's  Bull  against  the  comet." 

Mr.  Colfax,  who  accompanied  the  delegation,  says 
that  "  one  of  these  ministers  felt  it  his  duty  to  make  a 
more  searching  appeal  to  the  President's  conscience. 
Just  as  they  were  retiring,  he  turned  and  said  to  Mr. 
Lincoln, — 

"  '  What  you  have  said  to  us,  Mr.  President,  compels 
me  to  say,  in  reply,  that  it  is  a  message  to  you  from  our 
Divine  Master,  through  me,  commanding  you,  sir,  to 
open  the  doors  of  bondage  that  the  slave  may  go  free !' 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  replied  instantly,  '  That  may  be,  sir,  for 
I  have  studied  this  question  by  night  and  by  day  for 
weeks  and  for  months ;  but  if  it  is,  as  you  say,  a  message 
from  your  Divine  Master,  is  it  not  odd  that  the  only 
channel  he  could  send  it  by  was  that  roundabout  route  by 
that  awfully  wicked  city  of  Chicago?' 

"  In  discussing  the  question,  he  used  to  liken  the  case 
to  that  of  the  boy  who,  when  asked  how  many  legs  his 
calf  would  have  if  he  called  his  tail  a  leg,  replied,  '  Five/ 
To  which  the  prompt  response  was  made  that  calling  the 
tail  a  leg  would  not  make  it  a  leg. 

"  He  sought  to  measure  so  accurately,  so  precisely, 
the  public  sentiment  that,  whenever  he  advanced,  the 
loyal  hosts  of  the  nation  would  keep  step  with  him.  In 
regard  to  the  policy  of  arming  the  slaves  against  the 
Rebellion,  never,  until  the  tide  of  patriotic  volunteering 
had  ebbed  and  our  soldiers  saw  their  ranks  rapidly  melt 
ing  away,  could  our  colored  troops  have  been  added  to 
their  brigades  without  perilous  discontent,  if  not  open 
revolt.  Against  all  appeals,  all  demands,  against  even 
threats  of  some  members  of  his  party,  Lincoln  stood 
like  a  rock  on  this  question  until  he  felt  that  the  oppor 
tune  moment  had  arrived." 

Not  only  was  he  denounced  by  the  abolitionists,  but 
330 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

by  the  foremost  leaders  of  the  Republican  party,  such 
as  Benjamin  F.  Wade  and  Horace  Greeley,  and  received 
appeals  from  loyal  people  of  the  South,  to  whom  he 
replied,  with  his  usual  patience,  "  What  is  done  and 
omitted  about  the  slaves  is  done  and  omitted  on  the 
same  military  necessity.  I  shall  not  do  more  than  I 
can,  and  shall  do  all  that  I  can,  to  save  the  govern 
ment." 

In  his  view,  military  necessity  was  the  only  justifica 
tion  for  the  violation  of  the  Constitution,  which  pro 
tected  the  slaves.  In  the  second  place,  his  delay  was 
due  to  a  doubt  whether  public  sentiment  in  the  North 
was  prepared  for  a  measure  so  radical  and  far-reaching ; 
by  his  hope  that  the  people  of  the  border  States  would 
soon  be  willing  to  accept  the  act  as  a  friendly  as  well  as 
a  necessary  solution  of  a  dilemma ;  and,  finally,  because 
of  his  profound  respect  for  the  Constitution  which  he 
had  sworn  to  maintain.  He  would  not  free  the  negro 
because  the  Constitution  stood  in  his  way,  and  only 
for  the  sake  of  the  Union  was  he  willing  to  override 
that  sacred  instrument.  This  purpose  was  tersely  ex 
pressed  when,  under  great  provocation,  he  allowed  him 
self  to  violate  his  own  rule  and  reply  to  Horace  Greeley, 
who  had  attacked  him  in  an  open  letter  of  unjust  censure, 
accusing  him  of  neglecting  his  duty. 

"  I  would  save  the  Union,"  he  said,  frankly.  "  I 
would  save  it  in  the  shortest  way  under  the  Constitu 
tion.  If  there  be  those  who  would  not  save  the  Union 
unless  they  could  at  the  same  time  save  slavery,  I  do 
not  agree  with  them.  If  there  be  those  who  would  not 
save  the  Union  unless  they  could,  at  the  same  time,  de 
stroy  slavery,  I  do  not  agree  with  them.  My  paramount 
object  in  this  struggle  is  to  save  the  Union,  and  is  not 
either  to  save  or  to  destroy  slavery.  If  I  could  save 
the  Union  without  freeing  any  slave,  I  would  do  it; 
and  if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing  all  the  slaves,  I  would 
do  it ;  and  if  I  could  save  it  by  freeing  some  and  leaving 

33i 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

others  alone,  I  would  also  do  that.  What  I  do  about 
slavery  and  the  colored  race,  I  do  because  I  believe  it 
helps  to  save  the  Union ;  and  what  I  forbear,  I  forbear 
because  I  do  not  believe  it  would  help  to  save  the  Union. 
I  shall  do  less  whenever  I  believe  what  I  am  doing  hurts 
the  cause,  and  I  shall  do  more  Whenever  I  believe  doing 
more  will  help  the  cause.  I  shall  try  to  correct  errors 
when  shown  to  be  errors,  and  I  shall  adopt  new  views 
so  fast  as  they  shall  appear  to  be  true  views." 

Contemplating  the  events  in  the  history  of  emancipa 
tion  in  a  perspective  of  forty  years,  it  is  difficult  to  say 
whether  we  admire  more  the  skill  with  which  President 
Lincoln  led  public  sentiment  along  with  him  or  the  reti 
cence  and  dignity  with  which  he  restrained  his  own 
desire  to  yield  to  the  influence  of  the  good  people  of  the 
North  and  protect  himself  from  the  clamor  of  his  critics. 
His  letter  to  Mr.  Greeley  was  not  an  argument  in  a 
controversy,  nor  an  apology  for  or  defence  of  his  policy ; 
but  he  intended  it  to  be  a  warning  to  prepare  the  slave 
holders  of  the  border  States  and  the  South  for  an  event 
which  only  he  and  his  Cabinet  knew  was  about  to  hap 
pen,  and,  at  the  same  time,  to  divert  the  attention  of  the 
Union  people  of  the  North  until  a  favorable  opportunity 
arrived  for  proclaiming  freedom. 

Mr.  Greeley  was  not  satisfied  with  the  assurances  con 
tained  in  the  letter,  and  continued  to  attack  the  President 
in  a  persistent  manner.  He  was  invited  to  come  to 
Washington  and  "  fight  it  out  in  private,"  but  sent  his 
managing  editor  instead,  who  spent  an  interesting  even 
ing  and  had  an  animated  argument  with  the  President ; 
but  the  latter  could  not  trust  him  with  the  momentous 
secret,  and  was  compelled  to  wait  until  a  Union  victory 
offered  a  favorable  opportunity  to  take  the  step  he  con 
templated.  As  he  told  the  Chicago  pastors,  he  had  not 
decided  against  a  proclamation  of  liberty  for  the  slaves, 
but  held  the  matter  under  advisement.  "And  I  can 
assure  you,"  he  added,  "  that  the  subject  is  on  my  mind 

332 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

by  day  and  by  night;   more  than  any  other.    Whatever 
shall  appear  to  be  God's  will  I  will  do." 

Accordingly,  on  September  22,  1862,  after  the  battle 
of  Antietam,  he  called  his  Cabinet  together  and  an 
nounced  his  intention  to  issue  a  proclamation  of  emanci 
pation.  "  I  have  gotten  you  together  to  hear  what  I  have 
written  down,"  he  said.  "  I  do  not  want  your  advice 
about  the  main  matter,  because  I  have  determined  that 
myself.  This  I  say  without  intending  anything  but 
respect  for  all  of  you.  I  alone  must  bear  the  responsi 
bility  for  taking  the  course  which  I  feel  I  ought  to 
take." 

The  preliminary  proclamation  was  issued,  and  in  his 
annual  message  to  Congress  on  December  i,  1862,  Lin 
coln  recommended  the  passage  of  a  joint  resolution  pro 
posing  a  constitutional  amendment  providing  compen 
sation  for  every  State  which  would  abolish  slavery 
before  the  year  1900,  another  guaranteeing  freedom  to 
all  slaves  that  had  been  released  by  the  chances  of  war, 
and  a  third  authorizing  Congress  to  provide  a  plan  of 
colonization  for  them.  His  idea  was  to  send  them  either 
to  Africa,  to  the  West  Indies,  or  to  Central  America, 
and  he  encouraged  several  extensive  plans  of  coloniza 
tion,  which,  however,  were  not  carried  into  practical 
operation.  In  this  connection  it  is  interesting  to  recall 
the  reminiscences  of  General  Butler,  who  says  that 
shortly  before  the  assassination  the  President  sent  for 
him  and  said, — 

" '  General  Butler,  I  am  troubled  about  the  negroes. 
We  are  soon  to  have  peace.  We  have  got  some  one 
hundred  and  odd  thousand  negroes  who  have  been 
trained  to  arms.  When  peace  shall  come  I  fear  lest 
these  colored  men  shall  organize  themselves  in  the 
South,  especially  in  the  States  where  the  negroes  are  in 
preponderance  in  numbers,  into  guerilla  parties,  and  we 
shall  have  down  there  a  warfare  between  the  whites 
and  the  negroes.  In  the  course  of  the  reconstruction  of 

333 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  government  it  will  become  a  question  of  how  the 
negro  is  to  be  disposed  of.  Would  it  not  be  possible  to 
export  them  to  some  place,  say  Liberia  or  South  Amer 
ica,  and  organize  them  into  communities  to  support 
themselves  ?' 

"  General  Butler  replied,  '  We  have  large  quantities  of 
clothing  to  clothe  them,  and  arms  and  everything  neces 
sary  for  them,  even  to  spades  and  shovels,  mules,  and 
wagons.  Our  war  has  shown  that  an  army  organization 
is  the  very  best  for  digging  up  the  soil  and  making 
intrenchments.  Witness  the  very  many  miles  of  in- 
trenchments  that  our  soldiers  have  dug  out.  I  know  of 
a  concession  of  the  United  States  of  Colombia  for  a  tract 
of  thirty  miles  wide  across  the  Isthmus  of  Panama  for 
opening  a  ship  canal.  The  enlistments  of  the  negroes 
have  all  of  them  from  two  or  three  years  to  run.  Why 
not  send  them  all  down  there  to  dig  the  canal?  They 
will  withstand  the  climate,  and  the  work  can  be  done 
with  less  cost  to  the  United  States  in  that  way  than 
in  any  other.  If  you  choose,  I  will  take  command  of 
the  expedition.  We  will  take  our  arms  with  us,  and  I 
need  not  suggest  to  you  that  we  will  need  nobody  sent 
down  to  guard  us  from  the  interference  of  any  nation. 
We  will  proceed  to  cultivate  the  land  and  supply  our 
selves  with  all  the  fresh  food  that  can  be  raised  in  the 
tropics,  which  will  be  all  that  will  be  needed,  and  your 
stores  of  provisions  and  supplies  of  clothing  will  furnish 
all  the  rest.  Shall  I  work  out  the  details  of  such  an 
expedition  for  you,  Mr.  President?' 

"  He  reflected  for  some  time,  and  then  said,  *  There 
is  meat  in  that  suggestion,  General  Butler;  there  is 
meat  in  that  suggestion.  Go  and  talk  to  Seward  and  see 
what  foreign  complications  there  will  be  about  it.' 

"  But  that  evening  Secretary  Seward,  in  his  drive 
before  dinner,  was  thrown  from  his  carriage  and 
severely  injured,  his  jaw  being  broken,  and  he  was  con 
fined  to  his  bed  until  the  assassination  of  Lincoln  and 


334 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

the  attempted  murder  of  himself  by  one  of  the  confed 
erates  of  Booth,  so  that  the  subject  could  never  be  a^ain 
mentioned  to  Mr.  Lincoln." 

The  final  proclamation  was  issued  on  January  i,  1863. 
On  the  afternoon  of  December  31,  after  the  Cabinet 
meeting  was  over  Lincoln  rewrote  the  document  with 
great  care,  embodying  in  it  several  suggestions  which 
had  been  made  by  his  Cabinet,  but  rigidly  adhering  to 
the  spirit  of  the  original.  In  his  judgment,  the  time 
had  now  come  for  adopting  this  extreme  measure,  and 
upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act  of  justice, 
warranted  by  the  Constitution  upon  military  necessity,' 
I  invoke  the  considerate  judgment  of  mankind  and  the 
gracious  favor  of  Almighty  God." 

The  morning  of  New  Year's  day  was  occupied  by  the 
official  reception,  and  the  President  was  kept  busy  until 
about  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  when  he  went  to 
the  Executive  Chamber,  took  the  manuscript  from  a 
drawer  in  his  desk,  wrote  his  name,  and  closed  a  con 
troversy  that  had  raged  for  half  a  century.  He  carefully 
laid  away  the  pen  he  had  used  for  Mr.  Sumner,  who 
had  promised  to  obtain  it  for  George  Livermore,  of 
Cambridge,  Massachusetts,  an  old  abolitionist  and  the 
author  of  a  work  on  slavery  which  had  greatly  inter 
ested  Lincoln.  It  was  a  steel  pen  with  an  ordinary 
wooden  handle,  such  as  is  used  by  school-children  and 
can  be  bought  for  a  penny  at  any  stationery  store.  The 
end  of  the  holder  showed  the  marks  of  Lincoln's  teeth, 
for  he  had  a  habit  of  putting  his  pen-holder  into  his 
mouth  whenever  he  was  puzzled  in  composition. 

Lincoln's  own  commentary  and  explanation  of  the 
step  which  led  to  this  edict  of  freedom  was  written  little 
more  than  a  year  later,  to  a  friend,  and  should  be  care 
fully  studied  before  forming  a  judgment  upon  the  rea 
sons  for  and  the  consequences  of  that  act  : 

"  I  am  naturally  antislavery,"  he  said.  "  If  slavery  is 
not  wrong,  nothing  is  wrong.  I  cannot  remember  when 

335 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

I  did  not  so  think  and  feel,  and  yet  I  have  never  under 
stood  that  the  Presidency  conferred  upon  me  an  unre 
stricted  right  to  act  officially  upon  this  judgment  and 
feeling     It  was  in  the  oath  I  took  that  I  would,  to  the 
best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.    I  could  not  take  the 
office  without  taking  the  oath.    Nor  was  it  my  view  that 
I  might  take  an  oath  to  get  power,  and  break  the  oath 
in  using  the  power.    I  understood,  too,  that  in  ordinary 
civil  administration  this  oath  even  forbade  me  to  prac 
tically  indulge  my  primary  abstract  judgment  on  the 
moral  question  of  slavery.    I  had  publicly  declared  this 
many  times,  and  in  many  ways.    And  I  aver  that,  to  this 
day,  I  have  done  no  official  act  in  mere  deference  to  my 
abstract  judgment  and  feeling  on  slavery.    I  did  under 
stand,  however,  that  my  oath  to  preserve  the  Constitu 
tion  to  the  best  of  my  ability  imposed  upon  me  the  duty 
of  preserving,  by  every  indispensable  means,  that  gov 
ernment,  that  nation,  of  which  that  Constitution  was  the 
organic  law.    Was  it  possible  to  lose  the  nation  and  yet 
preserve  the  Constitution?     By  general  law,  life  and 
limb  must  be  protected,  yet  often  a  limb  must  be  ampu 
tated  to  save  a  life;    but  a  life  is  never  wisely  given 
to  save  a  limb.    I  felt  that  measures  otherwise  unconsti 
tutional  might  become  lawful  by  becoming  indispensable 
to  the  preservation   of  the   Constitution,   through   the 
preservation  of  the  nation.    Right  or  wrong,  I  assumed 
this  ground,  and  now  avow  it.    I  could  not  feel  that,  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  I  had  even  tried  to  preserve  the 
Constitution  if,  to  save  slavery  or  any  minor  matter, 
I  should  permit  the  wreck  of  government,  country,  and 
Constitution  all  together.    When,  early  in  the  war,  Gen 
eral  Fremont  attempted  military  emancipation,  I  forbade 
it,  because  I  did  not  then  think  it  an  indispensable  neces 
sity.    When,  a  little  later,  General  Cameron,  then  Sec 
retary  of  War,  suggested  the  arming  of  the  blacks,  I 
objected,  because  I  did  not  yet  think  it  an  indispensable 

336 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

necessity.  When,  still  later,  General  Hunter  attempted 
military  emancipation,  I  again  forbade  it,  because  I  did 
not  yet  think  the  indispensable  necessity  had  come. 
When  in  March  and  May  and  July,  1862,  I  made  earnest 
and  successive  appeals  to  the  border  States  to  favor 
compensated  emancipation,  I  believed  the  indispensable 
necessity  for  military  emancipation  and  arming  the 
blacks  would  come  unless  averted  by  that  measure. 
They  declined  the  proposition,  and  I  was,  in  my  best 
judgment,  driven  to  the  alternative  of  either  surrender 
ing  the  Union,  and  with  it  the  Constitution,  or  of  laying 
strong  hand  upon  the  colored  element.  I  chose  the 
latter." 

Lincoln  did  not  live  to  witness  the  consummation  or 
the  consequences  of  the  edict.  The  preliminary  resolu 
tion  for  a  constitutional  amendment  was  not  secured 
until  after  a  long  struggle  in  Congress  and  against  the 
most  determined  opposition.  Were  it  not  for  Lincoln's 
political  skill  and  tact,  it  might  never  have  been  adopted. 
The  work  of  ratification  by  the  loyal  States  was  not 
completed  until  December,  1865,  when  Mr.  Seward,  still 
Secretary  of  State,  issued  a  proclamation  announcing 
that  the  thirteenth  amendment  had  been  ratified  by 
twenty-seven  of  the  thirty-six  States  then  composing  the 
Union,  and  that  slavery  and  involuntary  servitude  were 
from  that  time  and  forever  impossible  within  the  limits 
of  the  United  States. 

Some  one  has  arranged  the  Emancipation  Proclama 
tion  so  that  its  words  form  an  accurate  profile  of  Abra 
ham  Lincoln's  face.  The  picture  is  perfect  and  not  a 
letter  of  the  document  is  wanting. 

Lincoln's  ideas  concerning  the  enfranchisement  of  the 
negroes  were  expressed  in  a  letter  to  Governor  Hahn 
congratulating  him  upon  having  his  name  fixed  in  his 
tory  as  the  first  free  Governor  of  the  State  of  Louisiana, 
and  saying,  "  Now,  you  are  about  to  have  a  convention 
which,  among  other  things,  will  probably  define  the 
22  337 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

elective  franchise.  I  barely  suggest  for  your  private 
consideration  whether  some  of  the  colored  people  may 
not  be  let  in,— as,  for  instance,  the  very  intelligent,  and 
especially  those  who  have  fought  gallantly  in  our  ranks. 
They  would  probably  help,  in  some  trying  time  to  come, 
to  keep  the  jewel  of  liberty  safe  within  the  family  of 
freedom.  But  this  is  only  a  suggestion — not  to  the 
public,  but  to  you  alone." 

On  April  n,  1865,  he  made  his  last  speech.  It  was 
delivered  from  the  portico  of  the  White  House  in  re 
sponse  to  an  invitation  from  the  managers  of  a  jubilee 
celebration  over  the  surrender  of  Lee's  army.  Twice 
before  was  he  called  out  by  serenading  parties,  and  on 
both  occasions  declined  to  give  more  than  a  few  informal 
expressions  of  congratulation  and  gratitude;  but,  being 
pressed  by  the  committee,  he  consented  to  deliver  a 
formal  address,  and  with  great  care  prepared  a  manu 
script  upon  the  reconstruction  problem.  It  was  un 
doubtedly  intended  as  a  "  feeler"  to  test  public  sentiment 
in  the  North,  and  that  portion  of  it  which  relates  to 
negro  suffrage  is  as  follows : 

"  We  all  agree  that  the  seceded  States,  so  called,  are 
out  of  their  proper  relations  to  the  Union,  and  that  the 
sole  object  of  the  government,  civil  and  military,  in 
regard  to  those  States,  is  to  again  get  them  into  their 
proper  practical  relation.  I  believe  it  is  not  only  possi 
ble,  but  in  fact  easier  to  do  this  without  deciding,  or 
even  considering,  whether  those  States  have  ever  been 
out  of  the  Union,  than  with  it.  Finding  themselves 
safely  at  home,  it  would  be  utterly  immaterial  whether 
they  had  ever  been  abroad.  Let  us  join  in  doing  the 
acts  necessary  to  restoring  the  proper  practical  relations 
between  those  States  and  the  Union,  and  each  forever 
after  innocently  indulge  his  own  opinion  whether,  in 
doing  the  acts,  he  brought  the  States  from  without  the 
Union,  or  only  gave  them  proper  assistance,  they  never 
having  been  out  of  it. 

338 


LETTER    TO    HON.    MICHAEL    HAHN,    FIRST    FREE   STATE 

GOVERNOR    OF   LOUISIANA 

By  special  permission  of  John  M.  Crampton,  Esq., 
New  Haven,  Connecticut 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

"  It  is  also  unsatisfactory  to  some  that  the  elective 
franchise  is  not  given  to  the  colored  man.  I  would 
myself  prefer  that  it  were  now  conferred  on  the  very 
intelligent  and  those  who  have  served  our  cause  as  sol 
diers.  Still,  the  question  is  not  whether  the  Louisiana 
government,  as  it  stands,  is  quite  all  that  is  desirable. 
The  question  is,  Will  it  be  wiser  to  take  it  as  it  is,  and 
help  to  improve  it,  or  to  reject  and  disperse  it? 

"  Some  twelve  thousand  voters  in  the  heretofore  slave 
State  of  Louisiana  have  sworn  allegiance  to  the  Union, 
assumed  to  be  the  rightful  political  power  of  the  State, 
held  elections,  organized  a  State  government,  adopted  a 
free   State    Constitution,   giving   the   benefit   of  public 
schools  equally  to  black  and  white,  and  empowering  the 
Legislature  to  confer  the  elective  franchise  upon   the 
colored  man.     The   Legislature  has   already   voted   to 
ratify  the  constitutional  amendment  passed  by  Congress, 
abolishing  slavery  throughout  the  nation.    These  twelve 
thousand  persons  are  thus  fully  committed  to  the  Union 
and  to  perpetual  freedom  in  the  States— committed  to 
the  very  things,  and  nearly  all  the  things  the  nation 
wants— and  they  ask  the  nation's  recognition  and  its 
assistance  to  make  good  the  committal.  ...  We  encour 
age  the  hearts  and  nerve  the  arms  of  twelve  thousand 
to  adhere  to  their  work,  and  argue  for  it,  and  proselyte 
for  it,  fight  for  it,  and  feed  it,  and  grow  it,  and  ripen  it 
to  a  complete  success.    The  colored  man,  too,  seeing  all 
united  for  him,  is  inspired  with  vigilance,  and  energy, 
and  daring  to  the  same  end.     Grant  that  he  desires  the 
elective  franchise,  will  he  not  obtain  it  sooner  by  saving 
the  already  advanced  steps  towards  it  than  by  running 
backward  over  them?     Concede  that  the  new  govern 
ment  of  Louisiana  is  only  as  what  it  should  be  as  the 
egg  is  to  the  fowl,  we  shall  sooner  have  the  fowl  by 
hatching  the  egg  than  by  smashing  it." 

We  have  the  testimony  of  members  of  the  Cabinet 
that  the  question  of  suffrage  was  several  times  discussed, 

339 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

and  that  Lincoln  and  Mr.  Chase  differed  as  to  consti 
tutional  authority  and  limitations  in  that  matter.  Mr. 
Chase  held  that  Congress  had  the  right  and  power  to 
enact  such  laws  for  the  government  of  the  people  of  the 
States  lately  in  rebellion  as  might  be  deemed  expedient 
to  the  public  safety,  including  the  bestowal  of  suffrage 
upon  the  negroes ;  but  Lincoln  held  that  the  latter  right 
rested  exclusively  with  the  States.  In  his  amnesty  proc 
lamation  of  December  8,  1863,  he  said  that  any  provision 
by  which  the  States  shall  provide  for  the  education  and 
for  the  welfare  of  "  the  laboring  landless  and  homeless 
class  will  not  be  objected  to  by  the  national  Executive ;" 
and  Mr.  Usher,  his  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  says, 
"  From  all  that  could  be  gathered  by  those  who  observed 
his  conduct  in  those  times,  it  seemed  his  hope  that  the 
people  in  the  insurgent  States,  upon  exercising  authority 
under  the  Constitution  and  laws  of  the  United  States, 
would  find  it  necessary  to  make  suitable  provision,  not 
only  for  the  education  of  the  freedmen,  but  also  for  their 
acquisition  of  property  and  security  in  its  possession, 
and  to  secure  that  would  find  it  necessary  and  expedient 
to  bestow  suffrage  upon  them,  in  some  degree  at  least." 
Mr.  Hugh  McCulloch,  who  succeeded  Mr.  Chase  as 
Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  says,  "  There  is  nothing  in 
his  record  to  indicate  that  he  would  have  favored  the 
immediate  and  full  enfranchisement  of  those  who, 
having  been  always  in  servitude,  were  unfit  for  an  intel 
ligent  and  independent  use  of  the  ballot.  In  the  plan  for 
the  rehabilitation  of  the  South  which  he  and  his  Cabinet 
had  partially  agreed  upon,  and  which  Mr.  Johnson  and 
the  same  Cabinet  endeavored  to  perfect  and  carry  out, 
no  provision  was  made  for  negro  suffrage.  This  ques 
tion  was  purposely  left  open  for  further  consideration 
and  for  Congressional  action,  under  such  amendments 
of  the  Constitution  as  the  changed  condition  of  the 
country  might  render  necessary.  From  some  of  his 
incidental  expressions,  and  from  his  well-known  opinions 

34o 


THE   EMANCIPATION   OF   THE   SLAVES 

upon  the  subject  of  suffrage  and  the  States'  right  to 
regulate  it,  my  opinion  is  that  he  would  have  been  dis 
posed  to  let  that  question  remain  as  it  was  before  the 
war;  with,  however,  such  amendments  of  the  Constitu 
tion  as  would  have  prevented  any  but  those  who  were 
permitted  to  vote  in  Federal  elections  from  being  in 
cluded  in  the  enumeration  for  representatives  in  Con 
gress,  thus  inducing  the  recent  Slave  States,  for  the 
purpose  of  increasing  their  Congressional  influence  and 
power,  to  give  the  ballot  to  black  men  as  well  as  white." 


341 


IX 

A  MASTER  IN  DIPLOMACY 

THAT  rare  gift  which  in  the  every-day  affairs  of  life 
is  called  tact  and  in  statecraft  is  known  as  diplomacy 
was  possessed  by  Abraham  Lincoln  to  a  degree  that 
was  remarkable  for  a  man  of  his  meagre  education  and 
limited  experience.  Before  his  nomination  to  the  Presi 
dency  his  fame  and  activity  had  been  almost  exclusively 
provincial,  and  in  a  province  which  had  not  yet  grown 
out  of  the  formative  period;  but  he  was  a  profound 
student  of  human  nature,  and  possessed  a  quality  called 
sagacity,  which  is  the  nearest  approach  to  wisdom  and 
is  a  gift  of  nature.  This  knowledge  and  quality  were 
developed  during  his  political  life.  A  successful  poli 
tician  must  be  a  diplomatist  and  a  statesman.  The 
English  language  lacks  terms  to  describe  men  of  Lin 
coln's  attainments.  The  French,  Spaniards,  and  Ger 
mans  have  definitions  for  different  grades  of  politicians, 
while  the  English  are  limited  to  that  single  word,  and 
apply  it  to  every  person  who  participates  in  political 
affairs,  from  a  ward-worker  in  the  slums  of  the  cities 
to  an  occupant  of  the  Executive  chair  of  the  nation. 
William  McKinley,  like  Abraham  Lincoln,  was  a  con 
summate  politician  and  at  the  same  time  a  statesman 
and  a  diplomatist.  The  dictionary  definition  of  the  latter 
is  "  a  man  who  has  dexterity  or  skill  in  rnanaging  nego 
tiations  of  any  kind;"  and  diplomacy,  by  the  same 
authority,  is  "artful  management  with  a  view  of 
securing  advantages." 

According  to  this  definition,  Lincoln,  as  a  diplomatist, 
was  unsurpassed  in  his  generation  either  at  home  or 
abroad,  as  the  history  of  the  foreign  relations  of  our 
government  during  his  administration  will  show.  He 

342 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

guided  the  foreign  policy  of  the  United  States  from  1861 
to  1865  as  closely  as  he  directed  its  military  campaigns 
until  1864,  when  he  yielded  the  responsibility  to  General 
Grant;  and,  although  the  public  gave  the  credit  to 
Seward,  the  members  of  the  Cabinet,  the  foreign  com 
mittees  of  the  Senate  and  the  House  of  Representatives, 
and  others  intimately  associated  with  that  branch  of  the 
administration  recognized  his  genius  in  all  the  larger 
attributes  of  diplomacy.  The  untrained  lawyer  from 
the  prairies  without  hesitation  assumed  the  responsibility 
of  conducting  the  foreign  policy  of  the  government  in 
the  most  critical  period  of  its  existence,  and  revised  the 
diplomatic  correspondence  of  his  Secretary  of  State,  who 
had  the  reputation  of  being  one  of  the  most  subtle  and 
far-sighted  statesmen  of  his  age.  But  the  developments 
showed  that  Lincoln  alone  had  a  complete  grasp  of  a 
situation  unprecedented  in  our  history. 

He  was  a  diplomatist  by  nature,  and  developed  the 
talent  early.  When  a  boy,  he  was  selected  as  umpire  at 
wrestling-matches,  cock-fights,  horse-  and  foot-races, 
and  other  rude  sports  of  the  neighborhood  because  his 
associates  had  confidence  in  his  judgment  and  honesty. 
Because  he  had  tact,  in  addition  to  those  qualities,  he 
was  the  peacemaker  and  court  of  appeals  in  quarrels; 
the  referee  in  disputes ;  the  arbiter  in  controversies  con 
cerning  literature,  theology,  woodcraft,  and  morals. 
His  decisions  were  rarely,  if  ever,  questioned.  He  had 
a  rule  for  evading  difficulties  which  was  expressed  in  a 
homely  remark  to  Mr.  Seward,  who  jokingly  remarked 
at  a  Cabinet  meeting  one  day, — 

"Mr.  President,  I  hear  thai  you  turned  out  for  a 
colored  woman  on  a  muddy  crossing  the  other  day." 

"I  don't  remember,"  answered  Lincoln,  musingly; 
"  but  I  think  it  very  likely,  for  I  have  always  made  it  a 
rule  that  if  people  won't  turn  out  for  me  I  will  for 
them.  If  I  didn't  there  would  be  a  collision." 

And  he  always  avoided  collisions.    It  was  not  because 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

he  lacked  courage  or  confidence.  Obstinacy  is  often 
mistaken  for  courage,  and,  as  one  of  Lincoln's  advisers 
remarked,  "  Political  graveyards  are  filled  with  buried 
ambitions  and  crushed  hopes  because  of  that  mistake, 
which  Mr.  Lincoln  never  made."  He  never  allowed  an 
antagonist  to  fathom  his  thoughts  or  to  see  the  line 
along  which  he  was  working.  He  gave  way  in  matters 
of  small  importance  to  secure  a  firmer  position  to  fight 
a  more  important  battle.  He  overcame  obstacles  and 
escaped  entanglements  by  the  exercise  of  this  faculty 
called  diplomacy,  without  surrendering  a  principle  or 
making  an  important  concession. 

General  Fry,  who  was  Provost-Marshal  of  the  War 
Department  and  received  daily  instructions  from  the 
President  in  regard  to  the  draft  for  troops,  which  was 
one  of  the  most  embarrassing  and  perplexing  questions 
that  arose  during  the  war,  illustrates  this  peculiar  trait 
by  an  anecdote.  He  says, — 

"  Upon  one  occasion  the  Governor  of  a  State  came 
to  my  office  bristling  with  complaints  in  relation  to  the 
number  of  troops  required  from  his, State,  the  details 
for  drafting  the  men,  and  the  plan  of  compulsory  service 
in  general.  I  found  it  impossible  to  satisfy  his  demands, 
and  accompanied  him  to  the  Secretary  of  War's  office, 
whence,  after  a  stormy  interview  with  Stanton,  he  went 
alone  to  press  his  ultimatum  upon  the  highest  authority. 
After  I  had  waited  anxiously  for  some  hours,  expecting 
important  orders  or  decisions  from  the  President,  or  at 
least  a  summons  to  the  White  House  for  explanation, 
the  Governor  returned,  and  said,  with  a  pleasant  smile, 
that  he  was  going  home  by  the  next  train,  and  merely 
dropped  in  en  route  to  say  good-by.  Neither  the  busi 
ness  he  came  upon  nor  his  interview  with  the  President 
was  alluded  to. 

"  As  soon  as  I  could  see  Lincoln,  I  said,  '  Mr.  Presi 
dent,  I  am  very  anxious  to  learn  how  you  disposed  of 

Governor .  He  went  to  your  office  from  the  War 

344 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

Department  in  a  towering  rage.  I  suppose  you  found 
it  necessary  to  make  large  concessions  to  him,  as  he 
returned  from  you  entirely  satisfied.' 

'  Oh,  no/  he  replied,  '  I  did  not  concede  anything. 
You  know  how  that  Illinois  farmer  managed  the  big 
log  that  lay  in  the  middle  of  his  field?  To  the  inquiries 
of  his  neighbors,  one  Sunday,  he  announced  that  he  had 
got  rid  of  the  big  log.  "  Got  rid  of  it !"  said  they,  "  how 
did  you  do  it?  It  was  too  big  to  haul  out,  too  knotty 
to  split,^  and  too  wet  and  soggy  to  burn ;  what  did  you 
"  Well,  now,  boys/'  replied  the  farmer,  "  if  you 
won't  divulge  the  secret,  I'll  tell  you  how  I  got  rid  of  it. 
/  ploughed  around  it."  Now/  said  Lincoln,  '  don't  tell 

anybody,  but  that's  the  way  I  got  rid  of  Governor . 

/  ploughed  around  him,  but  it  took  me  three  mortal 
hours  to  do  it,  and  I  was  afraid  every  moment  he'd  see 
what  I  was  at/ ' 

Those  who  were  associated  with  Lincoln  noticed  the 
rapid  development  of  his  diplomatic  talent.    In  meeting 
emergencies  he  constantly  surprised  them  by  the  mani 
festation  of  a  capacity  to  grapple  with  hidden  and  un 
known  difficulties  that  could  have  been  possessed  only 
by  so  strong  and  deep  a  nature.     His  secretaries  testify 
that  he  could  receive  any  kind  of  tidings  without  emotion 
or  variation  in  face  and  manner.    "  He  never  seemed  to 
hear  anything  with  reference  to  itself,"  one  of  them 
described  it,  "  but  solely  with  a  quick  forward  grasping 
for  the  consequences ;  for  what  must  be  done  next.    The 
announcement  of  a  defeat  or  disaster  did  not  bring  to 
him  the  blow  only,  but  rather  the  consideration  of  a 
counter-stroke.     With  a   calm,   sublime  reliance  upon 
God  and  the  everlasting  principles  of  right,  he  was  able 
to  conduct  the  nation  through  the  most  tremendous  civil 
war  ever  waged  and  never  committed  a  serious  mis 
take." 

Lincoln  was   pre-eminently  a  Democrat  because  he 
believed  in  a  government  of  the  people  by  the  people 

345 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

for  the  people.  His  early  training,  his  contact  with  "  the 
plain  people,"  as  he  loved  to  call  them,  his  knowledge  of 
their  prejudices  and  preferences,  their  habits  of  thought 
and  methods  of  judgment,  enabled  him  to  judge  accu 
rately  of  public  opinion,  and  his  deep  sympathy  with 
them  gave  him  confidence  that  whatever  met  their  ap 
proval  was  right  and  just.  That  explains  his  loyal 
obedience  to  the  will  of  the  majority,  his  refusal  to  adopt 
radical  measures,  and  his  strength  of  purpose  when  he 
believed  that  his  plans  would  be  approved  by  them.  His 
critics  asserted  that  his  procrastination  with  McClellan, 
his  postponement  of  the  emancipation  of  the  slaves,  and 
his  apparent  reluctance  to  act  upon  measures  which 
were  considered  necessary  to  the  salvation  of  the  coun 
try  were  signs  of  weakness  and  cowardice ;  but  no  man 
ever  showed  greater  courage  when  he  felt  that  he  was 
right. 

When  Lincoln  came  to  Washington  he  had  no  expe 
rience  in  diplomacy  or  statesmanship;    as  an  attorney, 
he  had  dealt  only  with  local  and  State  statutes^   as  a 
legislator,  his  experience  was  limited  to  provincial  af 
fairs  ;  his  only  knowledge  of  the  operations  of  the  gen 
eral  government  was  acquired  during  the  two  years  he 
was  in  Congress  and  from  books  that  he  read.    He  had 
never  argued  a  case  before  the  Supreme  Court,  he  had 
never  studied  international  law,  he  knew  nothing  of  the 
organization  of  armies,  and  he  was  unfamiliar  with  the 
relations  between  the  Chief  Executive  and  his  Cabinet; 
but  we  have  seen  in  Chapter  V.  how  promptly,  firmly, 
and  conclusively,  and  at  the  same  time  with  what  tact 
and  diplomacy,  he  rebuked  Seward's  suggestion  that  he 
should  surrender  the  prerogatives  of  his  office  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  how  positive  yet  how  gentle  was  his 
treatment  of  Fremont,  and  how  thorough  his  knowledge 
of  the  laws  of  nations  is  disclosed  by  his  correspondence 
concerning  the  movement  of  troops  through  Maryland 
and  Virginia,  regarding  the  suspension  of  the  writ  of 

346 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

habeas  corpus,  the  arrest  of  Vallandigham,  and  espe 
cially  in  connection  with  the  Emancipation  Proclama 
tion. 

President  Lincoln  made  it  a  rule  never  to  deny  or 
explain  any  charge  against  himself,  nor  to  reply  to  an 
attack,  except  when  the  fortunes  of  his  country  seemed 
to  be  involved;  and  when  he  did  make  a  reply  it  was 
always  complete  and  satisfactory. 

Almost  the  very  moment  that  he  crossed  the  threshold 
of  the  White  House  Lincoln  was  confronted  with  the 
gravest  diplomatic  problem  of  his  experience,  and  its 
solution  required  not  only  knowledge  of  precedent  but 
skill  in  argument.  The  claim  of  the  Confederacy  to 
be  recognized  as  a  nation  by  the  powers  of  Europe  had 
practically  been  waived  by  President  Buchanan  when 
he  admitted  that  the  Federal  government  had  no  author 
ity  to  keep  a  State  in  the  Union  if  it  desired  to  secede. 
This  admission  had  been  confirmed  by  the  apparent 
acquiescence  in  the  withdrawal  of  South  Carolina  and 
other  States ;  by  the  organization  of  the  Confederacy  at 
Montgomery  without  interference  or  protest;  by  the 
failure  to  reinforce  Fort  Sumter;  and  by  Buchanan's 
practical  abdication  of  executive  power  when,  in  his 
message  of  January  8,  1861,  he  threw  the  entire  respon 
sibility  of  the  situation  upon  Congress. 

All  through  these  rapid  and  radical  changes  the  for 
eign  powers  received  no  official  explanation  or  informa 
tion  from  the  Department  of  State  at  Washington,  and 
were  left  to  draw  their  own  inferences  from  the  news 
which  appeared  in  the  public  press,  until  February  28, 
when  Jeremiah  S.  Black,  for  a  few  weeks  Secretary  of 
State,  issued  a  circular  instructing  our  representatives 
at  foreign  capitals  that  the  government  of  the  United 
States  had  not  relinquished  its  constitutional  jurisdic 
tion  anywhere  within  its  territory  and  did  not  intend  to 
do  so.  In  the  same  circular  he  gave  instructions  that  a 
recognition  of  the  Confederacy  must  not  be  allowed. 

347 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

Upon  assuming  the  duties  of  Secretary  of  State,  Mr. 
Seward  hastily  confirmed  these  instructions  and  ex 
pressed  the  confidence  of  the  President  in  the  speedy 
suppression  of  the  Rebellion  and  the  restoration  of  the 
unity  and  harmony  of  the  nation.  From  France  and 
England  came  non-committal  and  unsatisfactory  replies, 
and  before  Mr.  Adams,  who  had  been  appointed  min 
ister  to  England,  could  arrive  in  London,  an  unfriendly 
ministry  issued  a  proclamation  of  neutrality  practically 
recognizing  the  Confederate  States  as  an  independent 
government  and  conceding  it  the  privileges  of  a  bellig 
erent  power.  Thus,  before  it  had  a  single  ship  afloat, 
its  fleets  were  tendered  the  hospitality  of  the  British 
ports  on  terms  of  equality  with  the  fleets  of  the  United 
States.  France  at  once  imitated  this  precipitate  action, 
which  was  prompted  by  the  desire  of  the  British  manu 
facturers  to  secure  free  trade  and  cheap  cotton.  The 
Emperor  of  the  French  was  actuated  by  confidence  that 
a  division  of  the  American  Union  would  aid  in  the 
advancement  of  his  plans  to  erect  an  empire  in  Mexico, 
Exasperated  by  the  injustice  of  this  action,  Mr. 
Seward  wrote  Mr.  Adams  a  despatch  which  would  have 
imperilled  our  relations  with  Great  Britain  had  it  been 
delivered  in  its  original  form.  Fortunately,  the  Presi 
dent  had  enjoined  the  Secretary  of  State  not  to  send 
anything  of  importance  without  first  submitting  it  to 
him;  hence  Lincoln  was  able  to  modify  what  Mr. 
Seward's  inflammable  temper  had  suggested  and  at  the 
same  time  add  to  the  force  and  the  dignity  of  the 
despatch.  A  comparison  of  the  text  of  the  original  with 
the  final  copy  as  sent  to  the  American  legation  at  London 
demonstrates  the  superiority  of  Lincoln's  judgment  as 
well  as  his  mastery  of  the  language  of  diplomacy.  It 
is  remarkable  that  a  mind  untrained  to  consider  the 
consequences  of  international  discourtesy  and  a  hand 
unaccustomed  to  frame  the  phrases  of  diplomacy  should 
have  been  so  apt  and  so  skilful  in  removing  the  sting 

348 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

from  the  indignant  paragraphs  of  an  experienced  states 
man  without  diminishing  their  tone,  or  force,  or  dignity. 

If  the  letter,  as  it  came  from  the  hands  of  Mr.  Seward, 
had  been  delivered  at  the  British  Foreign  Office  accord 
ing  to  instructions,  Mr.  Adams  would  have  burned  his 
bridges  behind  him.  He  would  have  placed  himself  in 
the  attitude  of  breaking  off  intercourse,  and  thus  made 
it  impossible  for  him  to  use  any  further  influence  or 
even  to  ascertain  the  disposition  and  intention  of  the 
British  government.  The  only  thing  left  for  him  would 
have  been  to  close  the  legation  and  return  to  the  United 
States.  Lincoln's  modifications  left  him  free  to  manage 
a  delicate  situation  as  circumstances  and  his  own  judg 
ment  indicated.  He  was  not  only  left  within  the  range 
of  personal  and  diplomatic  courtesy,  but  by  Lincoln's 
clever  phrasing  the  burden  of  proof  was  thrown  upon 
the  British  government. 

This  skilful  use  of  terms  until  that  time  unfamiliar  to 
Lincoln  has  always  excited  the  admiration  of  philologists 
and  diplomatists  because  of  the  nice  sense  he  displayed 
of  the  shades  of  meaning  and  the  effect  of  adding  em 
phasis  and  improving  the  courtesy  of  expression  at  the 
same  time.  The  comprehensive  knowledge  of  the  situa 
tion  and  the  appreciation  of  the  results  which  might 
follow  seem  almost  supernatural  in  a  man  who  had 
been  only  three  months  in  office,  was  entirely  without 
experience  in  diplomacy,  had  never  before  prepared  a 
diplomatic  note,  and  whose  mind  was  perplexed  about 
home  affairs.  The  highest  authorities  have  pronounced 
it  the  work  of  a  master,  as  showing  a  freedom  of  knowl 
edge  of  and  insight  into  foreign  affairs,  a  skill,  in  shaping 
phrases,  a  delicate  sense  of  propriety,  an  appreciation  of 
the  methods  of  diplomatic  dealings,  and  a  penetration 
which  entitled  the  President  to  the  highest  honors  of 
statesmanship. 

And  thus  was  a  misunderstanding  and  perhaps  a  war 
with  England  avoided  by  a  simple  change  in  terms  and 

349 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

phrases.  We  can  only  conjecture  what  might  have  hap 
pened;  but,  had  Seward's  despatch  been  sent  as  origi 
nally  written,  it  would  probably  have  resulted  in  the 
formal  recognition  and  the  success  of  the  Southern 
Confederacy. 

During  the  first  term  of  General  Grant's  administra 
tion,  Mr.  Fish,  then  Secretary  of  State,  brought  the 
original  manuscript  to  a  Cabinet  meeting,  and  it  excited 
so  much  interest  that  Mr.  Boutwell  proposed  to  have 
twelve  fac-similes  made  by  the  photographer  of  the 
Treasury  Department.  Twelve  copies  were  taken  and 
the  negative  then  destroyed. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  government  was  again 
involved  in  a  complication  with  Great  Britain  owing  to 
the  zeal  of  Captain  Charles  Wilkes,  of  the  gunboat  "  San 
Jacinto,"  who  overhauled  the  Brtish  mail  steamer 
"  Trent"  and  took  from  the  passenger  cabin  ex-Senators 
J.  M.  Mason  and  John  Slidell,  who  had  been  accredited 
by  the  Confederate  government  as  envoys  to  the  Euro 
pean  courts,  and  had  managed  to  elude  the  blockade  and 
sail  from  Havana.  The  British  government,  people,  and 
press  regarded  the  act  as  a  violation  of  international 
law  and  an  outrage  upon  the  British  flag,  and  prepara 
tions  for  war  were  begun,  while  Lord  Lyons,  the  British 
minister  at  Washington,  was  instructed  to  close  his  lega 
tion  and  return  to  England  unless  the  prisoners  were 
released  and  a  satisfactory  apology  offered  within  seven 
days. 

If  it  had  not  been  for  the  kindly  sympathy  of  Queen 
Victoria,  President  Lincoln  would  not  have  been  allowed 
to  apologize;  but  with  her  own  hand  she  modified  the 
instructions  to  Lord  Lyons  and  gave  our  government  an 
opportunity  to  withdraw  from  an  untenable  position. 
The  situation  was  exceedingly  embarrassing  and  critical, 
because  the  action  of  Captain  Wilkes  was  not  only  ap 
plauded  by  the  public,  but  it  was  officially  approved  by 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  and  the  House  of  Representa- 

350 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

tives  unanimously  passed  a  resolution  commending  him 
for  his  brave  and  patriotic  conduct. 

While  the  President  and  his  Cabinet  no  doubt  admired 
Captain  Wilkes  for  the  qualities  he  had  displayed,  they 
were  placed  in  a  serious  dilemma  because  of  the  ener 
getic  and  peremptory  demands  of  the  British  govern 
ment.  The  President  took  the  matter  into  his  own 
hands,  and  the  most  experienced  diplomatist  or  the  most 
skilful  lawyer  could  not  have  prepared  a  clearer, 
stronger,  more  dignified,  or  courteous  despatch  than  he 
wrote  for  Mr.  Seward's  signature,  suggesting  that  the 
matter  be  submitted  to  friendly  arbitration. 

''  The  President  is  unwilling  to  believe,"  he  wrote, 
"  that  Her  Majesty's  government  will  press  for  a  cate 
gorical  answer  upon  what  appears  to  him  to  be  only  a 
partial  record  in  the  making  up  of  which  he  has  been 
allowed  no  part.  He  is  reluctant  to  volunteer  his  view 
of  the  case,  with  no  assurance  that  Her  Majesty's  gov 
ernment  will  consent  to  hear  him;  yet  this  much  he 
directs  me  to  say,  that  this  government  has  intended  no 
affront  to  the  British  flag  or  to  the  British  nation ;  nor 
has  it  intended  to  force  into  discussion  an  embarrassing 
question ;  all  of  which  is  evident  by  the  fact  hereby  as 
serted,  that  the  act  complained  of  was  done  by  the  officer 
without  orders  from,  or  expectation  of,  the  government. 
But,  being  done,  it  was  no  longer  left  to  us  to  consider 
whether  we  might  not,  to  avoid  a  controversy,  waive  an 
unimportant  though  a  strict  right;  because  we,  too,  as 
well  as  Great  Britain,  have  a  people  justly  jealous  of 
their  rights,  and  in  whose  presence  our  government 
could  undo  the  act  complained  of  only  upon  a  fair  show 
ing  that  it  was  wrong,  or  at  least  very  questionable. 
The  United  States  government  and  people  are  still  will 
ing  to  make  reparation  upon  such  showing. 

"  Accordingly,  I  am  instructed  by  the  President  to 
inquire  whether  Her  Majesty's  government  will  hear 
the  United  States  upon  the  matter  in  question.  The 

35i 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

President  desires,  among  other  things,  to  bring  into 
view,  and  have  considered,  the  existing  rebellion  in  the 
United  States ;  the  position  Great  Britain  has  assumed, 
including  Her  Majesty's  proclamation  in  relation 
thereto;  the  relation  the  persons  whose  seizure  is  the 
subject  of  complaint  bore  to  the  United  States,  and  the 
object  of  their  voyage  at  the  time  they  were  seized;  the 
knowledge  which  the  master  of  the  '  Trent'  had  of 
their  relation  to  the  United  States,  and  of  the  object  of 
their  voyage,  at  the  time  he  received  them  on  board  for 
the  voyage;  the  place  of  the  seizure;  and  the  prece 
dents  and  respective  pjsitions  assumed  in  analogous 
cases  between  Great  Britain  and  the  United  States. 

"  Upon  a  submission  containing  the  foregoing  facts, 
with  those  set  forth  in  the  before-mentioned  despatch 
to  your  lordship,  together  with  all  other  facts  which 
either  party  may  deem  material,  I  am  instructed  to  say 
the  government  of  the  United  States  will,  if  agreed  to 
by  Her  Majesty's  government,  go  to  such  friendly  arbi 
tration  as  is  usual  among  nations,  and  will  abide  the 
award." 

This  despatch  was  not  sent;  nor  was  it  ever  sub 
mitted  to  the  Cabinet.  Before  the  opportunity  arrived 
the  President  was  convinced  of  the  danger  of  tempo 
rizing.  Eight  thousand  troops  were  despatched  from 
London  to  Canada,  a  British  fleet  was  ordered  to  Amer 
ican  waters,  and  the  export  of  arms  and  ammunition 
from  Great  Britain  was  forbidden.  The  President's  cool 
judgment  and  common  sense  also  taught  him  that  the 
position  of  our  government  was  untenable,  and,  with 
his  keen  perceptions  as  a  lawyer,  he  saw  how  the  United 
States  could  honorably  withdraw  and  at  the  same  time 
use  the  incident  to  its  own  advantage  and  get  the  better 
of  the  controversy. 

"  We  must  stick  to  American  principles  concerning 
the  rights  of  neutrals,"  he  said.  "  We  fought  Great 
Britain  for  insisting  by  theory  and  practice  on  the  right 

352 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

to  do  precisely  what  Captain  Wilkes  has  done.  If  Great 
Britain  shall  now  protest  against  the  act  and  demand 
their  release,  we  must  give  them  up  and  apologize  for 
the  act  as  a  violation  of  our  own  doctrines,  and  thus 
forever  bind  her  over  to  keep  the  peace  in  relation  to 
neutrals,  and  so  acknowledge  that  she  has  been  wrong 
for  sixty  years." 

Mr.  Seward  prepared  a  long  and  remarkable  presen 
tation  of  the  case  of  the  United  States  which  is  con 
sidered  one  of  the  ablest  of  his  many  state  papers.  He 
admitted  that  Captain  Wilkes  had  done  wrong  and  had 
exceeded  his  instructions,  but  asserted  that  "  this  gov 
ernment  has  neither  meditated,  nor  practised,  nor  ap 
proved  any  deliberate  wrong  in  the  transaction  to  which 
they  have  called  its  attention,  and,  on  the  contrary,  that 
what  has  happened  has  been  simply  an  inadvertency, 
consisting  in  the  departure  by  the  naval  officer,  free 
from  any  wrongful  motive,  from  a  rule  uncertainly 
established,  and  probably  by  the  several  parties  con 
cerned  either  imperfectly  understood  or  entirely  un 
known.  For  this  error  the  British  government  has  a 
right  to  expect  the  same  reparation  that  we,  as  an  inde 
pendent  state,  should  expect  from  Great  Britain  or  any 
other  friendly  nation  in  a  similar  case.  ...  If  I  decide 
this  case  in  favor  of  my  own  government,  I  must  dis 
avow  its  most  cherished  principles,  and  reverse  and 
forever  abandon  its  essential  policy.  The  country  cannot 
afford  the  sacrifice.  If  I  maintain  those  principles  and 
adhere  to  that  policy,  I  must  surrender  the  case  itself. 
.  .  .  The  four  persons  in  question  are  now  held  in  mili 
tary  custody  at  Fort  Warren,  in  the  State  of  Massachu 
setts.  They  will  be  cheerfully  liberated." 

Thus,  through  Lincoln's  penetration  and  judgment, 
a  great  international  peril  was  not  only  averted,  but 
Great  Britain  was  forced  to  relinquish  her  own  conten 
tions  and  adopt  the  American  doctrine  respecting  this 
class  of  neutral  rights. 

23  353 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

There  were  frequent  matters  of  controversy  between 
the  British  Foreign  Office  and  the  Department  of  State 
at  Washington  during  the  four  years  of  war  because 
of  the  systematic  violation  of  the  neutrality  laws  by 
English  subjects,  and  they  were  aggravated  by  the  un 
concealed  sympathy  of  the  British  people  with  the  Con 
federate  States.  Our  government  was  ably  represented 
in  London  by  Charles  Francis  Adams,  in  whom  Lincoln 
had  great  confidence,  and  his  voluminous  instructions 
from  time  to  time,  although  prepared  by  Secretary 
Seward,  were  always  carefully  revised  by  the  President. 
Altogether,  the  diplomatic  correspondence  during  that 
period,  both  in  matters  of  controversy  and  particularly 
concerning  offers  of  mediation  in  our  affairs  made  by 
the  European  powers,  shows  a  diplomatic  penetration 
and  skill  which  excite  the  admiration  of  students. 

Among  other  perplexing  questions  with  which  he  was 
compelled  to  deal  was  the  invasion  of  Mexico  and  the 
attempt  to  establish  an  empire  at  the  city  of  the  Monte- 
zumas.  The  President  took  the  most  positive  and  deter 
mined  ground  in  support  of  the  Monroe  doctrine — more 
advanced  than  had  been  attempted  at  that  time.  He 
expressed  an  unqualified  disapproval  of  the  French  in 
vasion  ;  and,  although  he  was  not  in  a  position  to  inter 
vene  with  force,  lost  no  opportunity  of  making  known 
to  the  other  powers  of  Europe,  and  through  our  minister 
in  Paris  to  the  Emperor  of  France  himself,  that  the 
movement  to  erect  a  monarchy  on  American  soil  was 
repugnant  to  the  United  States.  To  strengthen  his  posi 
tion  he  suggested  that  Governor  Dennison,  who  was  to 
be  chairman  of  the  Baltimore  Convention  in  1864,  give 
a  strong  endorsement  of  the  Monroe  doctrine  in  his 
opening  speech,  and  that  the  Convention  adopt  a  resolu 
tion  declaring  that  the  people  of  the  United  States  would 
not  permit  the  overthrow  of  a  republican  government 
or  the  establishment  of  a  monarchy  upon  the  Western 
continent. 

354 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

Early  in  1865  Lincoln  and  Secretary  Seward  received 
three  peace  commissioners  from  the  Confederacy,— 
Stephens,  Hunter,  and  Campbell,— who  wanted  the 
President  to  recognize  the  Southern  Confederacy  as  a 
foreign  government.  Mr.  Hunter  urged  this  very 
strongly,  declaring  that  the  recognition  of  Jefferson 
Davis's  official  authority  to  make  a  treaty  was  an  indis 
pensable  step  to  peace,  and  referred  to  the  correspond 
ence  between  King  Charles  I.  and  his  Parliament  as  a 
trustworthy  precedent.  When  Mr.  Hunter  made  this 
point,  Lincoln  looked  up  quickly  and  remarked,— 

"  Upon  questions  of  history  I  must  refer  you  to  Mr. 
Seward,  for  he  is  posted  on  such  things  and  I  do  not 
profess  to  be ;  but  it  is  my  distinct  recollection  that, 
as  a  result  of  that  correspondence,  Charles  lost  his 
head." 

One  of  the  most  remarkable  examples  of  Lincoln's 
tact  and  diplomacy  is  found  in  his  treatment  of  a  Cabinet 
crisis  in  December,  1862,  when  the  danger  of  a  perma 
nent  division  of  the  Republican  party  into  two  hostile 
factions  seemed  imminent  and  unavoidable.  As  the 
reader  has  already  learned  from  this  narrative,  the  Cabi 
net  was  never  harmonious  or  united.  It  was  divided 
by  personal  jealousies  and  rivalries  as  well  as  by  differ 
ences  concerning  matters  of  policy  from  the  day  of  the 
inauguration.  Gradually  Mr.  Seward  became  the  leader 
of  the  conservative  and  Mr.  Chase  of  the  radical  element 
of  the  Republican  party,  and  while  both  conducted  the 
business  of  their  departments  with  patriotism,  ability, 
and  skill,  they  were  not  only  mutually  hostile,  but  sus 
pected  each  other's  motives.  From  a  very  early  day 
Mr.  Chase  became  an  outspoken  candidate  for  the  Presi 
dential  nomination  against  Lincoln,  and  his  criticism, 
as  we  have  learned  in  Chapter  V.,  included  his  fellow- 
members  of  the  Cabinet.  Mr.  Seward,  on  the  other 
hand,  was  loyal  to  the  President,  but  had  given  great 
offence  to  the  radical  element  of  his  party  by  some  of 

355 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

his  published  despatches  and  private  utterances,  par 
ticularly  one  diplomatic  note  in  which  he  had  included 
the  antislavery  men  with  the  secessionists  as  responsible 
for  bringing  on  the  war.  The  dissatisfaction  was  ag 
gravated  by  other  offences  to  such  a  degree  that  the 
Republicans  of  the  Senate  called  a  caucus  to  consider 
the  matter  and  passed  a  resolution  demanding  the  dis 
missal  of  Mr.  Seward  from  the  Cabinet.  The  cooler 
members  of  the  Senate  succeeded  in  having  this  action 
reconsidered  and  a  substitute  resolution  adopted  re 
questing  a  reconstruction  of  the  official  family.  The 
meaning  and  intention  of  the  caucus,  however,  could  not 
be  concealed  by  this  indefinite  resolution,  and  as  soon 
as  Mr.  Seward  learned  of  the  proceeding,  he  and  his  son, 
who  was  Assistant  Secretary  of  State,  tendered  their 
resignations.  The  President  tucked  them  into  a  pigeon 
hole  of  his  desk  without  comment. 

The  following  morning  a  caucus  committee  waited 
upon  the  President  and  presented  the  resolution,  each 
Senator,  in  turn,  submitting  his  personal  views  as  to 
the  unfitness  of  the  Secretary  of  State  to  remain  in  the 
administration,  chiefly  because  of  his  lack  of  interest  in 
antislavery  measures  under  consideration  which  they 
considered  essential  to  a  successful  prosecution  of  the 
war.  Lincoln  listened  to  them  with  respectful  attention, 
asked  an  opportunity  for  reflection,  and  invited  them  to 
return  to  the  White  House  in  the  evening  for  his  reply. 
He  called  the  Cabinet,  except  Mr.  Seward,  together  at 
the  same  hour,  and  when  the  committee  and  the  min 
isters  met  each  was  greatly  surprised  to  see  the  others. 

The  President  remarked  that  he  thought  it  best  to 
fight  it  out  and  have  it  over,  and  was  determined  that 
every  point  of  difference  between  them  should  be  ex 
posed  and  explained  before  his  guests  separated.  He 
read  the  resolution  of  the  caucus  and  then  called  upon 
the  Senators  to  explain  themselves,  which  they  did  with 
earnestness.  The  Cabinet  replied  with  equal  candor, — 

356 


SALMON    P.    CHASE,    SECRETARY    OF   THE 

TREASURY 
Prom  a  photograph  by  Brady 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

all  except  Secretary  Chase,  who  found  himself  in  a  very 
embarrassing  position,  because  he  had  been  chiefly  in 
strumental  in  creating  the  dissatisfaction  by  misrepre 
senting  the  opinions  of  Seward  and  the  rest  of  his  col 
leagues  to  his  friends  in  the  Senate.  He  could  not  deny 
it,  for  the  witnesses  were  present;  nor  could  he  defend 
himself  for  doing  so.  He  could  only  protest  against 
being  entrapped  in  a  mortifying  predicament  and  express 
his  regret  that  he  had  attended  the  meeting.  Without 
malice,  but  with  the  hope  of  correcting  the  bad  habits 
of  his  Secretary  of  the  Treasury,  the  President  had 
made  sure  that  he  should  be  present. 

When  everybody  had  said  all  that  he  had  to  say,  Lin 
coln  astonished  them  by  announcing  that  he  intended  to 
take  a  vote,  and  he  put  the  question  directly  whether, 
after  the  explanations  which  had  been  heard,  Mr. 
Seward  should  be  excused.  Senators  Grimes,  Trumbull, 
Sumner,  and  Pomeroy  voted  "  Yes,"  Senator  Harris 
"  No,"  and  Senators  Collamer,  Fessenden,  and  Howard 
declined  to  vote.  Mr.  Wade,  the  other  member  of  the 
committee,  was  absent. 

The  President  decided  that  the  vote  had  been  in  favor 
of  Mr.  Seward.  While  the  Senators  realized  that  the 
President  had  outwitted  them,  they,  nevertheless,  left 
the  White  House  satisfied  that  Seward's  position  was 
untenable,  and  that  after  this  incident  he  would  be  com 
pelled  voluntarily  to  retire  from  the  Cabinet.  As  the 
committee  was  leaving  the  President's  room,  Senator 
Trumbull,  with  great  vehemence,  accused  Mr.  Chase  of 
double-dealing,  and  the  latter,  having  no  defence  to  the 
charge,  tendered  his  resignation  the  following  morning, 
and  was  very  much  surprised  at  the  alacrity  with  which 
the  President  received  it. 

When  the  Cabinet  retired,  Lincoln  took  the  resigna 
tion  of  Mr.  Seward  from  his  desk  and,  holding  it  up 
beside  that  of  Mr.  Chase,  remarked  to  a  personal  friend 
to  whom  he  had  briefly  sketched  the  situation, — 

357 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

"Now  I  can  ride.  I  have  got  a  pumpkin  in  each 
end  of  my  bag." 

A  few  moments  after  he  sat  down  at  his  desk,  with 
his  own  hand  made  two  copies  of  the  following  note, 
and  sent  one  to  Mr.  Seward  and  the  other  to  Mr.  Chase 
by  messenger: 

"  You  have  respectively  tendered  me  your  resignation 
as  Secretary  of  State  and  Secretary  of  the  Treasury  of 
the  United  States.  I  am  apprized  of  the  circumstances 
which  render  this  course  personally  desirable  to  each 
of  you;  but,  after  the  most  anxious  consideration,  my 
deliberate  judgment  is  that  the  public  interest  does  not 
admit  of  it.  I  therefore  have  to  request  that  you  will 
resume  the  duties  of  your  departments  respectively." 

Mr.  Seward  at  once  recognized  the  situation  and  wrote 
the  President,  saying,  "  I  have  cheerfully  resumed  the 
functions  of  this  department  in  obedience  to  your  com 
mand,"  and  sent  a  copy  of  the  note  to  the  Secretary  of 
the  Treasury. 

Mr.  Chase,  however,  was  not  so  frank.  He  realized 
that  he  had  made  a  serious  mistake,  and  by  his  duplicity 
had  lost  the  confidence  of  the  Republican  leaders  of  the 
Senate  as  well  as  that  of  his  colleagues  in  the  Cabinet. 
He  suspected  that  Mr.  Seward  had  somehow  obtained 
an  advantage  of  him,  and  he  was  not  sure  which  way  he 
had  better  turn;  so  he  asked  time  for  reflection,  and 
finally  wrote  a  long  letter  to  the  President  explaining 
his  situation  and  his  views,  and  concluded  by  saying  that 
he  thought  both  Mr.  Seward  and  himself  had  better 
retire.  He  did  not  send  the  letter  at  once,  but  held  it 
until  the  following  day;  and  when  he  learned  that 
Seward's  resignation  was  withdrawn,  enclosed  it  in 
another  note  stating  that,  while  he  had  not  changed  his 
views,  he  was  ready  to  resume  his  post  or  to  retire  from 
it  if,  in  the  judgment  of  the  President,  the  success  of 
the  administration  might  be  promoted  thereby. 

This  was  the  end  of  the  episode.    The  President  had 
358 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

cleared  up  the  misunderstanding  between  the  Cabinet 
and  the  Senate  and  the  members  of  his  own  official 
family  by  a  novel  expedient  which  is  often  adopted  to 
reconcile  quarrels  between  children,  but  was  altogether 
new  in  diplomacy  and  statesmanship.  Both  sides  to  the 
controversy  were  conscious  that  they  had  placed  them 
selves  in  the  wrong,  and,  even  under  their  chagrin,  must 
have  recognized  the  humor  of  the  situation  and  the  dip 
lomatic  skill  with  which  Lincoln  had  handled  it.  The 
President  himself  was  very  proud  of  his  triumph. 

"  I  do  not  see  how  it  could  have  been  better,"  he  said 
afterwards.  "  If  I  had  yielded  to  the  storm  and  dis 
missed  Seward,  the  thing  would  all  have  slumped  over 
one  way,  and  we  should  have  been  left  with  a  scanty 
handful  of  supporters.  When  Chase  gave  in  his  resig 
nation  I  saw  that  the  game  was  in  my  hands,  and  I  put 
it  through." 

In  this  case  and  frequently  throughout  his  administra 
tion  the  President  resorted  to  the  old-fashioned  and 
homely  but  sensible  methods  that  were  commonly  re 
sorted  to  on  the  frontier  to  settle  controversies  between 
neighbors  when  the  courts  were  scattered  and  litigation 
was  considered  disreputable.  They  were  new  in  the 
administration  of  a  government,  but  were  none  the  less 
effective. 

Lincoln  frequently  showed  that  he  could  easily  avoid 
a  direct  answer  and  evade  inquisitive  visitors  when  he 
thought  it  was  impolitic  to  make  known  his  opinions. 
One  of  the  latter  wanted  to  know  his  opinion  of  Sheri 
dan,  who  had  just  come  from  the  West  to  take  command 
of  the  cavalry  under  Grant.  Said  Lincoln,— 

"  I  will  tell  you  just  what  kind  of  a  chap  he  is.  He 
is  one  of  those  long-armed  fellows  with  short  legs  that 
can  scratch  his  shins  without  having  to  stoop  over  to 
do  so." 

One  day,  when  the  vain  boasting  of  a  certain  general 
was  the  subject  of  discussion,  Lincoln  was  "  reminded" 

359 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM  LINCOLN 

of  a  farmer  out  in  Illinois  who  was  in  the  habit  of  brag 
ging  about  everything  he  did  and  had  and  saw,  and 
particularly  about  his  crops.  While  driving  along  the 
road  during  the  haying  season,  he  noticed  one  of  his 
neighbors  hauling  a  load  of  hay  into  his  barn.  He  could 
not  resist  the  opportunity,  and  commenced  to  brag  about 
the  size  of  his  hay  crop,  which,  as  usual,  he  asserted 
to  be  larger  and  better  than  any  ever  before  known  in 
the  county.  After  he  had  finished  he  asked  what  kind 
of  a  crop  his  neighbor  had  put  in. 

"  The  biggest  crop  you  ever  see !"  was  the  prompt 
reply.  "  I've  got  so  much  hay  I  don't  know  what  to  do 
with  it.  I've  piled  up  all  I  can  out-doors  and  am  going 
to  put  the  rest  of  it  in  the  barn." 

Robert  Dale  Owen,  the  spiritualist,  once  read  the 
President  a  long  manuscript  on  an  abstruse  subject  with 
which  that  rather  erratic  person  loved  to  deal.  Lincoln 
listened  patiently  until  the  author  asked  for  his  opinion, 
when  he  replied,  with  a  yawn, — 

"  Well,  for  those  who  like  that  sort  of  thing,  I  should 
think  it  is  just  about  the  sort  of  thing  they  would  like." 

While  Lincoln  was  always  very  patient,  he  often 
adopted  droll  methods  for  getting  rid  of  bores.  The 
late  Justice  Cartter  of  the  Supreme  Court  of  the  Dis 
trict  of  Columbia  used  to  relate  an  incident  of  a  Phila 
delphia  man  who  called  at  the  White  House  so  fre 
quently  and  took  up  so  much  of  the  President's  time 
that  the  latter  finally  lost  his  patience.  One  day  when 
the  gentleman  was  particularly  verbose  and  persistent, 
and  refused  to  leave,  although  he  knew  that  important 
delegations  were  waiting,  Lincoln  arose,  walked  over 
•to  a  wardrobe  in  the  corner  of  the  cabinet  chamber, 
and  took  a  bottle  from  a  shelf.  Looking  gravely  at  his 
visitor,  whose  head  was  very  bald,  he  remarked, — 

"  Did  you  ever  try  this  stuff  for  your  hair  ?" 

"  No,  sir,  I  never  did." 

"  Well,"  remarked  Lincoln,  "  I  advise  you  to  try  it, 
360 


A   MASTER  IN   DIPLOMACY 

and  I  will  give  you  this  bottle.  If  at  first  you  don't 
succeed,  try,  try  again.  Keep  it  up.  They  say  it  will 
make  hair  grow  on  a  pumpkin.  Now  take  it  and  come 
back  in  eight  or  ten  months  and  tell  me  how  it  works." 

The  astonished  Philadelphian  left  the  room  instantly 
without  a  word,  carrying  the  bottle  in  his  hand,  and 
Judge  Cartter,  coming  in  with  the  next  delegation,  found 
the  President  doubled  up  with  laughter  at  the  success 
of  his  strategy.  Before  he  could  proceed  to  business 
the  story  had  to  be  told. 

"  His  skill  in  parrying  troublesome  questions  was 
wonderful,"  said  Mr.  Chauncey  M.  Depew.  "  I  was  in 
Washington  at  a  critical  period  of  the  war,  when  the 
late  John  Ganson,  of  Buffalo,  one  of  the  ablest  lawyers 
in  our  State,  and  who,  though  elected  as  a  Democrat, 
supported  all  Mr.  Lincoln's  war  measures,  called  on  him 
for  explanations.  Mr.  Ganson  was  very  bald,  with  a 
perfectly  smooth  face,  and  had  a  most  direct  and  aggres 
sive  way  of  stating  his  views  or  of  demanding  what  he 
thought  he  was  entitled  to.  He  said,— 

"  '  Mr.  Lincoln,  I  have  supported  all  of  your  meas 
ures  and  think  I  am  entitled  to  your  confidence.  We  are 
voting  and  acting  in  the  dark  in  Congress,  and  I  demand 
to  know — I  think  I  have  the  right  to  ask  and  to  know— 
what  is  the  present  situation  and  what  are  the  prospects 
and  conditions  of  the  several  campaigns  and  armies/ 

"  Mr.  Lincoln  looked  at  him  quizzically  for  a  moment, 
and  then  said,  '  Ganson,  how  clean  you  shave !' 

"  Most  men  would  have  been  offended,  but  Ganson 
was  too  broad  and  intelligent  a  man  not  to  see  the  point 
and  retire  at  once,  satisfied,  from  the  field." 

Senator  Fessenden  came  from  the  Capitol,  one  day, 
in  a  terrible  rage  because  Mr.  Lincoln  had  made  cer 
tain  promises,  in  matters  of  patronage,  which  he  con 
sidered  unjust  to  himself,  and  reproached  and  de 
nounced  the  President  in  intemperate  language.  Mr. 
Lincoln  made  no  explanation  or  reply,  but  listened 

361 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

calmly  until  the  fury  of  the  storm  was  spent,  when, 
in  his  droll  way,  he  inquired, — 

"  You  are  an  Episcopalian,  aren't  you,  Fessenden?" 

"  Yes,  sir.     I  belong  to  that  church." 

"  I  thought  so.  You  Episcopalians  all  swear  alike. 
Seward  is  an  Episcopalian;  Stanton  is  a  Presby 
terian.  You  ought  to  hear  him  swear."  And  he  con 
tinued  to  describe  the  several  varieties  of  swearing  and 
the  nice  distinctions  between  different  kinds  of  profan 
ity  in  the  most  philosophical  manner,  until  Fessenden's 
fury  was  extinguished  and  he  could  discuss  the  reasons 
for  the  offensive  appointment  in  a  rational  manner. 

A  visitor  once  asked  Lincoln  how  many  men  the 
rebels  had  in  the  field. 

He  replied,  very  seriously,  "  Twelve  hundred  thou 
sand,  according  to  the  best  authority." 

"  Good  heavens !" 

"  Yes,  sir,  twelve  hundred  thousand — no  doubt  of  it. 
You  see,  all  of  our  generals,  when  they  get  whipped,  say 
the  enemy  outnumbers  them  from  three  or  five  to  one, 
and  I  must  believe  them.  We  have  four  hundred  thou 
sand  men  in  the  field,  and  three  times  four  make  twelve. 
Don't  you  see  it?" 

When  the  Sherman  expedition  which  captured  Port 
Royal  went  out  there  was  a  great  curiosity  to  know 
where  it  had  gone.  A  person  with  ungovernable  curios 
ity  asked  the  President  the  destination. 

"  Will  you  keep  it  entirely  secret  ?"  asked  the  Presi 
dent. 

"  Oh,  yes,  upon  my  honor." 

"  Well,"  said  the  President,  "  I  will  tell  you."  As 
suming  an  air  of  great  mystery,  and  drawing  the  man 
close  to  him,  he  kept  him  waiting  the  revelation  with 
great  anxiety,  and  then  said  in  a  loud  whisper,  which 
was  heard  all  over  the  room,  "  The  expedition  has  gone 
to— sea." 

A  gentleman  asked  Lincoln  to  give  him  a  pass  through 
362 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

the  Federal  lines  in  order  to  visit  Richmond.  "  I  should 
be  very  happy  to  oblige  you,"  said  the  President,  "  if  my 
passes  were  respected;  but  the  fact  is,  within  the  past 
two  years  I  have  given  passes  to  Richmond  to  two  hun 
dred  and  fifty  thousand  men  and  not  one  has  got  there 
yet." 

A  New  York  firm  applied  to  Lincoln  some  years 
before  he  became  President  for  information  as  to  the 
financial  standing  of  one  of  his  neighbors.  This  was  the 
answer : 

"  Yours  of  the  loth  received.  First  of  all,  he  has  a 
wife  and  baby ;  together  they  ought  to  be  worth  $500,000 
to  any  man.  Secondly,  he  has  an  office  in  which  there 
is  a  table  worth  $1.50  and  three  chairs  worth,  say,  $i. 
Last  of  all  there  is  in  one  corner  a  large  rat  hole,  which 
will  bear  looking  into.  Respectfully, 

"  A.  LINCOLN." 

A  certain  Senator  once  called  at  the  White  House  to 
persuade  Lincoln  to  issue  an  order  to  the  Secretary  of 
War  to  pay  a  constituent  of  his  a  considerable  sum  of 
money  for  services  which  clearly  he  had  not  rendered, 
the  amount  being  claimed  on  the  ground  that  he  would 
have  rendered  them  if  he  had  been  permitted  to  do  so. 
Lincoln  heard  the  statement  of  facts  and  the  argument 
with  his  usual  patience  and  rendered  his  decision  as 
follows : 

"  Years  ago  when  imprisonment  for  debt  was  legal  in 
some  States  a  poor  fellow  was  sent  to  jail  by  his  cred 
itors  and  compelled  to  serve  out  his  debt  at  the  rate 
of  a  dollar  and  a  half  per  day.  Knowing  the  exact 
amount  of  the  debt,  he  carefully  calculated  the  time  he 
would  be  required  to  serve.  When  the  sentence  had 
expired  he  informed  his  jailer  of  the  fact,  and  asked  to  be 
released.  The  jailer  insisted  upon  keeping  him  four  days 
longer.  Upon  making  up  his  statement,  however,  he 
found  that  the  man  was  right,  and  that  he  had  served 

363 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

four  days  longer  than  his  sentence  required.  The  pris 
oner  then  demanded  not  only  a  receipt  in  full  of  his 
debt,  but  also  payment  for  four  days'  extra  service, 
amounting  to  six  dollars,  which  he  declared  the  county 
owed  him. 

"  Now,"  said  Lincoln,  "  I  think  your  client  has  just 
about  as  good  a  claim  for  the  money  as  he  had." 

"  I  am  very  much  of  your  opinion,  Mr.  President," 
said  the  Senator,  soberly,  as  he  retired. 

Mr.  Charles  A.  Dana,  Assistant  Secretary  of  War, 
says,  "A  spy  whom  we  employed  to  report  to  us  the 
proceedings  of  the  Confederate  government  and  its 
agents,  and  who  passed  continually  between  Richmond 
and  St.  Catherines,  reporting  at  the  War  Department 
upon  the  way,  had  come  in  from  Canada  and  had  put 
into  my  hands  an  important  despatch  from  Mr.  Clement 
C.  Clay,  Jr.,  addressed  to  Mr.  Benjamin.  Of  course 
the  seal  was  broken  and  the  paper  read  immediately.  It 
showed  unequivocally  that  the  Confederate  agents  in 
Canada  were  making  use  of  that  country  as  a  starting- 
point  for  warlike  raids  which  were  to  be  directed  against 
frontier  towns  like  St.  Albans  in  Vermont.  Mr.  Stanton 
thought  it  important  that  this  despatch  should  be  re 
tained  as  a  ground  of  reclamation  to  be  addressed  to 
the  British  government.  It  was  on  a  Sunday  that  it 
arrived,  and  he  was  confined  to  his  house  by  a  cold.  At 
his  direction  I  went  over  to  the  President  and  made  an 
appointment  with  him  to  be  at  the  Secretary's  office 
after  church.  At  the  appointed  time  he  was  there,  and 
I  read  the  despatch  to  them.  Mr.  Stanton  stated  the 
reasons  why  it  should  be  retained,  and  before  deciding 
the  question  Mr.  Lincoln  turned  to  me,  saying, — 

'"  Well,  Dana?' 

"  I  observed  to  them  that  this  was  a  very  important 
channel  of  communication,  and  that  if  we  stopped  such 
a  despatch  as  this  it  was  at  the  risk  of  never  obtaining 
any  more  information  through  that  means. 

364 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

Oh,'  said  the  President,  '  I  think  you  can  manage 
that.  Capture  the  messenger,  take  the  despatch  from 
him  by  force,  put  him  in  prison,  and  then  let  him  escape. 
If  he  has  made  Benjamin  and  Clay  believe  his  lies  so 
far,  he  won't  have  any  difficulty  in  telling  them  new 
ones  that  will  answer  for  this  case/ 

'  This  direction  was  obeyed.  The  paper  was  sealed 
up  again  and  was  delivered  to  its  bearer.  General 
Augur,  who  commanded  the  District,  was  directed  to 
look  for  a  Confederate  messenger  at  such  a  place  on 
the  road  that  evening.  The  man  was  arrested,  brought 
to  the  War  Department,  searched,  the  paper  found  upon 
him  and  identified,  and  he  was  committed  to  the  Old 
Capitol  Prison.  He  made  his  escape  about  a  week  later, 
being  fired  upon  by  the  guard.  A  large  reward  for  his 
capture  was  advertised  in  various  papers  East  and  West, 
and  when  he  reached  St.  Catherines  with  his  arm  in  a 
sling,  wounded  by  a  bullet  which  had  passed  through 
it,  his  story  was  believed  by  Messrs.  Clay  and  Jacob 
Thompson,  or,  at  any  rate,  if  they  had  any  doubts  upon 
the  subject,  they  were  not  strong  enough  to  prevent  his 
carrying  their  messages  afterward. 

'  The  last  time  I  saw  Mr.  Lincoln  to  speak  with  him," 
continued  Mr.  Dana,  "  was  in  the  afternoon  of  the  day 
of  his  murder.  The  same  Jacob  Thompson  was  the 
subject  of  our  conversation.  I  had  received  a  report 
from  the  Provost-Marshal  of  Portland,  Maine,  saying 
that  Jacob  Thompson  was  to  be  in  that  town  that  night 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  the  steamer  for  Liverpool,  and 
what  orders  had  the  Department  to  give  ?  I  carried  the 
telegram  to  Mr.  Stanton.  He  said  promptly,  '  Arrest 
him ;'  but  as  I  was  leaving  his  room  he  called  me  back, 
adding,  '  You  had  better  take  it  over  to  the  President/ 
It  was  now  between  four  and  five  o'clock  in  the  after 
noon  and  business  at  the  White  House  was  completed 
for  the  day.  I  found  Mr.  Lincoln  with  his  coat  off,  in 
a  closet  attached  to  his  office,  washing  his  hands. 

365 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

'  Halloo,  Dana,'  said  he,  as  I  opened  the  door,  '  what  is 
it  now  ?'  '  Well,  sir/  I  said,  '  here  is  the  Provost-Mar 
shal  of  Portland,  who  reports  that  Jacob  Thompson  is 
to  be  in  that  town  to-night,  and  inquires  what  orders  we 
have  to  give.'  '  What  does  Stanton  say  ?'  he  asked. 
'  Arrest  him,'  I  replied.  '  Well,'  he  continued,  drawl 
ing  his  words,  '  I  rather  guess  not.  When  you  have  an 
elephant  on  hand,  and  he  wants  to  run  away,  better  let 
him  run.' ': 

When  a  friend  brought  to  his  attention  the  fact  that 
Secretary  Chase  was  seeking  the  nomination  for  Presi 
dent,  the  President  accepted  the  announcement  with  the 
utmost  good-^humor,  and  said, — 

"  My  half-brother  was  once  ploughing  corn  on  a 
Kentucky  farm.  I  was  driving  the  horse  and  he  holding 
the  plough.  The  horse  was  lazy,  but  on  one  occasion 
rushed  across  the  field  so  fast  that  I,  even  with  my  long 
legs,  could  hardly  keep  pace  with  him.  On  reaching  the 
end  of  the  furrow,  I  found  an  enormous  chin-fly  fastened 
upon  him,  and  knocked  him  off.  My  brother  asked  me 
what  I  did  that  for.  I  told  him  I  didn't  want  the  old 
horse  bitten  in  that  way.  '  Why,'  said  he,  '  that's  what 
makes  him  go.'  If  Mr.  Chase  has  a  Presidential  chin-fly 
biting  him,  I'm  not  going  to  knock  him  off,  if  it  will 
only  make  his  department  go." 

Coming  into  the  President's  room  one  day,  Mr.  Stan- 
ton  said  that  he  had  received  a  telegram  from  General 
Mitchell,  in  Alabama,  asking  instructions.  He  did  not 
quite  understand  the  situation  down  there,  but,  having 
full  confidence  in  Mitchell's  judgment,  had  answered, 
"All  right;  go  ahead." 

"  Now,  Mr.  President,"  he  added,  "  if  I  have  made  an 
error,  I  shall  have  to  get  you  to  countermand  the  order." 

"  Once  at  the  cross-roads  down  in  Kentucky,  when  I 
was  a  boy,  a  particularly  fine  horse  was  to  be  sold,"  re 
plied  Lincoln.  "  They  had  a  small  boy  to  ride  him  up 
and  down.  One  man  whispered  to  the  boy  as  he  went 

366 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

by,  '  Look  here,  boy,  hain't  that  horse  got  splints  ?'  The 
boy  replied,  '  Mister,  I  don't  know  what  splints  is ;  but 
if  it's  good  for  him  he's  got  it,  and  if  it  ain't  good  for 
him  he  ain't  got  it.'  Now,"  added  Lincoln,  "  I  under 
stand  that  if  this  is  good  for  Mitchell  it's  all  right,  but 
if  it's  not  I  have  got  to  countermand  it." 

To  a  deputation  who  urged  that  his  Cabinet  should 
be  reconstructed  after  the  retirement  of  Secretary  Cam 
eron,  the  President  told  this  story :  "  Gentlemen,  when  I 
was  a  young  man  I  used  to  know  very  well  one  Joe 
Wilson,  who  built  himself  a  log  cabin  not  far  from 
where  I  lived.  Joe  was  very  fond  of  eggs  and  chickens, 
and  he  took  a  very  great  deal  of  pains  in  fitting  up  a 
poultry  shed.  Having  at  length  got  together  a  choice 
lot  of  young  fowls, — of  which  he  was  very  proud, — he 
began  to  be  much  annoyed  by  the  depredations  of  those 
little  black-and-white-spotted  animals  which  it  is  not 
necessary  to  name.  One  night  Joe  was  awakened  by 
an  unusual  cackling  and  fluttering  among  his  chickens. 
Getting  up,  he  crept  out  to  see  what  was  going  on.  It 
was  a  bright  moonlight  night,  and  he  soon  caught  sight 
of  half  a  dozen  of  the  little  pests,  which,  with  their  dam, 
were  running  in  and  out  of  the  shadow  of  the  shed. 
Very  wrathy,  Joe  put  a  double  charge  into  his  old 
musket  and  thought  he  would  '  clean  out'  the  whole 
tribe  at  one  shot.  Somehow  he  only  killed  one,  and 
the  balance  scampered  off  across  the  field.  In  telling 
the  story  Joe  would  always  pause  here  and  hold  his 
nose.  'Why  didn't  you  follow  them  up  and  kill  the 
rest  ?'  inquired  his  neighbors.  '  Blast  it,'  said  Joe,  '  it 
was  eleven  weeks  before  I  got  over  killin'  one.  If  you 
want  any  more  skirmishing  in  that  line  you  can  do  it 
yourselves !' ' 

On  one  occasion  some  of  Lincoln's  friends  were  talk 
ing  of  the  diminutive  stature  of  Stephen  A.  Douglas, 
and  an  argument  as  to  the  proper  length  of  a  man's  legs. 
During  the  discussion  Lincoln  came  in,  and  it  was 

367 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

agreed  that  the  question  should  be  referred  to  him  for 
decision. 

"  Well,"  said  he,  reflectively,  "  I  should  think  a  man  s 
legs  ought  to  be  long  enough  to  reach  from  his  body  to 
the  ground." 

A  day  or  two  before  his  inauguration  a  delegation  of 
merchants  and  bankers  who  had  been  sent  to  the  Peace 
Congress  called  upon  Lincoln  to  remonstrate  against  the 
use  of  force  to  restrain  the  South,  and  to  plead  for  a 
conciliatory  policy  towards  the  slave-holders.  Mr. 
William  E.  Dodge  declared  that  the  whole  world  was 
anxiously  awaiting  the  inaugural  address,  and  added, 
"  It  is  for  you,  sir,  to  say  whether  the  nation  shall  be 
plunged  into  bankruptcy,  and  whether  the  grass  shall 
grow  in  the  streets  of  our  commercial  cities." 

"  Then  I  say  it  shall  not,"  Lincoln  answered  coolly, 
with  a  twinkle  in  his  eye.  "If  it  depends  upon  me,  the 
grass  will  not  grow  anywhere  except  in  the  fields  and 
meadows." 

"  Then  you  must  yield  to  the  just  demands  of  the 
South,"  declared  Mr.  Dodge.  "  You  must  leave  her  to 
control  her  own  institutions.  You  will  admit  slave 
States  into  the  Union  on  the  same  conditions  as  free 
States.  You  will  not  go  to  war  on  account  of  slavery." 
A  sad  but  stern  expression  swept  over  Lincoln's  face. 
"  I  do  not  know  that  I  understand  your  meaning,  Mr. 
Dodge,"  he  answered,  without  raising  his  voice ;  "  nor 
do  I  know  what  my  acts  or  my -opinions  may  be  in  the 
future,  beyond  this.  If  I  ever  come  to  the  great  office  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  I  shall  take  an  oath. 
I  shall  swear  that  I  will  faithfully  execute  the  office  of 
the  President  of  the  United  States,  and  that  I  will,  to 
the  best  of  my  ability,  preserve,  protect,  and  defend  the 
Constitution  of  the  United  States.  That  is  a  great  and 
solemn  duty.  With  the  support  of  the  people  and  the 
assistance  of  the  Almighty  I  shall  undertake  to  perform 
it.  It  is  not  the  Constitution  as  I  should  like  to  have 

368 


A   MASTER   IN   DIPLOMACY 

it,  but  as  it  is,  that  is  to  be  defended.  The  Constitution 
will  be  preserved  and  defended  until  it  is  enforced  and 
obeyed  in  every  part  of  every  one  of  the  United  States. 
It  must  be  so  respected,  obeyed,  and  enforced  and  de 
fended,  let  the  grass  grow  where  it  may." 

In  1862  the  people  of  New  York  City  feared  bom 
bardment  by  Confederate  cruisers,  and  public  meetings 
were  held  to  consider  the  gravity  of  the  situation. 
Finally  a  delegation  of  fifty  gentlemen,  representing 
hundreds  of  millions  of  dollars,  was  selected  to  go  to 
Washington  and  persuade  the  President  to  detail  a  gun 
boat  to  protect  their  property.  David  Davis,  while  on 
the  Supreme  Bench,  went  to  the  White  House  and  pre 
sented  them  to  the  President. 

Mr.  Lincoln  heard  them  attentively,  much  impressed, 
apparently,  by  the  "  hundreds  of  millions."  When  they 
had  concluded,  he  said, — 

"  Gentlemen,  I  am,  by  the  Constitution,  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  Army  and  the  Navy  of  the  United  States, 
and  as  a  matter  of  law  I  can  order  anything  to  be  done 
that  is  practicable  to  be  done.  I  am  in  command  of  the 
gunboats  and  ships  of  war;  but,  as  a  matter  of  fact,  I 
do  not  know  exactly  where  they  are.  I  presume  they 
are  actively  engaged,  and  it  therefore  is  impossible  for 
me  to  furnish  you  a  gunboat.  The  credit  of  the  govern 
ment  is  at  a  very  low  ebb;  greenbacks  are  not  worth 
more  than  forty  or  fifty  cents  on  the  dollar,  and  in  this 
condition  of  things,  if  I  were  worth  half  as  much  as 
you  gentlemen  are  represented  to  be,  and  as  badly  fright 
ened  as  you  seem  to  be,  I  would  build  a  gunboat  and 
give  it  to  the  government." 

Judge  Davis  said  he  never  saw  one  hundred  millions 
sink  to  such  insignificant  proportions  as  it  did  when  the 
delegation  left  the  White  House. 


24  369 


X 

LINCOLN'S  PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND  RELIGION 

ABRAHAM  LINCOLN  has  left  us  abundant  testimony  in 
words  and  works  of  his  code  of  morals  and  religious 
creed.  He  was  a  man  of  keen  perception  of  right  and 
wrong,  of  acute  conscience  and  deep  religious  sentiment, 
although  he  was  not  "  orthodox."  He  declined  to  join 
a  church  because  of  conscientious  scruples.  He  would 
not  confess  a  faith  that  was  not  in  him.  His  reason 
forbade  him  to  accept  some  of  the  doctrines  taught  by 
the  Baptist  and  Christian  churches,  to  which  his  parents 
belonged,  and  the  Presbyterian  denomination,  of  which 
his  wife  was  a  member.  Nevertheless,  he  was  regular 
and  reverential  in  his  attendance  upon  worship.  Shortly 
after  his  marriage  he  rented  a  pew  in  the  First  Presby 
terian  Church  of  Springfield,  and  occupied  it  with  his 
wife  and  children  at  the  service  each  Sunday  morning 
unless  detained  by  illness.  In  Washington  he  was  an 
habitual  attendant  of  the  New  York  Avenue  Presbyte 
rian  Church,  and  his  pastor,  the  Reverend  Dr.  Gurley, 
who  was  also  his  intimate  friend,  tells  us  that  he  was 
"  a  true  believer"  and  "  entirely  without  guile."  One  of 
Lincoln's  mental  traits  was  his  inability  to  accept  or 
put  aside  a  proposition  until  he  understood  it.  His  con 
science  required  him  to  see  his  way  clearly  before 
making  a  start,  and  his  honesty  of  soul  would  not  allow 
him  to  make  a  pretence  that  was  not  well  founded.  No 
consideration  or  argument  would  induce  him  to  abandon 
a  line  of  conduct  or  accept  a  theory  which  his  analytical 
powers  or  sense  of  caution  taught  him  to  doubt. 

From  his  mother  he  inherited  a  rigid  honesty  which 
was  demanded  by  public  opinion  in  early  days  and  was 
the  safeguard  of  the  frontier.  There  were  no  locks  upon 

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PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

the  cabin  doors  nor  upon  the  stables.  A  man  who  com 
mitted  a  theft  would  not  be  tolerated  in  a  community, 
and  if  he  took  a  horse  or  a  cow  or  any  article  which 
was  necessary  for  the  sustenance  of  a  family  he  was 
outlawed,  if  he  escaped  with  his  life.  Merchants  never 
thought  of  locking  up  their  stores,  and  often  left  them 
entirely  unprotected  for  days  at  a  time  while  they  went 
to  the  nearest  source  of  supply  to  replenish  their  stock 
or  were  absent  for  other  reasons.  If  their  patrons  found 
no  one  to  serve  them,  they  helped  themselves,  and,  as 
prices  varied  little  from  year  to  year,  they  were  able  to 
judge  for  themselves  of  the  value  of  the  goods,  and 
reported  the  purchase  and  paid  the  bill  the  next  time 
they  found  the  merchant  at  home. 

When  Abraham  Lincoln  was  clerking  for  Denton 
Offutt,  he  walked  three  miles  one  evening  after  the  store 
was  closed  to  return  a  sixpence  which  had  been  over 
paid.  On  another  occasion  he  gave  four  ounces  for  half 
a  pound  of  tea  and  delivered  the  difference  before  he 
slept.  For  this  and  other  acts  of  the  same  sort  he  became 
known  as  "  Honest  Old  Abe,"  but  he  was  no  more  con 
spicuous  for  that  quality  than  many  of  his  neighbors. 
He  was  the  type  and  representative  of  a  community 
which  not  only  respected  but  required  honesty,  and  were 
extremely  critical  and  intolerant  towards  moral  delin 
quencies.  Accustomed  all  their  lives  to  face  danger  and 
grapple  with  the  mysterious  forces  of  nature,  their  per 
sonal  and  moral  courage  were  qualities  without  which 
no  man  could  be  a  leader  or  have  influence.  A  liar,  a 
coward,  a  swindler,  and  an  insincere  man  were  detected 
and  branded  with  public  contempt.  Courage  and  truth 
were  commonplace  and  recognized  as  essential  to  man 
hood. 

Abraham  Lincoln's  originality,  fearlessness,  and  self- 
confidence,  his  unerring  perceptions  of  right  and  wrong, 
made  him  a  leader  and  gave  him  an  influence  which 
other  men  did  not  have.  He  was  born  in  the  same  pov- 

371 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

erty  and  ignorance,  he  grew  up  in  the  same  environment, 
and  his  muscles  were  developed  by  the  same  labor  as 
his  neighbors',  but  his  mental  powers  were  much  keener 
and  acute,  his  ambition  was  much  higher,  and  a  con 
sciousness  of  intellectual  superiority  sustained  him  in  his 
efforts  to  rise  above  his  surroundings  and  take  the  place 
his  genius  warranted.  Throughout  his  entire  life  he 
adhered  to  the  code  of  the  frontier.  As  a  lawyer  he 
would  not  undertake  a  case  unless  it  was  a  good  one. 
He  often  said  he  was  a  very  poor  man  on  a  poor  case. 
His  sense  of  justice  had  to  be  aroused  before  he  could 
do  his  best.  If  his  client  were  wrong,  he  endeavored  to 
settle  the  dispute  the  best  way  he  could  without  going 
into  court;  if  the  evidence  had  been  misrepresented  to 
him,  he  would  throw  up  the  case  in  the  midst  of  the 
trial  and  return  the  fee.  The  public  knowledge  of  that 
fact  gave  him  great  influence  with  the  courts  and  kept 
bad  clients  away  from  him. 

To  a  man  who  once  offered  him  a  case  the  merits  of 
which  he  did  not  appreciate,  he  made,  according  to  his 
partner,  Mr.  Herndon,  the  following  response : 

"  Yes,  there  is  no  reasonable  doubt  that  I  can  gain 
your  case  for  you.  I  can  set  a  whole  neighborhood  at 
loggerheads ;  I  can  distress  a  widowed  mother  and  her 
six  fatherless  children,  and  thereby  get  for  you  six  hun 
dred  dollars  which  rightly  belong,  it  appears  to  me,  as 
much  to  them  as  it  does  to  you.  I  shall  not  take,  your 
case,  but  I  will  give  you  a  little  advice  for  nothing.  You 
seem  a  sprightly,  energetic  man.  I  would  advise  you  to 
try  your  hand  at  making  six  hundred  dollars  in  some 
other  way." 

He  carried  this  code  of  morals  into  the  Legislature, 
and  there  are  several  current  anecdotes  of  his  refusal  to 
engage  in  schemes  that  were  not  creditable.  On  one 
occasion  a  caucus  was  held  for  consultation  over  a 
proposition  Lincoln  did  not  approve.  The  discussion 
lasted  until  midnight,  but  he  took  no  part  in  it.  Finally, 

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PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

an  appeal  was  made  to  him  by  his  colleagues,  who 
argued  that  the  end  would  justify  the  means.  Lincoln 
closed  the  debate  and  denned  his  own  position  by 
saying,— 

"  You  may  burn  my  body  to  ashes  and  scatter  them 
to  the  winds  of  heaven ;  you  may  drag  my  soul  down 
to  the  regions  of  darkness  and  despair  to  be  tormented 
forever ;  but  you  will  never  get  me  to  support  a  measure 
which  I  believe  to  be  wrong,  although  by  doing  so  I 
may  accomplish  that  which  I  believe  to  be  right." 

Lincoln  did  not  often  indulge  in  hysterical  declama 
tion,  but  that  sentence  is  worth  quoting  because  it  con 
tains  his  moral  code. 

As  President  he  was  called  upon  to  deliver  a  repri 
mand  to  an  officer  who  had  been  tried  by  court-martial 
for  quarrelling.  It  was  probably  the  "  gentlest,"  say  his 
biographers,  Nicolay  and  Hay,  "ever  recorded  in  the 
annals  of  penal  discourses."  It  was  as  follows : 

"  The  advice  of  a  father  to  his  son,  '  Beware  of  en 
trance  to  a  quarrel,  but,  being  in,  bear  it  that  the  op 
posed  may  beware  of  thee !'  is  good,  but  not  the  best. 
Quarrel  not  at  all.  No  man  resolved  to  make  the  most 
of  himself  can  spare  time  for  personal  contention.  Still 
less  can  he  afford  to  take  all  the  consequences,  including 
the  vitiating  of  his  temper  and  the  loss  of  self-control. 
Yield  larger  things  to  which  you  can  show  no  more 
than  equal  right,  and  yield  lesser  ones,  though  clearly 
your  own.  Better  give  your  path  to  a  dog  than  be  bitten 
by  him  in  contesting  for  the  right.  Even  killing  the 
dog  would  not  cure  the  bite." 

Even  as  a  boy  in  Indiana  he  acquired  a  reputation 
for  gentleness,  kindness,  and  good-nature.  He  was  ap 
pealed  to  by  people  in  trouble,  and  his  great  physical 
strength  and  quick  intelligence  made  him  a  valuable  aid 
on  all  occasions.  Once  he  saved  the  life  of  the  town 
drunkard,  whom  he  found  freezing  by  the  roadside  on 
a  winter  night.  Picking  him  up  in  his  arms,  he  carried 

373 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

him  to  the  nearest  tavern  and  worked  over  him  until 
he  revived.  The  people  who  lived  in  the  neighborhood 
of  Gentryville,  Indiana,  and  New  Salem,  Illinois,  where 
his  early  life  was  spent,  have  many  traditions  of  his 
unselfishness  and  helpful  disposition.  He  chopped  wood 
for  poor  widows  and  sat  up  all  night  with  the  sick;  if 
a  wagon  stuck  in  the  mud,  he  was  always  the  first  to 
offer  assistance,  and  his  powerful  arms  were  equal  to 
those  of  any  three  men  in  the  town.  When  he  was 
living  at  the  Rutledge  tavern  at  New  Salem  he  was 
always  willing  to  give  up  his  bed  to  a  traveller  when 
the  house  was  full,  and  to  sleep  on  a  counter  in  his  store. 
He  never  failed  to  be  present  at  a  "  moving,"  and  would 
neglect  his  own  business  to  help  a  neighbor  out  of  diffi 
culty.  His  sympathetic  disposition  and  tender  tact 
enabled  him  to  enter  the  lives  of  the  people  and  give 
them  assistance  without  offence,  and  he  was  never  so 
happy  as  when  he  was  doing  good. 

His  religious  training  was  limited.  His  father  and 
mother,  while  in  Kentucky,  belonged  to  the  sect  known 
as  Free-will  Baptists,  and  when  they  went  to  Indiana 
they  became  members  of  the  Predestinarian  Church,  as 
it  was  called ;  not  from  any  change  in  belief,  but  because 
it  was  the  only  denomination  in  the  neighborhood.  Pub 
lic  worship  was  very  rare,  being  held  only  when  an 
itinerant  preacher  visited  that  section.  Notice  of  his 
approach  would  be  sent  throughout  the  neighborhood 
for  twenty  miles  around,  and  the  date  would  be  fixed  as 
far  in  advance  as  possible.  When  the  preacher  appeared 
he  would  find  the  entire  population  gathered  in  camp  at 
the  place  of  meeting,  which  was  usually  at  cross-roads 
where  there  were  fodder  for  the  horses  and  water  for 
man  and  beast.  After  morning  preaching  people  from 
the  same  neighborhood  or  intimate  acquaintances  would 
gather  in  groups,  open  their  lunch-baskets,  and  picnic 
together.  At  the  afternoon  service  children  and  "  con 
fessors"  would  be  baptized,  and  towards  night  the  party 

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PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

would  separate  for  their  homes,  refreshed  in  faith  and 
uplifted  in  spirit. 

When  Thomas  Lincoln  removed  to  Illinois  he  united 
with  the  Christian  church  commonly  called  "  Campbell- 
ites,"  and  in  that  faith  he  died. 

Abraham  Lincoln's  belief  was  clear  and  fixed  so  far 
as  it  went,  but  he  rejected  important  dogmas  which  are 
considered  essential  to  salvation  by  some  of  the  evan 
gelistic  denominations.  "  Whenever  any  church  will  in 
scribe  over  its  altar  as  a  qualification  for  membership 
the  Saviour's  statement  of  the  substance  of  the  law  and 
Gospel,  '  Thou  shall  love  the  Lord  thy  God  with  all  thy 
heart,  and  with  all  thy  soul,  and  with  all  thy  mind,  and 
thy  neighbour  as  thyself/  that  church  will  I  join  with 
all  my  heart  and  soul." 

He  was  an  habitual  reader  of  the  Bible.  He  was 
more  familiar  with  its  contents  than  most  clergymen, 
and  considered  it  the  highest  example  of  literature  in 
existence  as  well  as  the  highest  code  of  morals, 
study  of  the  Bible  and  familiarity  with  its  pages  are 
shown  in  his  literary  style  and  frequent  quotations.  In 
1864  he  wrote  his  old  friend,  Joshua  Speed,  '  E  am 
profitably  engaged  reading  the  Bible.  Take  all  of  this 
book  upon  reason  that  you  can  and  the  balance  upon 
faith  and  you  will  live  and  die  a  better  man." 

He  had  no  sympathy  with  theologians.  He  frequently 
declared  that  it  was  blasphemy  for  a  preacher  to  "  twist 
the  words  of  Christ  around  so  as  to  sustain  his  own 
doctrine,"  and  often  remarked  that  "  the  more  a  man 
knew  of  theology  the  farther  he  got  away  from  the  true 
spirit  of  Christ." 

"  John,"  he  one  day  said  to  a  friend,  it  depends  a 
great  deal  how  you  state  a  case.  When  Daniel  Webster 
did  it,  it  was  half  argument.  Now,  you  take  the  subject 
of  predestination,  for  example.  You  may  state  it  one 
way  and  you  cannot  make  much  out  of  it;  you  state  i 
another  and  it  seems  quite  reasonable." 

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THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

When  he  was  a  young  man  at  New  Salem  in  1834 
Thomas  Paine's  "  Age  of  Reason"  and  Volney's 
"  Ruines"  made  a  great  impression  upon  him,  and  he 
prepared  a  review  of  these  books,  which  it  is  supposed 
he  intended  to  read  before  a  literary  society  that  had 
been  organized  in  the  neighborhood.  His  friend,  Samuel 
Hill,  with  his  old-fashioned  notions  of  atheism,  got 
hold  of  the  manuscript  and  burned  it.  Lincoln  was  quite 
indignant  at  the  time,  but  afterwards  admitted  that  Hill 
had  done  him  a  service.  This  incident  has  often  been 
cited  as  evidence  that  Lincoln  was  an  agnostic,  just  as 
other  incidents  in  his  life  have  been  used  to  prove  that 
he  was  a  spiritualist,  and  still  others  that  he  was  a  Free 
mason;  but  he  was  none  of  them.  He  commended 
Masonry,  but  never  joined  that  order;  his  inquisitive 
mind  led  him  to  investigate  certain  spiritualistic  phe 
nomena,  and  his  essay  at  New  Salem  was  nothing  more 
than  a  presentation  of  the  views  of  two  famous  unbe 
lievers  without  personal  endorsement. 

Like  Napoleon,  Wellington,  Bismarck,  and  other 
famous  men,  Lincoln  was  very  superstitious.  That  pe 
culiarity  appeared  frequently  during  his  life.  Even  to 
the  very  day  of  his  death,  as  related  in  Chapter  VII., 
he  told  his  Cabinet  and  General  Grant  of  a  dream  which 
he  was  accustomed  to  have  before  important  events  in 
the  war.  A  curious  incident  is  related  in  his  own  lan 
guage  : 

"  A  very  singular  occurrence  took  place  the  day  I  was 
nominated  at  Chicago,  four  years  ago,  of  which  I  am 
reminded  to-night.  In  the  afternoon  of  the  day,  return 
ing  home  from  down  town,  I  went  upstairs  to  Mrs. 
Lincoln's  reading-room.  Feeling  somewhat  tired,  I  lay 
down  upon  a  couch  in  the  room,  directly  opposite  a 
bureau,  upon  which  was  a  looking-glass.  As  I  reclined, 
my  eye  fell  upon  the  glass,  and  I  saw  distinctly  two 
images  of  myself,  exactly  alike,  except  that  one  was  a 
little  paler  than  the  other.  I  arose,  and  lay  down  again 

376 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

with  the  same  result.    It  made  me  quite  uncomfortable 
for  a  few  moments,  but,  some  friends  coming  in    the 
matter  passed  out  of  my  mind.     The  next  day,  while 
walking  on  the  street,  I  was  suddenly  reminded  of  the 
circumstance,  and  the  disagreeable  sensation  produced 
by  it  returned.     I  had  never  seen  anything  of  the  kind 
before,  and  did  not  know  what  to  make  of  it.     I  deter 
mined  to  go  home  and  place  myself  in  the  same  position, 
and  if  the  same  effect  was  produced,  I  would  make  up 
my  mind  that  it  was  the  natural  result  of  some  principle 
of  refraction  of  optics  which  I  did  not  understand,  and 
dismiss  it.     I  tried  the  experiment,  with  a  like  result; 
and,  as  I  had  said  to  myself,  accounting  for  it  on  some 
principle  unknown  to  me,  it  ceased  to  trouble  me.     But 
some  time  ago  I  tried  to  produce  the  same  effect  here 
by  arranging  a  glass  and  couch  in  the  same  position, 
without  success." 

He  did  not  say,  at  this  time,  that  either  he  or  Mrs. 
Lincoln  attached  any  significance  to  the  phenomenon, 
but  it  is  known  that  Mrs.  Lincoln  regarded  it  as  a  sign 
that  the  President  would  be  re-elected. 

President  Lincoln  once  invited  a  famous  medium  to 
display  his  alleged  supernatural  powers  at  the  White 
House,  several  members  of  the  Cabinet  being  present. 
For  die  first  half-hour  the  demonstrations  were  of  a 
physical  character.  At  length  rappings  were  heard  be 
neath  the  President's  feet,  and  the  medium  stated  that  an 
Indian  desired  to  communicate  with  him. 

"  I  shall  be  happy  to  hear  what  his  Indian  majesty 
has  to  say,"  replied  the  President,  "  for  I  have  very 
recently  received  a  deputation  of  our  red  brethren,  and 
it^  was  the  only  delegation,  black,  white,  or  blue,  which 
did  not  volunteer  some  advice  about  the  conduct  of 
the  war." 

The  medium  then  called  for  a  pencil  and  paper,  which 
were  laid  upon  the  table  and  afterwards  covered  with  a 
handkerchief.  Presently  knocks  were  heard  and  the 

377 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

paper  was  uncovered.    To  the  surprise  of  all  present,  it 
read  as  follows : 

"Haste  makes  waste,  but  delays  cause  vexations. 
Give  vitality  by  energy.  Use  every  means  to  subdue. 
Proclamations  are  useless.  Make  a  bold  front  and  fight 
the  enemy ;  leave  traitors  at  home  to  the  care  of  loyal 
men.  Less  note  of  preparation,  less  parade  and  policy 
talk,  and  more  action. — Henry  Knox." 

"  That  is  not  Indian  talk/'  said  the  President.  "  Who 
is  Henry  Knox?" 

The  medium,  speaking  in  a  strange  voice,  replied, 
"  The  first  Secretary  of  War." 

"Oh,  yes;  General  Knox,"  said  the  President. 
"  Stanton,  that  message  is  for  you ;  it  is  from  your 
predecessor.  I  should  like  to  ask  General  Knox  when 
this  rebellion  will  be  put  down." 

The  answer  was  oracularly  indefinite.  The  medium 
then  called  up  Napoleon,  who  thought  one  thing,  Lafay 
ette  another,  and  Franklin  differed  from  both. 

"  Ah !"  exclaimed  the  President ;  "  opinions  differ 
among  the  saints  as  well  as  among  the  sinners.  Their 
talk  is  very  much  like  the  talk  of  my  Cabinet.  I  should 
like,  if  possible,  to  hear  what  Judge  Douglas  says  about 
this  war,"  said  the  President. 

After  an  interval,  the  medium  rose  from  his  chair 
and,  resting  his  left  hand  on  the  back,  his  right  into  his 
bosom,  spoke  in  a  voice  no  one  could  mistake  who  had 
ever  heard  Mr.  Douglas.  He  urged  the  President  to 
throw  aside  all  advisers  who  hesitated  about  the  policy 
to  be  pursued,  and  said  that,  if  victory  were  followed  up 
by  energetic  action,  all  would  be  well. 

"I  believe  that,"  said  the  President,  "whether  it 
comes  from  spirit  or  human.  It  needs  not  a  ghost  from 
the  bourne  from  which  no  traveller  returns  to  tell  that." 

His  taint  of  superstition,  like  his  tendency  to  melan 
choly,  was  doubtless  inherited  from  his  ancestors  and 
was  shared  by  all  sensitive  people  whose  lives  were 

378 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

spent  in  the  mysterious  solitude  and  isolation  of  the 
Western  frontier.  It  is  manifested  by  the  denizens  of 
the  forests,  the  mountains,  and  the  plains,  and  wherever 
else  sensitive  natures  are  subjected  to  loneliness  and  the 
company  of  their  own  thoughts.  Lincoln's  mind  was 
peculiarly  sensitive  to  impressions;  his  nature  was  in 
tensely  sympathetic,  his  imagination  was  vivid,  and  his 
observation  was  keen  and  comprehensive.  With  all  his 
candor,  he  was  reticent  and  secretive  in  matters  that 
concerned  himself,  and  the  struggle  of  his  early  life,  his 
dismal  and  depressing  surroundings,  the  death  of  his 
mother,  and  the  physical  conditions  in  which  he  was 
born  and  bred  were  just  the  influences  to  develop  the 
morbid  tendency  which  was  manifested  on  several  occa 
sions  in  such  a  manner  as  to  cause  anxiety  and  even 
alarm  among  his  friends.  He  realized  the  danger  of 
submitting  to  it,  and  the  cure  invented  and  prescribed 
by  himself  was  to  seek  for  the  humorous  side  of  every 
event  and  incident  and  to  read  all  the  humorous  books 
he  could  find. 

His  poetic  temperament  was  developed  early  and  fre 
quently  manifested  while  he  was  in  the  White  House. 
He  loved  melancholy  as  well  as  humorous  poems.  He 
could  repeat  hymns  by  the  hundreds,  and  quoted  Dr. 
Watts'  and  John  Wesley's  verses  as  frequently  as  he 
did  Shakespeare  or  Petroleum  V.  Nasby  or  Artemas 
Ward.  His  favorite  poem  was  "  Oh !  Why  should  the 
Spirit  of  Mortal  be  Proud." 

Judge  Weldon,  of  the  Court  of  Claims,  remembers 
the  first  time  he  heard  him  repeat  it.  "  It  was  during  a 
term  of  court,  in  the  same  year,  at  Lincoln,  a  little  town 
named  for  Mr.  Lincoln.  We  were  all  stopping  at  the 
hotel,  which  had  a  very  big  room  with  four  beds,  called 
the  lawyers'  room.  Some  of  us  thin  fellows  doubled  up ; 
but  I  remember  that  Judge  Davis,  who  was  as  large 
then  as  he  was  afterwards,  when  a  Justice  of  the  Su 
preme  Bench,  always  had  a  bed  to  himself.  Mr.  Lincoln 

379 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

was  an  early  riser,  and  one  morning,  when  up  early,  as 
usual,  and  dressed,  he  sat  before  the  big  old-fashioned 
fireplace  and  repeated  aloud  from  memory  that  whole 
hymn.  Somebody  asked  him  for  the  name  of  the  author ; 
but  he  said  he  had  never  been  able  to  learn  who  wrote 
it,  but  wished  he  knew.  There  were  a  great  many 
guesses,  and  some  said  that  Shakespeare  must  have 
written  it.  But  Mr.  Lincoln,  who  was  better  read  in 
Shakespeare  than  any  of  us,  said  that  they  were  not 
Shakespeare's  words.  I  made  a  persistent  hunt  for  the 
author,  and  years  after  found  the  hymn  was  written  by 
an  Englishman,  William  Knox,  who  was  born  in  1789 
and  died  in  1825." 

All  his  life  Lincoln  was  a  temperance  man.  His  first 
essay  was  a  plea  for  temperance.  His  second  was  a 
eulogy  of  the  Declaration  of  Independence.  He  be 
longed  to  the  Sons  of  Temperance  in  Springfield,  and 
frequently  made  temperance  speeches.  Judge  Weldon 
remembers  that  he  was  once  in  Mr.  Douglas's  room  at 
Springfield  when  Lincoln  entered,  and,  following  the 
custom,  Mr.  Douglas  produced  a  bottle  and  some  glasses 
and  asked  his  callers  to  join  him  in  a  drink.  Lincoln 
declined  on  the 'ground  that  for  thirty  years  he  had  been 
a  temperance  man  and  was  too  old  to  change.  Leonard 
Swett  says, — 

"  He  told  me  not  more  than  a  year  before  he  was 
elected  President  that  he  had  never  tasted  liquor  in  his 
life.  '  What !'  I  said,  '  Do  you  mean  to  say  that  you 
never  tasted  it?'  '  Yes/  he  replied,  '  I  never  tasted  it.' ' 

In  one  of  his  speeches  is  found  this  assertion :  "  Rea 
sonable  men  have  long  since  agreed  that  intemperance 
is  one  of  the  greatest,  if  not  the  greatest,  of  all  evils  of 
mankind." 

Mr.  C.  C.  Coffin,  a  famous  newspaper  writer  of  that 
time,  who  accompanied  the  notification  committee  from 
the  Chicago  Convention  to  Springfield,  related  in  his 
newspaper  a  few  days  later  an  incident  that  occurred  on 

380 


PHILOSOPHY,   MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

that  occasion.     He  says  that  after  the  exchange  of  for 
malities  Lincoln  said, — 

'  Mrs.  Lincoln  will  be  pleased  to  see  you,  gentle 
men.  You  will  find  her  in  the  other  room.  You  must 
be  thirsty  after  your  long  ride.  You  will  find  a  pitcher 
of  water  in  the  library/ 

"  I  crossed  the  hall  and  entered  the  library.  There 
were  miscellaneous  books  on  the  shelves,  two  globes, 
celestial  and  terrestrial,  in  the  corners  of  the  room,  a 
plain  table  with  writing  materials  upon  it,  a  pitcher  of 
cold  water,  and  glasses,  but  no  wines  or  liquors.  There 
was  humor  in  the  invitation  to  take  a  glass  of  water, 
which  was  explained  to  me  by  a  citizen,  who  said  that 
when  it  was  known  that  the  committee  was  coming, 
several  citizens  called  upon  Mr.  Lincoln  and  informed 
him  that  some  entertainment  must  be  provided. 

"  '  Yes,  that  is  so.  What  ought  to  be  done  ?  Just  let 
me  know  and  I  will  attend  to  it/  he  said. 

'  Oh,  we  will  supply  the  needful  liquors/  said  his 
friends. 

Gentlemen/  said  Mr.  Lincoln,  '  I  thank  you  for 
your  kind  intentions,  but  must  respectfully  decline  your 
offer.  I  have  no  liquors  in  my  house,  and  have  never 
been  in  the  habit  of  entertaining  my  friends  in  that  way. 
I  cannot  permit  my  friends  to  do  for  me  what  I  will  not 
myself  do.  I  shall  provide  cold  water — nothing  else/  " 

Colonel  John  Hay,  one  of  his  secretaries  and  biog 
raphers,  says,  "  Mr.  Lincoln  was  a  man  of  extremely 
temperate  habits.  He  made  no  use  of  either  whiskey  or 
tobacco  during  all  the  years  I  knew  him/' 

Mr.  John  G.  Nicolay,  his  private  secretary,  says, 
"  During  all  the  five  years  of  my  service  as  his  private 
secretary  I  never  saw  him  drink  a  glass  of  whiskey  and 
I  never  knew  or  heard  of  his  taking  one." 

There  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  Lincoln  believed 
in  a  special  Providence.  That  conviction  appears  fre 
quently  in  his  speeches  and  in  his  private  letters.  In 

381 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

the  correspondence  which  passed  between  him  and 
Joshua  Speed  during  a  period  of  almost  hopeless  de 
spondency  and  self-abasement,  Lincoln  frequently  ex 
pressed  the  opinion  that  God  had  sent  their  sufferings 
for  a  special  purpose.  When  Speed  finally  acknowl 
edged  his  happiness  after  marriage,  Lincoln  wrote,  "  I 
always  was  superstitious.  I  believe  God  made  me  one 
of  the  instruments  of  bringing  your  Fanny  and  you 
together,  and  which  union  I  have  no  doubt  He  had  fore 
ordained.  Whatever  He  designs  He  will  do  for  me  yet. 
Stand  still  and  see  the  salvation  of  the  Lord  is  my  text 
just  now." 

Later  in  life,  writing  to  Thurlow  Weed,  he  said, 
"  Men  are  not  flattered  by  being  shown  that  there  is  a 
difference  of  purpose  between  the  Almighty  and  them 
selves.  To  deny  it,  however,  in  this  case,  is  to  deny 
that  there  is  a  God  governing  the  world." 

In  one  of  his  speeches  he  said,  "  I  know  that  the  Lord 
is  always  on  the  side  of  the  right ;  but  it  is  my  constant 
anxiety  and  prayer  that  I  and  this  nation  should  be  on 
the  Lord's  side." 

When  he  learned  that  his  father  was  very  ill  and 
likely  to  die,  he  wrote  his  step-brother,  John  Johnston, 
regretting  his  inability  to  come  to  his  bedside  because 
of  illness  in  his  own  family,  and  added, — 

"  I  sincerely  hope  that  father  may  yet  recover  his 
health;  but,  at  all  events,  tell  him  to  remember  to  call 
upon  and  confide  in  our  great  and  good  and  merciful 
Maker,  who  will  not  turn  away  from  him  in  any  ex 
tremity.  He  notes  the  fall  of  a  sparrow,  and  numbers 
the  hairs  of  our  heads,  and  He  will  not  forget  the  dying 
man  who  puts  his  trust  in  Him.  Say  to  him  that  if  we 
could  meet  now  it  is  doubtful  whether  it  would  not  be 
more  painful  than  pleasant;  but  that  if  it  be  his  lot  to 
go  now,  he  will  soon  have  a  joyous  meeting  with  the 
many  loved  ones  gone  before,  and  where  the  rest  of  us, 
through  the  help  of  God,  hope  ere  long  to  join  them." 

382 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

At  Columbus,  Ohio,  he  said  to  the  Legislature  of  that 
State,  convened  in  joint  session  in  the  hall  of  the  Assem 
bly,  "  I  turn,  then,  and  look  to  the  American  people,  and 
to  that  God  who  has  never  forsaken  them." 

In  the  capital  of  New  Jersey,  to  the  Senate,  he  said, 
"  I  am  exceedingly  anxious  that  this  Union,  the  Consti 
tution,  and  the  liberties  of  the  people  shall  be  perpet 
uated  in  accordance  with  the  original  idea  for  which  the 
struggle  was  made,  and  I  shall  be  most  happy  indeed 
if  I  shall  be  an  humble  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the 
Almighty,  and  of  this,  His  almost  chosen  people,  for 
perpetuating  the  object  of  that  great  struggle." 

That  he  believed  in  the  efficacy  of  prayer  there  is 
no  doubt.  "  I  have  been  driven  many  times  to  my 
knees,"  he  once  remarked,  "  by  the  overwhelming  con 
viction  that  I  had  nowhere  else  to  go.  My  own  wisdom 
and  tfiat  of  all  about  me  seemed  insufficient  for  that 

day." 

A  clergyman  came  to  Washington  from  a  little  village 
in  Central  New  York  to  recover  the  body  of  a  gallant 
young  captain  who  had  been  killed  at  the  second  battle 
of  Bull  Run.  Having  accomplished  his  errand,  he  was 
presented  at  the  White  House  by  the  representative  from 
his  district.  The  Congressman  at  once  retired,  leaving 
him  alone  with  Lincoln,  who  asked  in  a  pleasant  tone 
what  he  could  do  for  his  visitor. 

"  I  have  not  come  to  ask  any  favors  of  you,  Mr.  Presi 
dent,"  the  latter  replied.  "  I  have  only  come  to  say  that 
the  loyal  people  of  the  North  are  sustaining  you  and 
will  continue  to  do  so.  We  are  giving  you  all  that  we 
have,— the  lives  of  our  sons  as  well  as  our  confidence 
and  our  prayers.  You  must  know  that  no  pious  father 
or  mother  ever  kneels  in  prayer  these  days^  without  ask 
ing  God  to  give  you  strength  and  wisdom." 

The  tears  filled  Lincoln's  eyes  as  he  thanked  his  vis 
itor  and  said,  "  But  for  those  prayers  I  should  have  fal 
tered  and  perhaps  failed  long  ago.  Tell  every  father 

383 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

and  mother  you  know  to  keep  on  praying  and  I  will  keep 
on  fighting,  for  I  am  sure  that  God  is  on  our  side." 

As  the  clergyman  started  to  leave  the  room,  Lincoln 
held  him  by  the  hand  and  said,  "  I  suppose  I  may  con 
sider  this  a  sort  of  pastoral  call." 

"  Yes/'  replied  the  clergyman. 

"  Out  in  our  country,"  continued  Lincoln,  "  when  a 
parson  made  a  pastoral  call  it  was  always  the  custom  for 
the  folks  to  ask  him  to  lead  in  prayer,  and  I  should  like 
to  ask  you  to  pray  with  me  to-day;  pray  that  I  may 
have  strength  and  wisdom."  The  two  men  knelt  side  by 
side  before  a  settee  and  the  clergyman  offered  the  most 
fervent  appeal  to  the  Almighty  Power  that  ever  fell 
from  his  lips.  As"  they  rose,  Lincoln  grasped  his  vis 
itor's  hand  and  remarked  in  a  satisfied  sort  of  way,  — 


In  July,  1863,  in  Washington,  D.  C.,  on  the  Sunday 
after  the  battle  of  Gettysburg,  General  Sickles,  who  had 
lost  a  leg,  was  brought  to  Washington.  Lincoln  called 
upon  him  at  the  hospital,  with  his  son  Tad,  and  remained 
an  hour  or  more.  He  greeted  Sickles  heartily  and  com 
plimented  him  on  his  stout  fight  at  Gettysburg.  Sickles 
asked  whether  he  was  not  anxious  during  the  Gettys 
burg  campaign.  Lincoln  gravely  replied  that  he  was 
not  ;  that  some  of  his  Cabinet  and  many  others  in  Wash 
ington  were,  but  that  he  himself  had  had  no  fears. 
General  Sickles  inquired  his  reasons.  Lincoln  hesitated, 
but  finally  replied,  — 

"  Well,  I  will  tell  you  how  it  was.  In  the  pinch  of 
your  campaign  up  there,  when  everybody  seemed  panic- 
stricken  and  nobody  could  tell  what  was  going  to 
happen,  I  went  into  my  room  one  day  and  locked  the 
door,  and  got  down  on  my  knees  before  Almighty  God 
and  prayed  to  Him  mightily  for  a  victory  at  Gettysburg. 
I  told  God  that  if  we  were  to  win  the  battle  He  must 
do  it,  for  I  had  done  all  I  could.  I  told  Him  this  was 
His  war,  and  our  cause  was  His  cause,  but  that  we 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

couldn't  stand  another  Fredericksburg  or  Chancellors- 
ville.  And  then  and  there  made  a  solemn  vow  to 
Almighty  God  that  if  He  would  stand  by  our  boys  at 
Gettysburg  I  would  stand  by  Him.  And  He  did,  and  I 
will.  And  after  that — I  don't  know  how  it  was,  and  I 
can't  explain  it,  but  soon — a  sweet  comfort  crept  into 
my  soul  that  things  would  go  all  right  at  Gettysburg, 
and  that  is  why  I  had  no  fears  about  you." 

Presently  General  Sickles  asked  what  news  he  had 
from  Vicksburg.  The  President  answered  that  he  had 
none  worth  mentioning,  but  that  Grant  was  still  "  peg 
ging  away"  down  there.  He  said  he  thought  a  good 
deal  of  him  as  a  general  and  was  not  going  to  remove 
him,  although  urged  to  do  so.  "  Besides,"  he  added, 
"  I  have  been  praying  over  Vicksburg  also,  and  believe 
our  Heavenly  Father  is  going  to  give  us  victory  there, 
too,  because  we  need  it  to  bisect  the  Confederacy  and 
have  the  Mississippi  flow  unvexed  to  the  sea." 

John  G.  Nicolay,  who  probably  knew  Lincoln  as  thor 
oughly  and  was  as  familiar  with  his  opinions  as  any  one, 
said, — 

"  I  do  not  remember  ever  having  discussed  religion 
with  Mr.  Lincoln,  nor  do  I  know  of  any  authorized 
statement  of  his  views  in  existence.  He  sometimes 
talked  freely,  and  never  made  any  concealment  of  his 
belief  or  unbelief  in  any  dogma  or  doctrine,  but  never 
provoked  religious  controversies.  I  speak  more  from 
his  disposition  and  habits  than  from  any  positive  dec 
laration  on  his  part.  He  frequently  made  remarks  about 
sermons  he  had  heard,  books  he  had  read,  or  doctrines 
that  had  been  advanced,  and  my  opinion  as  to  his  re 
ligious  belief  is  based  upon  such  casual  evidences. 
There  is  not  the  slightest  doubt  that  he  believed  in  a 
Supreme  Being  of  omnipotent  power  and  omniscient 
watchfulness  over  the  children  of  men,  and  that  this 
great  Being  could  be  reached  by  prayer.  Mr.  Lincoln 
was  a  praying  man ;  I  know  that  to  be  a  fact.  And  I 
25  385 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

sented  to  Lincoln's  injury.  In  those  days  people  were 
not  so  liberal  as  now,  and  any  one  who  criticised  a 
parson  was  considered  a  sceptic." 

The  refusal  of  the  Springfield  clergy  to  support  him 
for  President,  to  which  Mr.  Nicolay  refers,  gave  him 
great  concern,  and  he  expressed  himself  on  that  subject 
quite  freely  to  Mr.  Newton  Bateman,  Superintendent  of 
Public  Instruction  for  the  State  of  Illinois,  who  occu 
pied  a  room  adjoining  and  opening  into  the  Executive 
Chamber  at  Springfield,  which  Lincoln  used  as  an  office 
during  the  Presidential  campaign. 

"  Here  are  twenty-three  ministers  of  different  denom 
inations,"  he  said  to  Mr.  Bateman,  showing  a  polling 
list,  "  and  all  of  them  are  against  me  but  three,  and  here 
are  a  great  many  prominent  members  of  churches;  a 
very  large  majority  are  against  me.  Mr.  Bateman,  I  am 
not  a  Christian, — God  knows  I  would  be  one, — but  I 
have  carefully  read  the  Bible  and  I  do  not  so  understand 
this  book,"  and  he  drew  forth  a  pocket  New  Testament. 
"  These  men  well  know,"  he  continued,  "  that  I  am  for 
freedom  in  the  Territories,  freedom  everywhere  as  free 
as  the  Constitution  and  the  laws  will  permit,  and  that 
my  opponents  are  for  slavery.  They  know  this,  and 
yet,  with  this  book  in  their  hands,  in  the  light  of  which 
human  bondage  cannot  live  a  moment,  they  are  going  to 
vote  against  me;  I  do  not  understand  it  at  all. 

"  I  know  there  is  a  God,  and  that  He  hates  injustice 
and  slavery.  I  see  the  storm  coming,  and  I  know  that 
His  hand  is  in  it.  If  He  has  a  place  and  work  for  me, 
and  I  think  He  has,  I  believe  I  am  ready.  I  am  nothing, 
but  Truth  is  everything;  I  know  I  am  right,  because 
I  know  that  liberty  is  right,  for  Christ  teaches  it,  and 
Christ  is  God.  I  have  told  them  that  a  house  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand,  and  Christ  and  reason  say 
the  same,  and  they  will  find  it  so. 

"  Douglas  don't  care  whether  slavery  is  voted  up  or 
down,  but  God  cares,  and  humanity  cares,  and  I  care, 

388 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

and  with  God's  help  I  shall  not  fail-.  I  may  not  see  the 
end;  but  it  will  come,  and  I  shall:. be  vindicated,  and 
these  men  will  find  they  have  not-  read  their  Bible 
right/'  ; 

The  influence  of  the  Springfield  clergy  was,  however 
scarcely   noticeable.     Here  and   there   throughout   the 
country  some  religious  newspaper,  minister,  or  bigoted 
layman  opposed  his  election  on  that  pretext,   but  the 
numerical  strength  of  this  class  of  his  opponents  was 
very  small ;  and  after  the  inauguration  and  the  develop 
ment  of  the  secession  conspiracy  the  Springfield  preach 
ers,  like  other  Christian  people  from  one  end  of  the 
North  to  the  other,  displayed  their  patriotism.     As  the 
war  progressed  the  influence  of  the  entire  church,  Prot 
estant  and  Catholic,  was  given  to  the  support  of  the 
President,  except  occasionally  when  some  extreme  anti- 
slavery  community  would  condemn  what  they  consid 
ered  the  procrastination  of  the  President  concerning  the 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.     Scarcely  a  religious  body 
ever  met  without  adopting  resolutions  of  sympathy  and 
support,  and  no  manifestations  of  loyalty  and  approval 
throughout  the  entire  war  gave  him  greater  gratifica 
tion.     His  response  in  each  case  was  a  confession  of 
human  weakness  and  his  reliance  upon  Divine  Power. 

In  1863,  when  the  New  School  Presbyterians  em 
bodied  their  sentiments  of  loyalty  to  the  Union  in  an 
eloquent  memorial  to  the  President,  he  replied,  "  From 
the  beginning  I  saw  that  the  issues  of  our  great  struggle 
depended  upon  Divine  interposition  and  favor.  . 
Relying  as  I  do  upon  the  Almighty  power,  and  encour 
aged  as  I  am  by  these  resolutions  that  you  have  just 
read,"  etc. 

To  a  committee  of  the  General  Conference  of  the 
Methodist  Episcopal  church  in  1864  he  said,  "  It  is  no 
fault  in  others  that  the  Methodist  Church  sends  more 
soldiers  to  the  field,  more  nurses  to  the  hospitals,  more 
prayers  to  heaven  than  any  other.  God  bless  the  Meth- 

389 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

odist  Church !    Bless  all  the  churches ;   blessed  be  God 
who  in  this  great  trial  giveth  us  the  churches." 

To  the  Quakers  of  Iowa,  who  had  sent  him  an  address 
through  Senator  Harlan,  he  wrote,  "  It  is  most  cheering 
and  encouraging  for  me  to  know  that,  in  the  efforts 
which  I  have  made,  and  am  making,  for  the  restoration 
of  a  righteous  peace  to  our  country,  I  am  upheld  and 
sustained  by  the  good  wishes  and  prayers  of  God's 
people.  No  one  is  more  deeply  aware  than  myself  that 
without  His  favor  our  highest  wisdom  is  but  as  foolish 
ness,  and  that  our  most  strenuous  efforts  would  avail 
nothing  in  the  shadow  of  His  displeasure." 

One  of  the  most  significant  of  the  President's  letters, 
in  which  he  expresses  himself  with  less  than  his  usual 
reserve,  was  written  to  Mrs.  Gurney,  wife  of  an  eminent 
preacher  of  the  English  Society  of  Friends,  in  the 
autumn  of  1864 :  "  I  am  much  indebted  to  the  good 
Christian  people  of  the  country  for  their  constant  prayers 
and  consolations,  and  to  no  one  of  them  more  than  to 
yourself.  The  purposes  of  the  Almighty  are  perfect, 
and  must  prevail,  though  we  erring  mortals  may  fail  to 
accurately  perceive  them  in  advance.  We  hoped  for  a 
happy  termination  of  this  terrible  war  long  before  this ; 
but  God  knows  best,  and  has  ruled  otherwise.  We 
shall  yet  acknowledge  His  wisdom  and  our  own  error 
therein.  Meanwhile  we  must  work  earnestly  in  the  best 
lights  He  gives  us,  trusting  that  so  working  still  con 
duces  to  the  great  ends  He  ordains." 

Being  requested  to  preside  at  a  meeting  of  the  Chris 
tian  Commission  held  in  Washington  on  February  22, 
1863,  he  wrote,  "Whatever  shall  tend  to  turn  our 
thoughts  from  the  unreasoning  and  uncharitable  pas 
sions,  prejudices,  and  jealousies  incident  to  a  great 
national  trouble  such  as  ours,  and  to  fix  them  on  the 
vast  and  long-enduring  consequences,  for  weal  or  for 
woe,  which  are  to  result  from  the  struggle,  and  espe 
cially  to  strengthen  our  reliance  on  the  Supreme  Being 

390 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

for  the  final  triumph  of  the  right,  cannot  but  be  well  for 

us  all." 

Mr.  Herndon,  his  law  partner,  remembers  that  he 
often  said  that  his  creed  was  the  same  as  that  of  an  old 
man  named  Glenn,  whom  he  heard  speak  at  an  expe 
rience  meeting  in  Indiana:  "When  I  do  good,  I  feel 
good,  and  when  I  do  bad,  I  feel  bad;  and  that's  my 
religion." 

Hay  and  Nicolay,  his  secretaries,  in  their  biography 
say,  "  Lincoln  was  a  man  of  profound  and  intense  relig 
ious   feeling.     We  have  no  purpose  of  attempting  to 
formulate  his  creed ;   we  question  if  he  himself  ever  did 
so.     We  only  have  to  look  at  his  authentic  public  and 
private  utterances  to  see  how  deep  and  strong  in  all  the 
latter  part  of  his  life  was  the  current  of  his  religious 
thought  and  emotion.    He  continually  invited  and  appre 
ciated  at  their  highest  value  the  prayers  of  good  people. 
The  pressure  of  the  tremendous  problems  by  which  he 
was  surrounded;    the  awful  moral  significance  of  the 
conflict  in  which  he  was  the  chief  combatant ;   the  over 
whelming  sense  of  personal  responsibility,  which  never 
left  him  for  an  hour, — all  contributed  to  produce,  in  a 
temperament  naturally  serious  and  predisposed  to  a  spir 
itual  view  of  life  and  conduct,  a  sense  of  reverent  accept 
ance  of  the  guidance  of  a  Superior  Power.     From  that 
morning  when,   standing  amid  the   falling  snow-flakes 
on  the  railway  car  at  Springfield,  he  asked  the  prayers 
of  his  neighbors  in  those  touching  phrases  whose  echo 
rose  that  night  in  invocations  from  thousands  of  family 
altars,  to  the  memorable  hour  when  on  the  steps  of  the 
National  Capitol  he  humbled  himself  before  his  Creator 
in  the  sublime  words  of  the  second  inaugural,  there  is 
not  an  expression  known  to  have  come  from  his  lips  or 
his  pen  but  proves  that  he  held  himself  answerable  in 
every  act  of  his  career  to  a  more  august  tribunal  than 
any  on  earth.    The  fact  that  he  was  not  a  communicant 
of  any  church,  and  that  he  was  singularly  reserved  in 

39i 


THE   TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

regard  to  his  personal  religious  life,  gives  only  the 
greater  force  to  these  striking  proofs  of  his  profound 
reverence  and  faith. 

"  In  final  substantiation  of  this  assertion  we  publish 
two  papers  from  the  hand  of  the  President,  one  official 
and  the  other  private,  which  bear  within  themselves  the 
imprint  of  a  sincere  devotion  and  a  steadfast  reliance 
upon  the  power  and  benignity  of  an  overruling  Provi 
dence.  The  first  is  an  order  which  he  issued  on  the 
i6th  of  November,  1862,  on  the  observance  of  Sunday : 

"  '  The  President,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army 
and  Navy,  desires  and  enjoins  the  orderly  observance  of 
the  Sabbath  by  the  officers  and  men  in  the  military  and 
naval  service.  The  importance  for  man  and  beast  of 
the  prescribed  weekly  rest,  the  sacred  rights  of  Christian 
soldiers  and  sailors,  a  becoming  deference  to  the  best 
sentiment  of  a  Christian  people,  and  a  due  regard  for 
the  Divine  will  demand  that  Sunday  labor  in  the  army 
and  navy  be  reduced  to  a  measure  of  strict  necessity. 
The  discipline  and  character  of  the  national  forces 
should  not  suffer,  nor  the  cause  they  defend  be  imper 
illed,  by  the  profanation  of  the  day  or  name  of  the  Most 
High.' 

"  In  September,  1862,  while  his  mind  was  burdened 
with  the  weightiest  question  of  his  life,  wearied  with 
all  the  considerations  of  law  and  expediency  with  which 
he  had  been  struggling  for  two  years,  he  retired  within 
himself  and  tried  to  bring  some  order  into  his  thoughts 
by  rising  above  the  wrangling  of  men  and  of  parties  and 
pondering  the  relations  of  human  government  to  the 
Divine.  In  this  frame  of  mind,  absolutely  detached 
from  any  earthly  considerations,  he  wrote  this  medita 
tion.  It  has  never  been  published.  It  was  not  written 
to  be  seen  of  men.  It  was  penned  in  the  awful  sincerity 
of  a  perfectly  honest  soul  trying  to  bring  itself  into 
closer  communion  with  its  Maker: 

1  The  will  of  God  prevails.    In  great  contests  each 
392 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

party  claims  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  God. 
Both  may  be  and  one  must  be  wrong.  God  cannot  be 
for  and  against  the  same  thing  at  the  same  time.  In 
the  present  civil  war  it  is  quite  possible  that  God's  pur 
pose  is  something  different  from  the  purpose  of  either 
party;  and  yet  the  human  instrumentalities,  working 
just  as  they  do,  are  of  the  best  adaptation  to  effect  His 
purpose.  I  am  almost  ready  to  say  that  this  is  probably 
true;  that  God  wills  this  contest,  and  wills  that  it  shall 
not  end  yet.  By  His  mere  great  power  on  the  minds  of 
the  contestants,  He  could  have  either  saved  or  destroyed 
the  Union  without  a  human  contest.  Yet  the  contest 
began,  and,  having  begun,  He  could  give  the  final  vic 
tory  to  either  side  any  day.  Yet  the  contest  proceeds.'  " 

On  September  22,  1862,  at  a  Cabinet  meeting,  Lincoln 
submitted  his  determination  to  issue  a  proclamation  of 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.  He  said  that  his  mind  was 
fixed,  his  decision  made,  and  therefore  he  did  not  ask 
the  opinion  of  his  advisers  as  to  the  act,  but  he  wished 
his  paper  announcing  his  course  to  be  as  correct  in 
terms  as  it  could  be  made  without  any  change  in  his 
determination.  That  is  the  recollection  of  Mr.  Welles, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  who  in  his  diary  refers  to 
Lincoln's  "  Covenant  with  God,"  as  follows : 

"  In  the  course  of  the  discussion  on  this  paper,  which 
was  long,  earnest,  and,  on  the  general  principle  involved, 
harmonious,  he  remarked  that  he  had  made  a  vow — a 
covenant — that  if  God  gave  us  the  victory  in  the  ap 
proaching  battle,  he  would  consider  it  an  indication  of 
Divine  will,  and  that  it  was  his  duty  to  move  forward  in 
the  cause  of  emancipation.  It  might  be  thought  strange, 
he  said,  that  he  had  in  this  way  submitted  the  disposal  of 
matters  when  the  way  was  not  clear  to  his  mind  what  he 
should  do.  God  had  decided  this  question  in  favor  of 
the  slaves.  He  was  satisfied  it  was  right, — was  con 
firmed  and  strengthened  in  his  action  by  the  vow  and  the 
results." 

393 


THE  TRUE  ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

regard  to  his  personal  religious  life,  gives  only  the 
greater  force  to  these  striking  proofs  of  his  profound 
reverence  and  faith. 

"  In  final  substantiation  of  this  assertion  we  publish 
two  papers  from  the  hand  of  the  President,  one  official 
and  the  other  private,  which  bear  within  themselves  the 
imprint  of  a  sincere  devotion  and  a  steadfast  reliance 
upon  the  power  and  benignity  of  an  overruling  Provi 
dence.  The  first  is  an  order  which  he  issued  on  the 
i6th  of  November,  1862,  on  the  observance  of  Sunday : 

"  '  The  President,  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Army 
and  Navy,  desires  and  enjoins  the  orderly  observance  of 
the  Sabbath  by  the  officers  and  men  in  the  military  and 
naval  service.  The  importance  for  man  and  beast  of 
the  prescribed  weekly  rest,  the  sacred  rights  of  Christian 
soldiers  and  sailors,  a  becoming  deference  to  the  best 
sentiment  of  a  Christian  people,  and  a  due  regard  for 
the  Divine  will  demand  that  Sunday  labor  in  the  army 
and  navy  be  reduced  to  a  measure  of  strict  necessity. 
The  discipline  and  character  of  the  national  forces 
should  not  suffer,  nor  the  cause  they  defend  be  imper 
illed,  by  the  profanation  of  the  day  or  name  of  the  Most 
High/ 

"  In  September,  1862,  while  his  mind  was  burdened 
with  the  weightiest  question  of  his  life,  wearied  with 
all  the  considerations  of  law  and  expediency  with  which 
he  had  been  struggling  for  two  years,  he  retired  within 
himself  and  tried  to  bring  some  order  into  his  thoughts 
by  rising  above  the  wrangling  of  men  and  of  parties  and 
pondering  the  relations  of  human  government  to  the 
Divine.  In  this  frame  of  mind,  absolutely  detached 
from  any  earthly  considerations,  he  wrote  this  medita 
tion.  It  has  never  been  published.  It  was  not  written 
to  be  seen  of  men.  It  was  penned  in  the  awful  sincerity 
of  a  perfectly  honest  soul  trying  to  bring  itself  into 
closer  communion  with  its  Maker: 

'  The  will  of  God  prevails.     In  great  contests  each 
392 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

party  claims  to  act  in  accordance  with  the  will  of  God. 
Both  may  be  and  one  must  be  wrong.  God  cannot  be 
for  and  against  the  same  thing  at  the  same  time.  In 
the  present  civil  war  it  is  quite  possible  that  God's  pur 
pose  is  something  different  from  the  purpose  of  either 
party;  and  yet  the  human  instrumentalities,  working 
just  as  they  do,  are  of  the  best  adaptation  to  effect  His 
purpose.  I  am  almost  ready  to  say  that  this  is  probably 
true;  that  God  wills  this  contest,  and  wills  that  it  shall 
not  end  yet.  By  His  mere  great  power  on  the  minds  of 
the  contestants,  He  could  have  either  saved  or  destroyed 
the  Union  without  a  human  contest.  Yet  the  contest 
began,  and,  having  begun,  He  could  give  the  final  vic 
tory  to  either  side  any  day.  Yet  the  contest  proceeds.'  " 

On  September  22,  1862,  at  a  Cabinet  meeting,  Lincoln 
submitted  his  determination  to  issue  a  proclamation  of 
emancipation  of  the  slaves.  He  said  that  his  mind  was 
fixed,  his  decision  made,  and  therefore  he  did  not  ask 
the  opinion  of  his  advisers  as  to  the  act,  but  he  wished 
his  paper  announcing  his  course  to  be  as  correct  in 
terms  as  it  could  be  made  without  any  change  in  his 
determination.  That  is  the  recollection  of  Mr.  Welles, 
the  Secretary  of  the  Navy,  who  in  his  diary  refers  to 
Lincoln's  '*  Covenant  with  God,"  as  follows : 

"  In  the  course  of  the  discussion  on  this  paper,  which 
was  long,  earnest,  and,  on  the  general  principle  involved, 
harmonious,  he  remarked  that  he  had  made  a  vow — a 
covenant — that  if  God  gave  us  the  victory  in  the  ap 
proaching  battle,  he  would  consider  it  an  indication  of 
Divine  will,  and  that  it  was  his  duty  to  move  forward  in 
the  cause  of  emancipation.  It  might  be  thought  strange, 
he  said,  that  he  had  in  this  way  submitted  the  disposal  of 
matters  when  the  way  was  not  clear  to  his  mind  what  he 
should  do.  God  had  decided  this  question  in  favor  of 
the  slaves.  He  was  satisfied  it  was  right,— was  con 
firmed  and  strengthened  in  his  action  by  the  vow  and  the 
results." 

393 


THE  TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

The  diary  of  Secretary  Chase  for  the  same  day  con 
tains  a  similar  account  of  the  same  discussion,  and 
quotes  the  President  as  saying, — 

"  When  the  rebel  army  was  at  Frederick,  I  deter 
mined,  as  soon  as  it  should  be  driven  out  of  Maryland, 
to  issue  a  proclamation  of  emancipation,  such  as  I 
thought  most  likely  to  be  useful.  I  said  nothing  to  any 
one,  but  I  made  the  promise  to  myself  and  [hesitating  a 
little]  to  my  Maker.  The  rebel  army  is  now  driven  out, 
and  I  am  going  to  fulfil  that  promise." 

Mr.  Usher,  the  Secretary  of  the  Interior,  says  that 
when  the  draft  of  the  Emancipation  Proclamation  was 
submitted  to  the  Cabinet,  Mr.  Chase  remarked, — 

"  This  paper  is  one  of  the  utmost  importance,  greater 
than  any  state  paper  ever  made  by  this  government.  A 
paper  of  so  much  importance,  and  involving  the  liberties 
of  so  many  people,  ought,  I  think,  to  make  some  refer 
ence  to  the  Deity.  I  do  not  observe  anything  of  the 
kind  in  it." 

Lincoln  said,  "  No ;  I  overlooked  it.  '  Some  reference 
to  the  Deity  must  be  inserted.  Mr.  Chase,  won't  you 
make  a  draft  of  what  you  think  ought  to  be  inserted?" 

Mr.  Chase  promised  to  do  so,  and  at  the  next  meeting 
presented  the  following : 

"  And  upon  this  act,  sincerely  believed  to  be  an  act 
of  justice,  warranted  by  the  Constitution  upon  military 
necessity,  I  invoke  the  considerate  judgment  of  man 
kind  and  the  gracious  favor  of  Almighty  God." 

When  Lincoln  read  the  paragraph,  Mr.  Chase  said, 
"  You  may  not  approve  it,  but  I  thought  this  or  some 
thing  like  it  would  be  appropriate." 

Lincoln  replied,  "  I  do  approve  it ;  it  cannot  be  bet 
tered,  and  I  will  adopt  it  in  the  very  words  you  have 
written." 

The  reader  has  perceived  from  these  pages  the 
strength  and  the  weakness  of  Abraham  Lincoln.  His 
errors  were  due  to  mercy  and  not  to  malice ;  to  prudence 

394 


PHILOSOPHY,  MORALS,  AND   RELIGION 

and  not  to  thoughtlessness  or  pride ;  to  deliberation  and 
not  to  recklessness.  Perhaps  he  might  have  shortened 
the  war  by  removing  McClellan  and  placing  in  command 
of  the  armies  before  Richmond  a  commander  of  greater 
force  and  energy;  perhaps  he  might  have  abolished 
human  bondage  by  earlier  action,  as  demanded  by  the 
antislavery  element  in  the  North ;  but  who  can  tell  what 
disasters  might  have  been  caused  by  impetuous  action? 
If  Grant,  Sherman,  and  Sheridan  had  been  at  his  side 
at  the  beginning  of  the  war,  history  might  have  been 
different. 

But  who  is  so  perfect  or  so  wise  as  to  judge  Abraham 
Lincoln  ? 

His  greatest  fault  was  his  inability  to  suppress  his 
sympathies.  He  once  said,  "  If  I  have  one  vice,  it  is 
not  being  able  to  say  '  No/  And  I  consider  it  a  vice. 
Thank  God  for  not  making  me  a  woman.  I  presume  if 
He  had  He  would  have  made  me  just  as  ugly  as  I  am, 
and  nobody  would  ever  have  tempted  me." 

On  another  occasion  he  said,  "  Some  of  our  generals 
complain  that  I  impair  discipline  and  encourage  insub 
ordination  in  the  army  by  my  pardons  and  respites; 
but  it  rests  me  after  a  hard  day's  work  if  I  can  find 
some  good  cause  for  saving  a  man's  life;  and  I  go  to 
bed  happy  as  I  think  how  joyous  the  signing  of  my  name 
will  make  him  and  his  family  and  his  friends." 

And  with  a  happy  smile  beaming  upon  his  careworn 
face,  he  again  signed  his  name  that  saved  another  life. 
It  was  his  theory  that  when  a  man  is  sincerely  penitent 
for  his  misdeeds  and  gives  satisfactory  evidence  of  it, 
he  can  safely  be  pardoned. 

An  old  lady  came  to  him  with  tears  in  her  eyes  to 
express  her  gratitude  for  the  pardon  of  her  son,  a  truant 
soldier. 

"  Good-by,  Mr.  Lincoln,"  she  said ;  "  I  shall  probably 
never  see  you  again  until  we  meet  in  heaven." 

He  was  deeply  moved.     He  took  her  right  hand  in 
395 


THE   TRUE   ABRAHAM   LINCOLN 

both  of  his  and  said,  "  I  am  afraid  with  all  my  troubles 
I  shall  never  get  to  that  resting-place  you  speak  of ;  but 
if  I  do,  I  am  sure  I  shall  find  you.  That  you  wish  me 
to  get  there  is,  I  believe,  the  best  wish  you  could  make 
for  me.  Good-by." 

To  his  oldest  and  most  intimate  friend  he  said, 
"  Speed,  die  when  I  may,  I  want  it  said  of  me  by  those 
who  know  me  best,  that  I  always  plucked  a  thistle  and 
planted  a  flower  when  I  thought  a  flower  would  grow." 

His  greatness  consisted  not  in  his  eloquence  as  an 
orator,  nor  his  shrewdness  as  a  lawyer,  nor  his  tact  as 
a  diplomatist,  nor  his  genius  in  planning  and  directing 
military  affairs,  nor  his  executive  ability,  but  in  his 
absolute  self-control,  his  unselfishness,  the  full  maturity 
of  his  wisdom,  the  strength  of  his  convictions,  his  sound 
judgment,  his  absolute  integrity,  his  unwavering  ad 
herence  to  the  principles  of  truth,  justice,  and  honor,  his 
humanity,  his  love  of  country,  his  sublime  faith  in  the 
people  and  in  Republican  institutions.  He  was  without 
malice  or  the  spirit  of  resentment,  without  envy  or 
jealousy,  and  he  suppressed  his  passions  to  a  degree 
beyond  that  of  most  men.  He  entered  the  Presidency 
with  an  inadequate  conception  of  his  own  responsibili 
ties,  but  when  he  saw  his  duty  he  did  it  with  courage, 
endurance,  magnanimity,  and  unselfish  devotion.  In  his 
eulogy  of  Lincoln,  uttered  a  few  days  after  the  assas 
sination,  Ralph  Waldo  Emerson  said, — 

"  He  grew  according  to  the  need ;  his  mind  mastered 
the  problem  of  the  day ;  and  as  the  problem  grew  so  did 
his  comprehension  of  it.  Rarely  was  a  man  so  fitted  to 
the  event. 

"  In  four  years — four  years  of  battle  days — his  en 
durance,  his  fertility  and  resources,  his  magnanimity, 
were  sorely  tried  and  never  found  wanting.  There,  by 
his  courage,  his  justice,  his  even  temper,  his  fertile  coun 
sel,  his  humanity,  he  stood  a  heroic  figure  in  the  centre 
of  an  heroic  epoch." 

396 


Index 


Acceptance,  Lincoln's  letter  of I57 

Adams,  Charles  Francis 354 

,  John  Quincy I44 

Address,  first  inaugural ^0 

— ,  second  inaugural gg 

Admitted  to  the  bar 6S 

Advice  to  young  lawyers 70,  82 

Alley,  John  B 54j  I75>  '2l6 

Amendment,  thirteenth,  adopted 337 

Ancestry  of  Lincoln !5 

Anderson,  General  Robert 231,  308 

Anecdotes  of  Lincoln,  29,  49,  69,  74,  81,  95,  128,  133,  141,  159, 

161,  164,  175,  178,  220,  222,  226,  234,  259,  278,  280,  290,  310, 

330,  343,  360 
Anger,  Lincoln's 54 

Appearance,  Lincoln's 48 

Argument,  Lincoln's  method  of 79,  86,  96,  100,  125 

Arrival  at  Washington,  Lincoln's 169 

Assassination   conspiracy 168 

of  Lincoln 311 

Atheism,  story  of  Lincoln's 376 

Autobiography,  Lincoln's 59 

Bailache,  William  H 170 

Baker,  Edward  D 54,  83,  134,  137,  169 

Bar,  early  practice  at 65,  66,  83 

Bateman,  Dr.  Newton 158,  388 

Bates,  Edward 181,  298 

Beecher,  Henry  Ward 190 

Berry  and  Lincoln 34,  63 

Bible,  Lincoln's  admiration  for 387 

Birthplace  of  Abraham  Lincoln 20 

Bixby,  letters  to  Mrs 51 

Black  Hawk  War 65,  229 

397 


INDEX 

Blair,  Francis  P 187 

,  Montgomery 181,  187,  191 

Bloomington  Convention 105,  149 

Books,   Lincoln's   early 56 

Boone,  Daniel,  related  to  Lincoln 16 

Booth,  John  Wilkes 3" 

Boutwell,  George  S 216 

Boyhood  of  Lincoln 21,  24,  60,  93 

Brown,  John 322 

Browning,  Oliver  H 39,  I34>  170 

Bryant,  William  Cullen 124 

Buchanan  Cabinet,  disloyalty  of 165 

sends  emissary  to  Lincoln 162 

Buell,  General 252 

Bull  Run,  battle  of 236 

Burns,  Lincoln's  love  of 288 

Burnside,  General 262 

Butler,  General  B.  F 273,  294,  323,  333 

Cabin  in  which  Lincoln  was  born 19 

Cabinet,  dissensions  of 186,  235,  356 

— ,  selection  of 174,  179,  193 

Calhoun,  John 35,  63 

Cameron,  Simon 193,  220,  238,  325 

Campaign  of,  Presidential,   1860 155 

Campaigning,  Lincoln's  method  of 96,  133 

Campaigns,  plans  of  military 249 

Campbell,  John  A 272 

Canal,  isthmus 334 

Candidate  for  Congress 137 

for  Legislature 129 

—  for  President 158 

for  Senate 146,  150 

Capacity  for  labor,  Lincoln's 279 

Capital,  removal  of  Illinois  State 135 

Cartter,  Judge 175,  360 

Cartwright,  Peter 138 

Cass,  General 23 1 

Chandler,  A.  B 53 

Character,  Lincoln's 14,  91,  370,  396 

398 


INDEX 

Chase,  Salmon  P 174,  204,  210,  216,  243,  340,  356 

Chicago  Convention  ( 1860) 158 

Chief-Justice,  Chase  appointed 216 

Children,  Lincoln's 46,  287 

— ,  Lincoln's  love  of  his 46 

Choate,  Joseph  H 125 

Christian  Commission 390 

Church,  Lincoln's  attendance  at 370 

Circuit,  following  the  judicial 67,  83 

Clergy,  opposition  of  Springfield 387 

Coffey,  Titian  J 184,  297 

Coles,  Edward,  Governor 315 

Colfax,  Schuyler 153,  182,  310,  330 

Colonization,  Lincoln  advocates  negro 333 

Confusion  in  government 186,  233 

Congress,  speeches  in 98,  145 

Congressional    campaign 137 

experience,  Lincoln's 139 

Conners,  Senator 55 

Contraband  question,  the  323 

Convention,  Bloomington 156 

,  Decatur 26,  149 

,  Illinois  State  (1860) 156 

-  of  1860,  National 27,  158 

Cooper  Institute  speech 86,  124,  321 

Courage,   Lincoln's 272 

Creed,    Lincoln's 391 

Dana,  Charles  A 227,  364 

Davis,  David 67,  83,  193,  369,  379 

,  Henry  Winter 187 

,  Jefferson 140,  231 

Death,    Lincoln's 3J3 

Debate,  Lincoln's  first 96 

-  with  Douglas 86,  100,  no,  114 

Debt,    Lincoln's 33 

Decatur  Convention 149 

Defeat  by  people,  Lincoln's  only 130 

Democracy,    Lincoln's 345 

Dennison,  William 193,  242 

399 


INDEX 

Depew,  Chauncey  M 85,  93,  281,  361 

Diplomacy,  Lincoln's  ability  in 342,  346,  351 

Diplomatist,  definition  of 342 

Disloyalty  in  Buchanan's  Cabinet 233 

Dodge,  William  E 368 

Douglas,  Stephen  A.,  40,  74,  83,  86,  100,  107,  114,  122,  134, 

151,  169,  320,  380 

Dreams,  Lincoln's 3°8 

Duel,    Lincoln's 42 

Earnings,  Lincoln's  first 24 

Eckert,  General 53,  227 

Education,  Lincoln's 58,91 

Edwards,  Ninian  W 4O 

Election  declared,  Lincoln's 166 

,  Presidential,  of  1860 161 

Electoral  vote  counted 166 

Emancipation  accomplished 335 

,  Lincoln's  ideas  of 3J9 

proclamation 183,  329,  335,  394 

Emerson,  Ralph  Waldo 396 

Emigration  of  Lincoln  family 17 

England,  diplomatic  relations  with 347?  35  * 

Essay,  Lincoln's  first 94 

Ethics,  Lincoln's  legal 7° 

Experience,  Lincoln's  legislative 135 

,  Congressional 139 

Farewell  to  Springfield  neighbors 47 

Faults,   Lincoln's 395 

Fees,  Lincoln's 45,  72 

Fenton,  Reuben  E 173 

Fessenden,  William  Pitt 214,  361 

Field,  Munsell  B 213 

First  dollar,  Lincoln's 24 

lawsuit,   Lincoln's 65 

Fish,   Hamilton 350 

Flatboat,  Lincoln's 32 

Foreign  policy 346 

Fortune,   Lincoln's 45 

400 


INDEX 

France,  diplomatic  relations  with 348 

"  Freeport  Doctrine,"  Douglas's 107,  120 

Fremont,  General  John  C 246 

Fremont,  Mrs 247 

Fry,  General  James  F 88,  221,  344 

Fugitive  slave  law 323 

Garrison,  William  Lloyd 290 

Genius,  Lincoln's  military 232,  249,  269 

Gentry,  Mr 25 

Gentryville,  Indiana 21,  25,  94 

Gettysburg  speech 86,  89 

Giddings,  Joshua  R 140 

Gilmer,  John  A 181 

God,  belief  in 370 

Governorship  of  Oregon,  offered 137 

Graham,  Menton 62 

Grammar,  Lincoln's  first 63 

Grant,  General 177,  232,  245,  252,  253,  260,  300,  308 

Greeley,  Horace 92,  284,  332 

Green,  General  Duff 162 

Gurley,  Rev.  Dr 313,  370 

Hahn,  letter  to  Governor 337 

Halleck,  General 191,  251 

Hanks,  Dennis 26 

• ,  John 23,  27,  32 

,  Nancy,  Lincoln's  mother 18,  22 

Harris,  Senator 31* 

Hay,  Colonel  John 88,  284,  311,  381 

Hayti,  recognition  of 328 

Herndon,  W.  H 33,  108,  372 

Holloway,  Commissioner  of  Patents 174 

Holmes's  poems,  Lincoln's  love  of 289 

Holt,  Judge- Advocate-General 293 

Home,  Lincoln's  first 19 

,  Lincoln's  second 20 

• ,  Lincoln's  third 21 

,  Lincoln's  fourth 26 

,  Lincoln's  fifth 44 

26  401 


INDEX 

Home,  Lincoln's  sixth 45 

life,  Lincoln's 45,  227,  284 

Honesty,  Lincoln's 34,  84,  371 

Hood's  poems,  Lincoln's  love  of 288 

Hooker,  General  Joseph 263 

"  House  divided  against  itself"  speech no 

Humor,  Lincoln's 5O,  93,  281,  344,  361 

Hunter,  General  David 247,  328 

Illinois  Central  Railroad,  litigation  with 72 

State  Convention  of  1860 156 

Inauguration,  Lincoln's  first 169 

,  Lincoln's  second 89 

Indiana,  migration  to 21 

Indiana,  Revised  Statutes  of 56 

Infidelity,  story  of  Lincoln's 376 

Invention,  Lincoln's 32 

Jefferson,  Joseph,  reminiscences  of 68 

Johnson,  Reverdy 76 

Johnston,  General  Albert  Sidney 231 

,  John,  Lincoln's  step-brother 23,  30,  32,  382 

,  Sally  Bush 23,  30 

Judd,  Norman  B 154,  188 

Judicial  procedure,  early 66 

Julian,  George  W 174,  225 

| 

Kasson,  John  A 223 

Kelso,  Jack 95 

Kernan,    Francis 296 

Kindness  of  heart,  Lincoln's 279,  292,  296 

! 

Lamon,    Ward 310 

Land  Office  Commissionership 143 

Law-books,  Lincoln's  first 57,  64 

Law,  how  he  came  to  study 56 

Lawyer,  Lincoln  becomes  a 64 

Learning,  Lincoln's  love  of 56,  78,  91 

Lee's  surrender 307 

402 


INDEX 

Legislature,  candidate  for 129 

Liberia,  recognition  of 328 

Lincoln  admitted  to  the  bar 65 

,  ancestry  of 15 

,  anger   of 54 

-   appointed    postmaster 34 

,  arrival  in  Washington  of 169 

,  assassination    of 311 

,  atheism  of,  story  of 376 

,  autobiography  of 59 

,  birthplace   of 20 

,  Black  Hawk  War 65,  229 

,  boyhood  of 21,  24,  60,  93 

,  candidate  for  President 158 

,  character  of 14,  91,  370,  396 

,  code  of  morals  of 372 

,  Congressional  experience  of 139 

,  courage  of 272 

,  creed    of 391 

,  death  of 3U 

— ,  debate  of,  with  Douglas,  40,  74,  83,  86,  100,  107,  114, 

122,  134,  151,  160,  169,  320,  380 

— ,  diplomacy  of 342,  346,  351 

,  duel    of 42 

,  education  of 58,  91 

,  election  of,  declared 166 

,  farewell  of,  to  neighbors 47 

,  faults  of 395 

— ,  fees  of 45,   72 

,  first  campaign  of,  for  Legislature 129 

,  first  earnings  of 24 

— ,  first  impressions  of,  of  slavery 3M 

,  first  inauguration  of 169 

— ,  first  lawsuit  of 65 

— ,  first  meeting  of,  with  McClellan 71 

— ,  first  school  of 6l 

first  suggested  for  President 153 

,  foreign  policy  of 346 

— ,  fortune  of 45,  74 

,  grandmother  of 17 

403 


INDEX 

Lincoln,  home  life  of 45 

,  homes  of 19,  20,  21,  26,  44,  45 

— ,  honesty  of 34,  84,  37 1 

,  journey  of,  to  New  Orleans 25 

_,  kindness  of  heart  of 279,  292,  296 

,  last  speech  of 338 

,  legal  ethics  of 7O,  83 

,  legal  methods  of 74,  79,  83,  86 

,  legislative  experience  of *35 

>  letter  of,  accepting  Presidential  nomination 157 

'  "  Lost  Speech"  of lo6 

— ,  love-affairs  of 35,  37,  38,  40 

,  love  of,  for  his  children 46,  53 

, ,  for  learning 56,  78,  91 

»  marriage  of 44 

,  memory  of 93 

,  method  of  argument  of 79,  86,  96,  100,  125 

,  military  genius  of 232,  249,  269 

,  muscular  strength  of 28 

,  nomination  of,  for  Congress J38 

,  notification  of,  of  nomination  to  Presidency 156 

— ,  oratory  of 86,  116 

— ,  Peoria  speech  of °-i 

,  personal  appearance  of 48 

— ,  place  in  history  of 13,  86,  91 

,  plans  of,  for  purchasing  slaves 326 

,  political  career  of I29 

— ,  political  sagacity  of 344 

,  popularity  of I3° 

,  receives  emissaries  from  rebel  leaders 163 

,  recommendations  of,  for  office J42 

,  religious  views  of 37°,  381 

seeks  Presidential  nomination 155 

— ,  sisters  of 20,  26 

,  speeches  of 95,  97,  100,  114,  125,  133 

,  Springfield  speech  of 104,   IO9 

,  stature  of 29 

— ,  step-mother  of 23,  30 

,  superstitions  of 3°9 

,  surveying  of 34 

404 


INDEX 

Lincoln,  visit  to  Richmond  of 271 

,  weakness  of 395 

Lincoln,  Anna 17 

,  Robert  T 30,  46,  177,  310,  312 

,  "  Tad"    287 

,  Thomas 17,  21,  30,  375 

,  Willie 277 

Liquor  selling,  Lincoln's 34 

Literary  style,  Lincoln's 86 

Locke,  David  R 36,  51 

Logan,  Stephen  T 35,  44,  69 

"  Lost  Speech,"  Lincoln's 106 

Louisiana,  reconstruction  of 339 

Love-affairs,  Lincoln's 35,  3& 

Lovejoy,  assassination  of 31? 

Lyons,  Lord 35° 

Maltby,  Captain 55 

Markland,  General 189 

Marriage,   Lincoln's 44 

Mason-Slidell  affair < 350 

McClellan's  first  meeting  with  Lincoln 71 

McClellan,  General 197,  206,  238,  250 

McCulloch,  Hugh 183,  214,  309,  34Q 

McCulloch,  Mrs 283 

McDowell,  General 237 

McKinley,  William 342 

Meade,  General  George  C 268 

Medill,  Joseph 122 

Melancholy,  Lincoln's 50 

Memory,  Lincoln's 93 

Methods,  Lincoln's  legal 74,  79,  83 

,  Lincoln's   political J33 

Mexican   question 354 

Migration  to  Illinois 26 

Military  genius,  Lincoln's 232,  249,  269 

Missouri  Compromise 102,  146 

Monroe  Doctrine 354 

Moral  courage,  Lincoln's J3O 

Morals,  Lincoln's  code  of 372 

405 


INDEX 

Morgan,  E.  D 29 

Muscular  strength,  Lincoln's 2° 

Negroes,  enlistment  of 325 

New  Orleans,  Lincoln's  journey  to 25,  32,  314,  318 

Nicolay,  John  G 90,  158,  199,  204,  214,  250,  379,  385 

Nominated  for  Congress J38 

Nomination,  notified  of  Presidential 156,  380 

Office  seekers,  clamors  of 164,  186,  279 

Offutt,  Denton 32,  62,  129 

Oglesby,  Richard  J 26 

Oratory,  Lincoln's 86,  125 

Oregon,  offered  governorship  of J43 

Owen,  Robert  Dale 360 

Owens,  Mary 38 

Pardon  of  soldiers 36,  52 

Patent  case,  Lincoln's 75 

Patronage,  Lincoln's  opinions  about 143 

Peace   Commissioners 355 

Peoria  speech,  Lincoln's 91 

Petroleum  V.  Nasby 36,  51,  280 

Philadelphia  speech  (1860) 167 

Pinkerton,  Allan 168 

Platform,  Lincoln's  first  political 129 

Poem,  Lincoln's  favorite 379 

Poems,  Lincoln's 94 

Poetry,  love  of 95,  287,  379 

Politician,  definition  of 342 

Political  career,  Lincoln's I29 

-  sagacity,  Lincoln's 96,  133,  160,  171,  177,  199,  344 

Pomeroy,  Senator 211 

Poore,  Ben :    Perley 289 

Popularity,  Lincoln's !3° 

Porter,    Admiral 272 

Postmaster,  Lincoln  appointed 34 

Practice,  Lincoln's  law 74,  82 

Prayer,  Lincoln's  belief  in 382 

Presbyterian  Church,  Springfield 46 

406 


INDEX 

President,  Lincoln  elected jgj 

Presidential  nomination,  Lincoln  seeks 155 

Press,  Lincoln's  respect  for 283,  289 

Proclamation,  Emancipation 183,  329,  335'  394 

Property,  Lincoln's 4S 

Rails  that  Lincoln  split 26 

Rathbone,  Major *  3II 

Rebel  leaders  send  emissary  to  Lincoln 162 

Recommendations  for  office,  Lincoln's 142 

Relatives  in  Kentucky jg 

in  Virginia jg 

Religious  prejudice  against I37 

views,  Lincoln's 370 

Republican  National  Convention   (1856) 149 

(1860),  156 

Rice,    Governor 296 

Richmond,  Lincoln  visits .  271 

Rutledge,  Anne 37 

Sagacity,  Lincoln's  political 160,  171,  177 

School,  Lincoln's  first 6X 

Scott,  General 229,  235,  242 

Secession  begins r6i 

Senate,  candidate  for I46?  I5o 

,  difficulty  with 355 

Senatorial  campaign IO8,  146 

Seward,  William  H. ..  .181,  197,  204,  208,  236,  334,  337,  34§! 

351,  355 

Shakespeare,  Lincoln's  love  of 288 

Shellabarger,  Judge 222 

Sheridan,  General 270,  339 

Sherman,  General 232,  270,  235,  269,  300 

Shields,  James 40^  42 

Short,  James 33 

Sickles,  General  Daniel  E 384 

Sisters,    Lincoln's 20 

Slavery,  Lincoln's  first  impressions  of 25,  57,  314 

,  first  protest  against 316 

,  Lincoln's  plan  to  abolish,  in  Washington 318 

407 


INDEX 

Slaves,  Lincoln's  plans  for  purchase  of 326 

,  money  value  of 327 

Smith,  Caleb  B 182 

Social  life  in  Washington 38,  227 

Speakership,  candidate  for *36 

Speech  at  Philadelphia l67 

,  Lincoln's  last 33$ 

— ,  the  "  Lost" Io6 

Speeches,  campaign 95,  *33 

,  first   political 95 

—   in  Congress 98,  144,  145 

in  Legislature 97 

Speed,  James l85 

,  Joshua  F 41,  96,  185,  375,  396" 

Spiritualism,  Lincoln's  views  of 376 

Springfield  made  capital  of  Illinois 135 

speech,  Lincoln's IO4,  109 

Stanton,  Edwin  D..  .183,  189,  218,  224,  244,  253,  290,  298,  309,  3*3 

,  Lincoln's  first  meeting  with 76 

Statesmanship  ?   what  is 342 

Stature,  Lincoln's 29 

Stephens,  Alexander  H 145,  162,  355 

Step-mother,  Lincoln's 23,  30 

Stevens,  Thaddeus 52 

Stoddard,  W.  0 265 

Strength,  muscular,  Lincoln's 28 

Stuart,  John  T 64 

Study,  Lincoln's  habits  of 58,  77,  9* 

Stump  oratory,  Lincoln's 96,  104,  114,  125,  133 

Suffrage,  negro,  Lincoln's  views  on 337,  338 

Sumner,  Charles 176,  216,  272,  334 

Sunday  proclamation,  Lincoln's 392 

Superstition,  Lincoln's 3°9»  376 

Supreme  Court,  Chase's  appointment  to 216 

Surveying,  Lincoln's 34 

Swett,  Leonard 60,  84,  380 

Tact,  Lincoln's 171,  285,  343,  361 

"  Tad"    Lincoln 287 

Taney,    Chief- Justice 169 

408 


INDEX 

Taylor,  President,  election  of 142 

Teachers,  Lincoln's 61 

Temperance,  Lincoln's  views  on 380 

Theatre,  Ford's 311 

Thomas,  General 270 

Tod,  Governor 214 

Todd,  Miss  Mary 40,  44,  47 

Tragedy  in  Lincoln  family 17 

Trent  affair 350 

Trtimbull,  Lyman 108,  148,  357 

Tuck,  Amos 144,  176 

Usher,  John  T 183,  340 

Wade,  Benjamin  F 187 

Washburne,  E.  B 141,  U8,  165,  169,  253 

Weakness,    Lincoln's 395 

Webster,  Daniel 140 

Weed,  Thurlow 160,  171,  173,  181,  197,  382 

Weldon,  Lawrence 80,  379 

Welles,  Gideon 184,  196,  310 

Wentworth,  Long  John 75 

Whig  party  organized J36 

White,  Horace 104,  118,  149 

Wilkes,  Captain  Charles 350 

Wilson,  Henry 296 

Wit,  Lincoln's SO,  Qi,  9^ 

Yates,  Richard IO3 


THE  END 


409 


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